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53d Congress, ) HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. ( Ex. Doc. 
2d Session. ] \ No. 47. 



PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE 



RELATING TO THE 



HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



DECEMBER 18, 1893. 



THE LIB 
CONC 
SERIAL 



APR 15 ^4 
Copy-—. _ 



WASHINGTON:- 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 

1893. 



J7 



MESSAGE. 



To the Senate and Hoiise of Representatives : 

In my recent annual message to the Congress I briefly referred to 
our relations with Hawaii and expressed the intention of transmit- 
ting further information on the subject when additional advices per- 
mitted. 

Though I am not able now to report a definite change in the 
actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties lately created 
both here and in Hawaii and now standing in the way of a solution 
through Executive action of the problem presented, render it proper, 
and expedient, that the matter should be referred to the broader 
authority and discretion of Congress, with a full explanation of the 
endeavor thus far made to deal with the emergency and a statement 
of the considerations which have governed my action. 

I suppose that right and justice should determine the path to be 
followed in treating this subject. If national honest v is to be dis- 
regarded and a desire for territorial extension, or dissatisfaction with 
a form of government not our own, ought to regulate our conduct, 
I have entirely misapprehended the mission and character of our 
Government and the behavior which the conscience of our people 
demands of their public servants. 

When the present Administration entered upon its duties the Sen- 
ate had under consideration a treaty providing for the annexation 
of the Hawaiian Islands to the territory of the United States. 
Surely under our Constitution and laws the enlargement of our lim- 
its is a manifestation of the highest attribute of sovereignty, and 
if entered upon as an Executive act, all things relating to the trans- 
action should be clear and free from suspicion. Additional impor- 
tance attached to this particular treaty of annexation, because it 
contemplated a departure from unbroken American tradition in pro- 
viding for the addition to our territory of islands of the sea more 
than two thousand miles removed from our nearest coast. 

These considerations might not of themselves call for interference 
with the completion of a treaty entered upon by a previous Admin- 
istration. But it appeared from the documents accompanying the 

HI 



IV REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

treaty when submitted to the Senate, that the ownership of Hawaii 
was tendered to us by a provisional government set up to succeed 
the constitutional ruler of the islands, who had been dethroned, 
and it did not appear that such provisional government had the 
sanction of either popular revolution or suffrage. Two other 
remarkable features of the transaction naturally attracted attention. 
One was the extraordinary haste — not to say precipitancy — charac- 
terizing all the transactions connected with the treaty. It appeared 
that a so-called Committee of Safety, ostensibly the source of the 
revolt against the constitutional Government of Hawaii, was organ- 
ized on Saturday, the 14th day of January ; that on Monday, the 16th, 
the United States forces were landed at Honolulu from a naval 
vessel lying in its harbor; that on the 17th the scheme of a provi- 
sional government was perfected, and a proclamation naming its 
officers was on the same day prepared and read at the Government 
building; that immediately thereupon the United States Minister 
recognized the provisional government thus created; that two days 
afterwards, on the 19th day of January, commissioners representing 
such government sailed for this country in a steamer especially 
chartered for the occasion, arriving in San Francisco on the 28th 
day of January, and in Washington on the 3d day of February; that 
on the next day they had their first interview with the Secretary of 
State, and another on the nth, when the treaty of annexation was 
practically agreed upon, and that on the 14th it was formally con- 
cluded and on the 15th transmitted to the Senate. Thus between 
the initiation of the scheme for a provisional government in Hawaii 
on the 14th day of January and the submission to the Senate of the 
treaty of annexation concluded with such government, the entire 
interval was thirty-two days, fifteen of which were spent by the 
Hawaiian Commissioners in their journey to Washington. 

In the next place, upon the face of the papers submitted with 
the treaty, it clearly appeared that there was open and undeter- 
mined an issue of fact of the most vital importance. The message 
of the President accompanying the treaty declared that ' 1 the over- 
throw of the monarchy was not in any way promoted bv this Gov- 
ernment, ' ' and in a letter to the President from the Secretary of State, 
also submitted to the Senate with the treaty, the following passage 
occurs: "At the time the provisional government took possession of 
the Government buildings no troops or officers of the United States 
were present or took any part whatever in the proceedings. No 
public recognition was accorded to the provisional government by 
the United States Minister until after the Queen's abdication and 
when they were in effective possession of the Government buildings, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. V 



the archives, the treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all 
the potential machinery of the Government. ' ' But a protest also 
accompanied said treaty, signed by the Queen and her ministers at 
the time she made way for the provisional government, which ex- 
plicitly stated that she yielded to the superior force of the United 
States, whose Minister had caused United States troops to be landed 
at Honolulu and declared that he would support such provisional 
government. 

The truth or falsity of this protest was surely of the first impor- 
tance. If true, "nothing but the concealment of its truth could 
induce our Government to negotiate with the semblance of a gov- 
ernment thus created, nor could a treaty resulting from the acts 
stated in the protest have been knowingly deemed worthy of con- 
sideration by the Senate. Yet the truth or falsity of the protest 
had not been investigated. 

I conceived it to be my duty therefore to withdraw the treaty 
from the Senate for examination, and meanwhile to cause an accu- 
rate, full, and impartial investigation to be made of the facts attend- 
ing the subversion of the constitutional Government of Hawaii, 
and the installment in its place of the provisional government. I 
selected for the work of investigation the Hon. James H. Blount, of 
Georgia, whose service of eighteen years as a member of the House 
of Representatives, and whose experience as chairman of the Com- 
mittee of Foreign Affairs in that body, and his consequent famili- 
arity with international topics, joined with his high character and 
honorable reputation, seemed to render him peculiarly fitted for the 
duties entrusted to him. His report detailing his action under the 
instructions given to him and the conclusions derived from his in- 
vestigation accompany this message. 

These conclusions dAiot rest for their acceptance entirely upon 
Mr. Blount's honesty and ability as a man, nor upon his acumen 
and impartiality as an investigator. They are accompanied by the 
evidence upon which they are based, which evidence is also here- 
with transmitted, and from which it seems to me no other deductions 
could possibly be reached than those arrived at by the Commissioner. 

The report with its accompanying proofs, and such other evidence 
as is now before the Congress or is herewith submitted, justifies in 
my opinion the statement that when the President was led to submit 
the treaty to the Senate with the declaration that ' ' the overthrow 
of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this Govern- 
ment ' ' , and when the Senate was induced to receive and discuss it 
on that basis, both President and Senate were misled. 

The attempt will not be made in this communication to touch 



VI 



Report of commissioner to the Hawaiian islands. 



upon all the facts which throw light upon the progress and consum- 
mation of this scheme of annexation. A very brief and imperfect 
reference to the facts and evidence at hand will exhibit its character 
and the incidents in which it had its birth. 

It is unnecessary to set forth the reasons which in January, 1893, 
led a considerable proportion of American and other foreign mer- 
chants and traders residing at Honolulu to favor the annexation of 
Hawaii to the United States. It is sufficient to note the fact and to 
observe that the project was one which was zealously promoted by 
the Minister representing the United States in that country. He 
evidently had an ardent desire that it should become a fact accom- 
plished by his agency and during his ministry, and was not incon- 
veniently scrupulous as to the means employed to that end. On the 
19th day of November, 1892, nearly two months before the first overt 
act tending towards the subversion of the Hawaiian Government and 
the attempted transfer of Hawaiian territory to the United States, he 
addressed a long letter to the Secretary of State in which the case 
for annexation was elaborately argued, on moral, political, and eco- 
nomical grounds. He refers to the loss to the Hawaiian sugar in- 
terests from the operation of the McKinley bill, and the tendency 
to still further depreciation of sugar property unless some positive 
measure of relief is granted. He strongly inveighs against the ex- 
isting Hawaiian Government and emphatically declares for annexa- 
tion. He says: " In truth the monarchy here is an absurd anachro- 
nism. It has nothing on which it logically or legitimately stands. 
The feudal basis on which it once stood no longer existing, the mon- 
archy now is only an impediment to good government — an obstruc- 
tion to the prosperity and progress of the islands. ' ' 

He further says : 1 'As a crown colony of Great Britain or a Terri- 
tory of the United States the government modifications could be 
made readily and good administration of the law secured. Destiny 
and the vast future interests of the United States in the Pacific clearly 
indicate who at no distant day must be responsible for the government 
of these islands. Under a territorial government they could be as 
easily governed as any of the existing Territories of the United States. ' ' 
* * * " Hawaii has reached the parting of the ways. She must 
now take the road which leads to Asia, or the other which outlets 
her in America, gives her an American civilization, and binds her 
to the care of American destiny." He also declares: " One of two 
courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed, either bold 
and vigorous measures for annexation or a 'customs union,' an 
ocean cable from the Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor 
perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but not. ex- 



REPORT OP COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. VII 

pressly stipulated American protectorate over trie islands. I believe 
the former to be the better, that which will prove much the more 
advantageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing 
in the end to the United States. If it was wise for the United States 
through Secretary Marcy thirty-eight years ago to offer to expend 
$100,000 to secure a treaty of annexation, it certainly can not be 
chimerical or unwise to expend $100,000 to secure annexation in the 
near future. To-day the United States has five times the wealth she 
possessed in 1854, and the reasons now existing for annexation are 
much stronger than they were then. I can not refrain from express- 
ing the opinion with emphasis that the golden hour is near at hand. ' ' 

These declarations certainly show a disposition and condition of 
mind, which may be usefully recalled when interpreting the signifi- 
cance of the Minister' s conceded acts or when considering the prob- 
abilities of such conduct on his part as may not be admitted. 

In this view it seems proper to also quote from a letter written by 
the Minister to the Secretary of State on the 8th day of March, 1892 
nearly a year prior to the first step taken toward annexation. After 
stating the possibility that the existing Government of Hawaii might 
be overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolution, Minister Stevens 
writes as follows : ' ' Ordinarily in like circumstances, the rule seems 
to-be to limit the landing and movement of United States forces in 
foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protection of the 
United States legation and of the lives and property of i\merican 
citizens. But as the relations of the United States to Hawaii are 
exceptional, and in former years the United States officials here 
took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder, I 
desire to know how far the present Minister and naval commander 
may deviate from established international rules and precedents in 
the contingencies indicated in the first part of this dispatch. ' ' 

To a minister of this temper full of zeal for annexation there 
seemed to arise in January, 1893, the precise opportunity for which 
he was watchfully waiting — an opportunity which by timely " devia- 
tion from established international rules and precedents ' ' might be 
improved to successfully accomplish the great object in view; and 
we are quite prepared for the exultant enthusiasm with which in a 
letter to the State Department dated February 1, 1893, he declares : 
' ' The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe and this is the golden hoirr 
for the United States to pluck it. ' ' 

As a further illustration of the activity of this diplomatic repre- 
sentative, attention is called to the fact that on the day the above 
letter was written, apparently unable longer to restrain his ardor, 
he issued a proclamation whereby "in the name of the United 



VIII REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



States" lie assumed the protection of the Hawaiian Islands and 
declared that said action was u taken pending and subject to nego- 
tiations at Washington. ' ' Of course this assumption of a protector- 
ate was promptly disavowed by our Government, but the American 
flag remained over the Government building at Honolulu and the 
forces remained on guard until April, and after Mr. Blount's arrival 
on the scene, when both were removed. 

A brief statement of the occurrences that led to the subversion of 
the constitutional Government of Hawaii in the interests of annexa- 
tion to the United States will exhibit the .true complexion of that 
transaction. 

On Saturday, January 14, 1893, the Queen of Hawaii, who had 
been contemplating the proclamation of a new constitution, had, in 
deference to the wishes and remonstrances of her cabinet, renounced 
the project for the present at least. Taking this relinquished pur- 
pose as a basis of action, citizens of Honolulu numbering from fifty 
to one hundred, mostly resident aliens, met in a private office and se- 
lected a so-called Committee of Safety, composed of thirteen persons, 
seven of whom were foreign subjects, and consisted of five Ameri- 
cans, one Englishman, and one German. This committee, though 
its designs were not revealed, had in view nothing less than annex- 
ation to the United States, and between Saturday, the 14th, and the 
following Monday, the 1 6th of January — though exactly what action 
was taken may not be clearly disclosed — they were certainly in com- 
munication with the United States Minister. On Monday morning 
the Queen and her cabinet made public proclamation, with a notice 
which was specially served upon the representatives of all foreign 
governments, that any changes in the constitution would be sought 
only in the methods provided by that instrument. Nevertheless, at 
the call and under the auspices of the Committee of Safety, a mass 
meeting of citizens was held on that day to protest against the 
Queen's alleged illegal and unlawful proceedings and purposes. 
Even at this meeting the Committee of Safety continued to disguise 
their real purpose and contented themselves with procuring the 
passage of a resolution denouncing the Queen and empowering the 
committee to devise ways and means ' ' to secure the permanent main- 
tenance of law and order and the protection of life, liberty, and prop- 
erty in Hawaii." This meeting adjourned between three and four 
o'clock in the afternoon. On the same day, and immediately after 
such adjournment, the committee, unwilling to take further steps 
without the cooperation of the United States Minister, addressed 
him a note representing that the public safety was menaced ^and 
that lives and property were in danger, and concluded as follows: 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. IX 

' ' We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray 
for the protection of the United States forces." Whatever may be 
thought of the other contents of this note, the absolute truth of this 
latter statement is incontestable. When the note was written and 
delivered, the committee, so far as it appears, had neither a man 
nor a gun at their command, and after its delivery they became 
so panic-stricken at their position that they sent some of their 
number to interview the Minister and request him not to land the 
United States forces till the next morning. But he replied that 
the troops had been ordered, and whether the committee were 
ready or not the landing should take place. And so it happened 
that on the 16th day of January, 1893, between four and five o'clock 
in the afternoon, a detachment of marines from the United States 
steamer Boston^ with two pieces of artillery, landed at Honolulu. 
The men, upwards of 160 in all, were supplied with double car- 
tridge belts filled with ammunition and with haversacks and can- 
teens, and were accompanied by a hospital corps with stretchers and 
medical supplies. This military demonstration upon the soil of 
Honolulu was of itself an act of war, unless made either with the 
consent of the Government of Hawaii or for the bona fide purpose of 
protecting the imperilled lives and property of citizens of the 
United States. But there is no pretense of any such consent on 
the part of the Government of the Queen, which at that time was 
undisputed and was both the de facto and the de jure government. 
In point of fact the existing government instead of requesting the 
presence of an armed force protested against it. There is as little 
basis for the pretense that such forces were landed for the security 
of American life and property. If so, they would have been sta- 
tioned in the vicinity of such property and so as to protect it, instead 
of at a distance and so as to command the Hawaiian Government 
building and palace. Admiral Skerrett, the officer in command of 
our naval force on the Pacific station, has frankly stated that in 
his opinion the location of the troops was inadvisable if they were 
landed for the protection of American citizens whose residences 
and places of business, as well as the legation and consulate, were 
in a distant part of the city, but the location selected was a wise one 
if the forces were landed for the purpose of supporting the provi- 
sional government. If any peril to life and property calling for any 
such martial array had existed, Great Britain and other foreign pow- 
ers interested would not have been behind the United States in 
activity to protect their citizens. But they made no sign in that 
direction. When these armed men were landed, the city of Honolulu 
was in its customary orderly and peaceful condition. There was no 



X 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



symptom of riot or disturbance in any quarter. Men, women, and 
children were about the streets as usual, and nothing varied the 
ordinary routine or disturbed the ordinary tranquillity, except the 
landing of the Boston'' s marines and their march through the town 
to the quarters assigned them. Indeed, the fact that after having 
called for the landing of the United States forces on the plea of 
danger to life and property the Committee of Safety themselves 
requested the Minister to postpone action, exposed the untruthful- 
ness of their representations of present peril to life and property. 
The peril they saw was an anticipation growing out of guilty inten- 
tions on their part and something which, though not then existing, 
they knew would certainly follow their attempt to overthrow the 
Government of the Queen without the aid of the United States forces. 

Thus it appears that Hawaii was taken possession of by the United 
States forces without the consent or wish of the government of the 
islands, or of anybody else so far as shown, except the United States 
Minister. 

Therefore the military occupation of Honolulu by the United 
States on the day mentioned was wholly without justification, either 
as an occupation by consent or as an occupation necessitated by dan- 
gers threatening American life and property. It must be accounted 
for in some other way and on some other ground, and its real mo- 
tive and purpose are neither obscure nor far to seek. 

The United States forces being now on the scene and favorably 
stationed, the committee proceeded to carry out their original scheme. 
They met the next morning, Tuesday, the 17th, perfected the plan of 
temporary government, and fixed upon its principal officers, ten of 
whom were drawn from the thirteen members of the Committee of 
Safety. Between one and two o'clock, by squads and by different 
routes to avoid notice, and having first taken the precaution of ascer- 
taining whether there was any one there to oppose them, they pro- 
ceeded to the Government building to proclaim the new government. 
No sign of opposition was manifest, and thereupon an American citi- 
zen began to read the proclamation from the steps of the Government 
building almost entirely without auditors. It is said that before 
the reading was finished quite a concourse of persons, variously 
estimated at from 50 to 100, some armed and some unarmed, 
gathered about the committee to give them aid and confidence. 
This statement is not important, since the one controlling factor in 
the whole affair was unquestionably the United States marines, who, 
drawn up under arms and with artillery in readiness only seventy- 
six yards distant, dominated the situation. 

The provisional government thus proclaimed was by the terms of 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XI 

the proclamation u to exist until terms of union with the United 
States had been negotiated and agreed upon". The United States 
Minister, pursuant to prior agreement, recognized this government 
within an hour after the reading of the proclamation, and before 
five o'clock, in answer to an inquiry on behalf of the Queen and her 
cabinet, announced that he had done so. 

When our Minister recognized the provisional government the 
only basis upon which it rested was the fact that the Committee of 
Safety had in the manner above stated declared it to exist. It was 
neither a government de facto nor de jure. That it was not in such 
possession of the Government property and agencies as entitled it to 
recognition is conclusively proved by a note found in the files of the 
Legation at Honolulu, addressed by the declared head of the provi- 
sional government to Minister Stevens, dated January 17, 1893, in 
which he acknowledges with expressions of appreciation the Min- 
ister's recognition of the provisional government, and states that it 
is not yet in the possession of the station house (the place where a 
large number of the Queen's troops were quartered), though the same 
had been demanded of the Queen' s officers in charge. Nevertheless, 
this wrongful recognition by our Minister placed the Government 
of the Queen in a position of most perilous perplexity. On the one 
hand she had possession of the palace, of the barracks, and of the 
police station, and had at her command at least five hundred fully 
armed men and several pieces of artillery. Indeed, the whole mili- 
tary force of her kingdom was on her side and at her disposal, while 
the Committee of Safety, by actual search, had discovered that there 
were but very few arms in Honolulu that were not in the service of 
the Government. In this state of things if the Queen could have dealt 
with the insurgents alone her course would have been plain and the 
result unmistakable. But the United States had allied itself with her 
enemies, had recognized them as the true Government of Hawaii, 
and had put her and her adherents in the position of opposition 
against lawful authority. She knew that she could not withstand 
the power of the United States, but she believed that she might 
safely trust to its justice. Accordingly, some hours after the recog- 
nition of the provisional government by the United States Minister, 
the palace, the barracks, and the police station, with all the mili • 
tary resources of the country, were delivered up by the Queen upon 
the representation made to her that her cause would thereafter be 
reviewed at Washington, and while protesting that she surrendered 
to the superior force of the United States, whose Minister had 
caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared 
that he would support the provisional government, and that she 



XII 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



yielded her authority to prevent collision of armed forces and loss 
of life and only until such time as the United States, upon the facts 
being presented to it, should undo the action of its representative 
and reinstate her in the authority she claimed as the constitutional 
sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

This protest was delivered to the chief of the provisional govern- 
ment, who endorsed thereon his acknowledgment of its receipt. 
The terms of the protest were read without dissent by those assum- . 
ing to constitute the provisional government, who were certainly 
charged with the knowledge that the Queen instead of finally 
abandoning her power had appealed to the justice of the United 
States for reinstatement in her authority; and yet the provisional 
government with this unanswered protest in its hand hastened to 
negotiate with the United States for the permanent banishment of 
the Queen from power and for a sale of her kingdom. 

Our country w T as in danger of occupying the position of having 
actually set up a temporary government on foreign soil for the pur- 
pose of acquiring through that agency territory which we had wrong- 
fully put in its possession. The control of both sides of a bargain 
acquired in such a manner is called by a familiar and unpleasant 
name when found in private transactions. We are not without a 
precedent showing how scrupulously we avoided such accusations in 
former days. After the people of Texas had declared their inde- 
pendence of Mexico they resolved that on the acknowledgment of 
their independence by the United States they would seek admission 
into the Union. Several months after the battle of San Jacinto, by 
which Texan independence was practically assured and established, 
President Jackson declined to recognize it, alleging as one of his 
reasons that in the circumstances it became us "to beware of a too 
early movement, as it might subject us, however unjustly, to the 
imputation of seeking to establish the claim of our neighbors to a 
territory with a view to its subsequent acquisition by ourselves". 
This is in marked contrast with the hasty recognition of a govern- 
ment openly and concededly set up for the purpose of tendering to 
us territorial annexation. 

I believe that a candid and thorough examination of the facts will 
force the conviction that the provisional government owes its exist- 
ence to an armed invasion by the United States. Fair-minded people 
with the evidence before them will hardly claim that the Hawaiian 
Government was overthrown by the people of the islands or that the 
provisional government had ever existed with their consent. I do 
not understand that any member of this government claims that the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XIII 



people would uphold it by their suffrages if they were allowed to vote 
on the question. 

While naturally sympathizing with every effort to establish a 
republican form of government, it has been the settled policy of the 
United States to concede to people of foreign countries the same 
freedom and independence in the management of their domestic 
affairs that we have always claimed for ourselves ; and it has been 
our practice to recognize revolutionary governments as soon as it 
became apparent that they were supported by the people. For ; 
illustration of this rule I need only to refer to the revolution in ! 
Brazil in 1889, when our Minister was instructed to recognize the j 
Republic "so soon as a majority of the people of Brazil should have ! 
signified their assent to its establishment and maintenance " ; to the 1 
revolution in Chile in 1891, when our Minister was directed toj 
recognize the new government " if it was accepted by the people ' 5 ; 
and to the revolution in Venezuela in 1892, when our recognition 
was accorded on condition that the new government was ' ' fully 
established, in possession of the power of the nation, and accepted 
by the people. ' ' 

As I apprehend the situation, we are brought face to face with 
the following conditions : 

The lawful Government of Hawaii was overthrown without the 
drawing of a sword or the firing of a shot by a process every step 
of which, it may safely be asserted, is directly traceable to and 
dependent for its success upon the agency of the United States 
acting through its diplomatic and naval representatives. 

But for the notorious predilections of the United States Minister 
for annexation, the Committee of Safety, which should be called the 
Committee of Annexation, would never have existed. 

But for the landing of the United States forces upon false pre- 
texts respecting the danger to life and property the committee , 
would never have exposed themselves to the pains and penalties of 
treason by undertaking the subversion of the Queen's Government. 

But for the presence of the United States forces in the immediate 
vicinity and in position to afford all needed protection and support 
the committee would not have proclaimed the provisional govern- 
ment from the steps of the Government building. 

And finally, but for the lawless occupation of Honolulu under 
false pretexts by the United States forces, and but for Minister 
Stevens's recognition of the provisional government when the 
United States forces were its sole support and constituted its only 
military strength, the Queen and her Government would never have 
yielded to the provisional government, even for a time and for the 



XIV REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

sole purpose of submitting her case to the enlightened justice of the 
United States. 

Believing, therefore, that the United States could not, under the 
circumstances disclosed, annex the islands without justly incurring 
the imputation of acquiring them by unjustifiable methods, I shall 
not again submit the treaty of annexation to the Senate for its con- 
sideration, and in the instructions to Minister Willis, a copy of 
which accompanies this message, I have directed him to so inform 
the provisional government. 

But in the present instance our duty does not, in my opinion, end 
with refusing to consummate this questionable transaction. It has 
been the boast of our Government that it seeks to do justice in all 
things without regard to the strength or weakness of those with 
whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the 
odious doctrine that there is no such thing as international morality, 
that there is one law for a strong nation and another for a weak one, 
and that even by indirection a strong power may with impunity 
despoil a weak one of its territory. 

By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplo- 
matic representative of the United States and without authority of 
Congress, the Government of a feeble but friendly and confiding 
people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been 
done which a due regard for our national character as well as the 
rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. 
The provisional government has not assumed a republican or other 
constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or 
oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not 
sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given 
no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of 
that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popu- 
lar government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by 
arbitrary or despotic power. 

The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the 
rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens 
or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between 
enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is 
without a court for its enforcement, and that obedience to its com- 
mands practically depends upon good faith, instead of upon the 
mandate of a superior tribunal, only give additional sanction to the 
law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as 
a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the 
unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if 
possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to 



REPORT OF COMNISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XV 



legal liabilities ; and the United States in aiming to maintain itself 
as one of the most enlightened of nations would do its citizens 
gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other 
than a high standard of honor and morality. On that ground the 
United States can not properly be put in the position of counte- 
nancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of 
consenting to it in advance. On that ground it can not allow itself 
to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by 
officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on 
the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being 
robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the 
name and power of the United States, the United States can not 
fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort 
to make all possible reparation. 

These principles apply to the present case with irresistible force 
when the special conditions of the Queen's surrender of her sover- 
eignty are recalled. She surrendered not to the provisional govern- 
ment, but to the United States. She surrendered not absolutely 
and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally until such time 
as the facts could be considered by the United States. Further- 
more, the provisional government acquiesced in her surrender in 
that manner and on those terms, not only by tacit consent, but 
through the positive acts of some members of that government who 
urged her peaceable submission, not merely to avoid bloodshed, but 
because she could place implicit reliance upon the justice of the 
United States, and that the whole subject would be finally con- 
sidered at Washington. 

I have not, however, overlooked an incident of this unfortunate 
affair which remains to be mentioned. The members of the pro- 
visional government and their supporters, though not entitled to 
extreme sympathy, have been led to their present predicament of 
revolt against the Government of the Queen by the indefensible 
encouragement and assistance of our diplomatic representative. This 
fact may entitle them to claim that in our effort to rectify the wrong 
committed some regard should be had for their safety. This senti- 
ment is strongly seconded by my anxiety to do nothing which would 
invite either harsh retaliation on the part of the Queen or violence 
and bloodshed in any quarter. In the belief that the Queen, as well 
as her enemies, would be willing to adopt such a course as would meet 
these conditions, and in view of the fact that both the Queen and 
the provisional government had at one time apparently acquiesced 
in a reference of the entire case to the United States Government, 
and considering the further fact that in any event the provisional 



XVI REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



government by its own declared limitation was only "to exist until 
terms of union with the United States of America have been ne°o- 
tiated and agreed upon, ' ' I hoped that after the assurance to the 
members of that government that such union could not be consum- 
mated I might compass a peaceful adjustment of the difficulty. 

Actuated by these desires and purposes, and not unmindful of the 
inherent perplexities of the situation nor of the limitations upon my 
power, I instructed Minister Willis to advise the Queen and her sup- 
porters of my desire to aid in the restoration of the status existing 
before the lawless landing of the United States forces at Honolulu 
on the 16th of January last, if such restoration could be effected upon 
terms providing for clemency as well as justice to all parties con- 
cerned. The conditions suggested, as the instructions show, con- 
template a general amnesty to those concerned in setting up the 
provisional government and a recognition of all its bona fide acts 
and obligations. In short, they require that the past should be 
buried, and that the restored Government should reassume its au- 
thority as if its continuity had not been interrupted. These condi- 
tions have not proved acceptable to the Queen, and though she has 
been informed that they will be insisted upon, and that, unless 
acceded to, the efforts of the President to aid in the restoration of 
her Government will cease, I have not thus far learned that she is 
willing to yield them her acquiescence. The check which my plans 
have thus encountered has prevented their presentation to the mem- 
bers of the provisional government, while unfortunate public mis- 
representations of the situation and exaggerated statements of the 
sentiments of our people have obviously injured the prospects of 
successful Executive mediation. 

I therefore submit this communication with its accompanying 
exhibits, embracing Mr. Blount's report, the evidence and state- 
ments taken by him at Honolulu, the instructions given to both 
Mr. Blount and Minister Willis, and correspondence connected with 
the affair in hand. 

In commending this subject to the extended powers and wide dis- 
cretion of the Congress, I desire to add the assurance that I shall be 
much gratified to cooperate in any legislative plan which may be 
devised for the solution of the problem before us which is consistent 
with American honor, integrity, and morality. 

GROVER CLEVELAND. 

Executive Mansion, 

Washington, December 18, 1893. 



Department of State, 

Washington, October 18, 1893. 

The President: 

The full and impartial reports submitted by the Hon. James H. 
Blount, your special commissioner to the Hawaiian Islands, established 
the following facts : 

Queen Liliuokalani announced her intention on Saturday, January 
14, 1893, to proclaim a new constitution, but the opposition of her 
ministers and others induced her to speedily change her purpose and 
make public announcement of that fact. 

At a meeting in Honolulu, late on the afternoon of that day, a 
so-called committee of public safety, consisting of thirteen men, being all 
or nearly all who were present, was appointed "to consider the situa- 
tion and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace 
and the protection of life and property," and at a meeting of this com- 
mittee on the 15th, or the forenoon of the 16th of January, it was 
resolved amongst other things that a provisional government be created 
"to exist until terms of union with the United States of America have 
been negotiated and agreed upon." At a mass meeting which assem- 
bled at 2 p. m. on the last-named day, the Queen and her supporters 
were condemned and denounced, and the committee was continued and 
all its acts approved. 

Later the same afternoon the committee addressed a letter to John 
L. Stevens, the American minister at Honolulu, stating that the lives 
and property of the people were in peril and appealing to him and the 
United States forces at his command for assistance. This communica- 
tion concluded u we are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and 
therefore hope for the protection of the United States forces." On 
receipt of this letter Mr. Stevens requested Capt. Wiltse, commander 
of the U. S. S. Boston, to land a force " for the protection of the United 
States legation, United States consulate, and to secure the safety of 
American life and property. " The well armed troops, accompanied by 
two gatling guns, were promptly landed and marched through the 
quiet streets of Honolulu to a public hail, previously secured by Mr. 
Stevens for their accommodation. This hall was just across the street 
from the Government building, and in plain view of the Queen's palace. 
The reason for thus locating the military will presently appear. The 
governor of the Island immediately addressed to Mr. Stevens a com- 
munication protesting against the act as an unwarranted invasion of 
Hawaiian soil and reminding him that the proper authorities had never 
denied permission to the naval forces of the United States to land for 
drill or any other proper purpose. 

XVII 

H. Ex. 47 II 



XVIII REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



About the same time the Queen's minister of foreign affairs sent a 
note to Mr. Stevens asking why the troops had been landed and 
informing him that the proper authorities were able and willing to 
afford full protection to the American legation and all American inter- 
ests in Honolulu. Only evasive replies were sent to these communica- 
tions. 

While there were no manifestations of excitement or alarm in the 
city, and the people were ignorant of the contemplated movement, the 
committee entered the Government building, after first ascertaining 
that it was unguarded, and read a proclamation declaring that the 
existing Government was overthrown and a Provisional Government 
established in its place, "to exist until terms of union with the United 
States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon." No 
audience was present when the proclamation was read, but during 
the reading 40 or 50 men, some of them indifferently armed, entered 
the room. The executive and advisory councils mentioned in the 
proclamation at once addressed a communication to Mr. Stevens, 
informing him that the monarchy had been abrogated and a provi- 
sional government established. This communication concluded : 

Such Provisional Government has been proclaimed, is now in possession of the 
Government departmental buildings, the archives, and the •treasury, and is in control 
of the city. We hereby request that you will, on behalf of the United States, recog- 
nize it as the existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands and afford to it 
the moral support of your Government, and, if necessary, the support of American 
troops to assist in preserving the public peace. 

On receipt of this communication, Mr. Stevens immediately .recog- 
nized the new Government, and, in a letter addressed to Sanford B. 
Dole, its President, informed him that he had done so. Mr. Dole 
replied : 

Government Building, 
Honolulu, January 17, 189S. 
Sir : I acknowledge receipt of your valued communication of this day, recognizing 
the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and express deep appreciation of the same. 

We have conferred with the ministers of tne late Government, and have made 
demand upon the marshal to surrender the station house. We are not actually yet 
in posession of the station house, but as night is approaching and our forces may be 
insufficient to maintain order, we request the immediate support of the United 
States forces, and would request that the commander of the United States forces 
take command of our military forces, so that they may act together for the protec- 
tion of the city. 

Kespectfully, yours, 

Sanford B. Dole, 
Chairman Executive Council. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

United States Minister Resident. 

Note of Mr. Stevens at the end of the above communication. 

The above request not complied with. 

Stevens. 

The station honse was occupied by a well-armed force, under the 
command of a resolute capable, officer. The same afternoon the Queen, 
her ministers, representatives of the Provisional Government, and 
others held a conference at the palace. Refusing to recognize the new 
authority or surrender to it, she was informed that the Provisional 
Government had the support of the American minister, and, if neces- 
sary, would be maintained by the military force of the United States 
then present; that any demonstration on her part would precipitate a 
conflict with that force; that she could not, with hope of success ; engage 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XIX 



in war with the United States, and that resistance would result in a 
useless sacrifice of life. Mr. Damon, one of the chief leaders of the 
movement, and afterwards vice-president of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, informed the Queen that she could surrender under protest and 
her case would be considered later at Washington. ' Believing that, 
under the circumstances, submission was a duty, and that her case 
would be fairly considered by the President of the United States, the 
Queen finally yielded and sent to the Provisional Government the 
paper, which reads: 

I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against 
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain 
persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this 
Kingdom. 

That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister 
plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to 
be lauded at Honolulu and declared that he would support the Provisional Govern- 
ment. 

Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss pf life, I do, 
under this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as 
the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo 
the action of its representative and reinstate me and the authority which I claim as 
the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

When this paper was prepared at the conclusion of the conference, 
and signed by the Queen and her ministers, a number of persons, 
including one or more representatives of the Provisional Government, 
who were still present and understood its contents, by their silence, at 
least, acquiesced in its statements, and, when it was carried to Presi- 
dent Dole, he indorsed upon it, " Received from the hands of the late 
cabinet this 17th day of January, 1893," without challenging the truth 
of any of its assertions. Indeed, it was not claimed on the 17th day of 
January, or for some time thereafter, by any of the designated officers 
of the Provisional Government or any annexationist that the Queen 
surrendered otherwise than as stated in her protest. 

In his dispatch to Mr. Foster of January 18, describing the so-called 
revolution, Mr. Stevens says: 

The committee of public safety forthwith took possession of the Government build- 
ing, archives, and treasury, and installed the Provisional Government at the head of 
the respective departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly recognized 
the Provisional Government as the de facto government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

In Secretary Foster's communication of February 15 to the President, 
laying before him the treaty of annexation, with the view to obtaining 
the advice and consent of the Senate thereto, he says: 

At the time the Provisional Government took possession of the Government build- 
ing no troops or officers of the United States were present or took any part whatever 
in the proceedings. No public recognition was accorded to the Provisional Govern- 
ment by the United States minister until after the Queen's abdication, and when 
they were in effective possession of the Government building, the archives, the 
treasury, the barracks, the police station, and all the potential machinery of the 
Government. 

Similar language is found in an official letter addressed to Secretary 
Foster on February 3 by the special commissioners sent to Washing- 
ton by the Provisional Government to negotiate a treaty of annexa- 
tion. 

These statements are utterly at variance with the evidence, docu- 
mentary and oral, contained in Mr. Blount's reports. They are contra- 
dicted by declarations and letters of President Dole and other annexa- 
tionists and by Mr. Stevens's own verbal admissions to Mr. Blount. 



XX 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Tlie Provisional Government was recognized when it had little other 
than a paper existence, and when the legitimate government was id 
full possession and control of the palace, the barracks, and the police 
station. Mr. Stevens's well-known hostility and the threatening pres- 
ence of the force landed from the Boston was all that could then have 
excited serious apprehension in the minds of the Queen, her officers, 
and loyal supporters. 

It is fair to say that Secretary Foster's statements were based upon 
information which he had received from Mr. Stevens and the special 
commissioners, but I am unable to see that they were deceived. The 
troops were landed, not to protect American life and property, but to 
aid in overthrowing the existing government. Their very presence 
implied coercive measures against it. 

In a statement given to Mr. Blount, by Admiral Skerrett, the ranking 
naval officer at Honolulu, he says : 

If the troops were landed simply to protect American citizens and interests, they 
were badly stationed in Arion Hall, but if the intention was to aid the Provisional 
Government they were wisely stationed. 

This hall was so situated that the troops in it easily commanded 
the Government building, and the proclamation was read under the 
protection of American guns. At an early stage of the movement, if 
not at the beginning, Mr. Stevens promised the annexationists that 
as soon as they obtained possession of the Government building and 
there read a proclamation of the character above referred to, he would 
at once recognize them as a de facto government, and support them by 
landing a force from our war ship then in the harbor, and he kept that 
promise. This assurance was the inspiration of the movement, and 
without it the annexationists would not have exposed themselves to 
the consequences of failure. They relied upon no military force of their 
own, for they had none worthy of the name. The Provisional Govern- 
ment was established by the action of the American minister and the 
presence of the troops landed from the Boston, and its continued exist- 
ence is due to the belief of the Hawaiians that if they made an effort 
to overthrow it, they would encounter the armed forces of the United 
States. 

The earnest appeals to the American minister for military protection 
by the officers of that Government, after it had been recognized, show 
the utter absurdity of the claim that it was established by a successful 
revolution of the people of the Islands. Those appeals were a confession 
by the men who made them of their weakness and timidity. Courageous 
men, conscious of their strength and the justice of their cause, do not 
thus act. It is not now claimed that a majority of the people, having 
the right to vote under the constitution of 1887, ever favored the exist- 
ing authority or annexation to this or any other country. They earnestly 
desire that the government of their choice shall be restored and its 
independence respected. 

Mr. Blount states that while at Honolulu he did not meet a single 
annexationist who expressed willingness to submit the question to a 
vote of the people, nor did he talk with one on that subject who did not 
insist that if the Islands were annexed suffrage should be so restricted 
as to give complete control to foreigners or whites. Eepresentative 
annexationists have repeatedly made similar statements to the under- 
signed. 

The Government of Hawaii surrendered its authority under a threat 
of war, until such time only as the Government of the United States, 
upon the facts being presented to it, should reinstate the constitutional 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXI 



sovereign, and the Provisional Government was created "to exist until 
terms of union with the United States of America have been negotiated 
and agreed upon." A careful consideration of the facts will, I think, 
convince you that the treaty which was withdrawn from the Senate for 
further consideration should not be resubmitted for its action thereon. 

Should not the great wrong done to a feeble but independent State 
by an abuse of the authority of the United States be undone by restor- 
ing the legitimate government? Anything short of that will not, I 
respectfully submit, satisfy the demands of justice. 

Can the United States consistently insist that other nations shall 
respect the independence of Hawaii while not respecting it themselves? 
Our Government was the first to recognize the independence of the 
Islands and it should be the last to acquire sovereignty over them by 
force and fraud. 

Kespectfully submitted. 

W. Q. Gresham. 



[Confidential.] 

Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis. 

l$o. 4.] Department of State, 

Washington, October 18, 1893. 

Sir : Supplementing the general instructions which you have received 
with regard to your official duties, it is necessary to communicate to 
you, in confidence, special instructions for your guidance in so far as 
concerns the relation of the Government of the United States towards 
the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

The President deemed it his duty to withdraw from the Senate the 
treaty of annexation which has been signed by the Secretary of State 
and the agents of the Provisional Government, and to dispatch a trusted 
representative to Hawaii to impartially investigate the causes of the 
so-called revolution and ascertain and report the true situation in those 
Islands. This information was needed the better to enable the Presi- 
dent to discharge a delicate and important public duty. 

The instructions given to Mr. Blount, of which you are furnished with 
a copy, point out a line of conduct to be observed by him in his official 
and personal relations on the Islands, by which you will be guided so 
far as they are applicable and not inconsistent with what is herein 
contained. 

It remains to acquaint you with the President's conclusions upon the 
facts embodied in Mr. Blount's reports and to direct your course in 
accordance therewith. 

The Provisional Government w T as not established by the Hawaiian 
people, or with their consent or acquiescence, nor has it since existsd 
with their consent. The Queen refused to surrender her powers to the 
Provisional Government until convinced that the minister of the United 
States had recognized it as the de facto authority, and would support 
and defend it with the military force of the United States, and that 
resistance would precipitate a bloody conflict with that force. She was 
advised and assured by her ministers and by leaders of the move- 
ment for the overthrow of her government, that if she surrendered 
under protest her case would afterwards be fairly considered by the 
President of the United States. The Queen finally wisely yielded to 
the armed forces of the United States then quartered in Honolulu, 
relying upon the good faith and honor of the President, when informed 



XXII REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



of what had occurred, to undo the action of the minister and reinstate 
her and the authority which she claimed as the constitutional sovereign 
of the Hawaiian Islands. 

After a patient examination of Mr. Blount's reports the President is 
satisfied that the movement against the Queen, if not instigated, was 
encouraged and supported by the representative of this Government 
at Honolulu; that he promised in advance to aid her enemies in an 
effort to overthrow the Hawaiian Government and set up by force a 
new government in its place; and that he kept this promise by caus- 
ing a detachment of troops to be landed from the Boston on the 16th 
of January, and by recognizing the Provisional Government the next 
day wheu it was too feeble to defend itself and' the constitutional gov- 
ernment was able to successfully maintain its authority against any 
threatening force other than that of the United States already landed. 

The President has therefore determined that he will not send back 
to the Senate for its action thereon the treaty which he withdrew from 
that body for further consideration on the 9th day of March last. 

On your arrival at Honolulu you will take advantage of an early 
opportunity to inform the Queen of this determination, making known 
to her the President's sincere regret that the reprehensible conduct of 
the American minister and the unauthorized presence on land of a mili- 
tary force of the United States obliged her to surrender her sovereignty, 
for the time being, and rely on the justice of this Government to undo 
the flagrant wrong. 

You will, however, at the same time inform the Queen that, when 
reinstated, the President expects that she will pursue a magnanimous 
course by granting full amnesty to all who participated in the move- 
ment against her, including persons who are, or have been, officially or 
otherwise, connected with the Provisional Government, depriving them 
of no right or privilege which they enjoyed before the so-called revolu- 
tion. All obligations created by the Provisional Government in due 
course of administration should be assumed. 

Having secured the Queen's agreement to pursue this wise and 
humane policy, which it is believed you will speedily obtain, you will 
then advise the executive of the Provisional Government and his minis- 
ters of the President's determination of the question which their action 
and that of the Queen devolved upon him, and that they are expected 
to promptly relinquish to her her constitutional authority. 

Should the Queen decline to pursue the liberal course suggested, or 
should the Provisional Government refuse to abide by the President's 
decision, you will report the facts and await further directions. 

In carrying out these general instructions you will be guided largely 
by your own good judgment in dealing with the delicate situation. 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

W. Q. Gresham. 



Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis. 

[Telegram sent through dispatch agent at San Francisco.] 

Department of State, 

Washington, November 24, 1893. 
The brevity and uncertainty of your telegrams are embarrassing. 
You will insist upon amnesty and recognition of obligations of the 
Provisional Government as essential conditions of restoration. All 
interests will be promoted by prompt action. 

W. Q. Gresham. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. XXIII 



Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis. 

[Telegram.] 

Department of State, 

Washington, December 3, 1893. 

Your dispatch, which was answered by steamer on the 25th of Novem- 
ber, seems to call for additional instructions. 

Should the Queen refuse assent to the written conditions, you will 
at once inform her that the President will cease interposition in her 
behalf, and that while he deems it his duty to endeavor to restore 
to the sovereign the constitutional government of the islands, his 
further efforts in that direction will depend upon the Queen's unquali- 
fied agreement that all obligations created by the Provisional Govern- 
ment in a proper course of administration shall be assumed and upon 
such pledges by her as will prevent the adoption of any measures of 
proscription or punishment for what has been done in the past by 
those setting up or supporting the Provisional Government. The 
President feels that by our original interference and what followed we 
have incurred responsibilities to the whole Hawaiian community, and 
it would not be just to put one party at the mercy of the other. 

Should the Queen ask whether if she accedes to conditions active 
steps will be taken by the United States to effect her restoration or to 
maintain her authority thereafter, you will say that the President can 
not use force without the authority of Congress. 

Should the Queen accept conditions and the Provisional Government 
refuse to surrender, you will be governed by previous instructions. If 
the Provisional Government asks whether the United States will hold 
the Queen to fulfillment of stipulated conditions, you will say, the 
President, acting under dictates of honor and duty as he has done in 
endeavoring to effect restoration, will do all in his constitutional power 
to cause observance of the conditions he has imposed. 

Gresham. 



LIST OF PAPEKS— Correspondence. 



1. Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount, March 11, 1893. 

2. Same to Mr. Stevens, March 11, 1893. 

3. Same to Mr. Severance, March 11, 1893. 

4. Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham, No. 1, April 6, 1893. 

5. Same to same, No. 2, April 8, 1893. 

6. Same to same, No. 3, April 26, 1893. 

7. Same to same, No. 4, May 4, 1893. 

8. Same to same, No. 5, May 6, 1893. 

9. Same to same, No. 6, May 9, 1893. 

10. Same to same, No. 7, May 24, 1893. 

11. Same to same, No. 8, June 1, 1893. 

12. Same to same, No. 9, June 6, 1893. 

13. Same to same, No. 10, June 17, 1893. 

14. Same to same, No. 11, June 28, 1893. 

15. Same to same, No. 12, July 7, 1893. 

16. Same to same, No. 13, July 17, 1893. 

17. Same to same, July 17, 1893. 

18. Same to same, No. 14, July 19, 1893. 

19. Same to same, No. 15, July 26, 1893. 

20. Same to same, July 31, 1893. 



Part I. — Correspondence. 
No. 1. 

Mr. Gresham to Mr. Blount. 

Department of State, 
Washington, March 11, 1893. 

Hon. James H. Blount, etc. : 

Sir : The situation created in the Hawaiian Islands by the recent 
deposition of Queen Liliuokalani and the erection of a Provisional 
Government demands the fullest consideration of the President, and 
in order to obtain trustworthy information on this subject, as well as 
for the discharge of other duties herein specified, he has decided to 
dispatch you to the Hawaiian Islands as his special commissioner, in 
which capacity you will herewith receive a commission and also a letter, 
whereby the President accredits you to the president of the executive 
and advisory councils of the Hawaiian Islands. 

The comprehensive, delicate, and confidential character of your mis- 
sion can now only be briefly outlined, the details of its execution being 
necessarily left, in great measure, to your good judgment and wise dis- 
cretion. 

You will investigate and fully report to the President all the facts 
you can learn respecting the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, 
the causes of the revolution by which the Queen's Government was over- 
thrown, the sentiment of the people toward existing authority, and, in 

l 

10518 1 



2 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



general, all that can fully enlighten the President touching the subjects 
of your mission. 

To enable you to fulfill this charge, your authority in all matters 
touching the relations of this Government to the existing or other gov- 
ernment of the islands, and tbe protection of our citizens therein, is 
paramount, and in you alone, acting in cooperation with the commander 
of the naval forces, is vested full discretion and power to determine 
when such forces should be landed or withdrawn. 

You are, however, authorized to avail yourself of such aid and 
information as you may desire from the present minister of the United 
States at Honolulu, Mr. John L. Stevens, who will continue until 
further notice to perform the usual functions attaching to his office, not 
inconsistent with the powers entrusted to you. An instruction will be 
sent to Mr. Stevens directing him to facilitate your presentation to the 
head of the Government upon your arrival, and to render you all 
needed assistance. 

The withdrawal from the Senate of the recently signed treaty of 
annexation, for reexamination by the President, leaves its subject-matter 
in abeyance, and you are not charged with any duty in respect thereto. 
It may be well, however, for you to dispel any possible misapprehen- 
sion which its withdrawal may have excited touching the entire friend- 
liness of the President and tbe Government of the United States toward 
the people of the Hawaiian Islands or the earnest solicitude here felt 
for their welfare, tranquility, and progress. 

Historical precedents and the general course of the United States 
authorize the employment of its armed force in foreign territory for 
the security of the lives and property of American citizens and for the 
repression of lawless and tumultuous acts threatening them ; and the 
powers conferred to that end upon the representatives of the United 
States are both necessary and proper, subject always to the exercise 
of a sound discretion in their application. 

In the judgment of the President your authority, as well as that of the 
commander of the naval forces in Hawaiian waters should be, and is, 
limited in the use of physical force to such measures as are necessary 
to protect the persons and property of our citizens; and while abstain- 
ing from any manner of interference with the domestic concerns of the 
Islands, you should indicate your willingness to intervene with your 
friendly offices in the interest of a peaceful settlement of troubles within 
the limits of sound discretion. 

Should it be necessary to land an armed force upon Hawaiian terri- 
tory on occasions of popular disturbance, when the local authority may 
be unable to give adequate protection to the life and property of citi- 
zens of the United States, the assent of such authority should first be 
obtained, if it can be done without prejudice to the interests involved. 
Your power in this regard should not, however, be claimed to the exclu- 
sion of similar measures by the representatives of otner powers for the 
protection of the lives and property of their citizens or subjects residing 
in the Islands. 

While tne United States claim no right to interfere in the political 
or domestic affairs or in the internal conflicts of the Hawaiian Islands 
otherwise than as herein stated, or for the purpose of maintaining any 
treaty or other rights which they possess, this Government will adhere 
to its consistent and established policy in relation to them, and it will 
not acquiesce in domestic interference by other powers. 

The foregoing general exposition of the President's views will indi- 
cate the safe courses wittfin which your action should be shaped and 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 3 



mark the limits of your discretion in calling upon the naval commander 
for cooperation. 

The United States revenue cutter Bush is under orders to await you 
at San Francisco and convey yon to Honolulu. 

A stenographic clerk will be detailed to accompany you and remain 
subject to your orders. 

It is expected that you will use all convenient despatch for the 
fulfillment of your mission, as it is the President's desire to have the 
results before liim at the earliest possible day. Besides the connected 
report you are expected to furnish you will from time to time, as occasion 
may offer, correspond with the Secretary of State, communicating 
information or soliciting special instruction on such points as you may 
deem necessary. In case of urgency you may telegraph, either in 
plain text or in the cipher of the Xavy Department, through the 
kind offices of the admiral commanding, which may be sent to Mr. W. A. 
Cooper, United States dispatch agent at San Francisco, to be trans- 
mitted thence. 

Eeposing the amplest confidence in your ability and zeal for the reali- 
zation of the trust thus confided to yon, 
I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

W. Q. Gresham. 



[Inclosure.] 
President Cleveland to President Dole, 

Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of America, to his excellency 
Sanford B. D'jle. President of the executive and advisory councils of the Pro- 
visional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Grkat and Good Friend: I have trade choice of James H. Blount, one of our 
distinguished citizens, as my special commissioner to visit the Hawaiian Islands 
and make report to me concerning the present status of affairs in that country. 
He is well informed of our sincere desire to cultivate and maintain to the fullest 
extent the friendship which has so long subsisted between the two countries, and 
in all matters afiecliug relations with the Government of the Hawaiian Islands his 
authority is paramount. My knowledge of his high character and ability gives me 
entire confidence that he will use every endeavor to advance the interest and pros- 
perity of both Governments and so render himself acceptable to your excellency. 

I therefore request your excellency to receive him favorably and to give' full 
credence to what he shall say on the part of the United States and to the assurances 
which I have charged him to convey to you of the best wishes of this Government 
for the prosperity of the Hawaiian Islands. 

May God have your excellency in His wise keeping. 

Written at Washington this 11th day of March, in the year 1893. 
Your good friend, 

Grover Cleveland. 

By the President : 
W. Q. Gresham. 

Secretary of State* 



No. 2. 

Mr, Gresham to Mr. Stevens, 

Department op State, 

Washington, March 11, 1893. 
Sir: With a view to obtaining the fullest possible information in 
regard to the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands the Presi- 
dent has determined to send to Honolulu, as his Special Commissioner, 



4 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



the honorable James H. Blount, lately chairman of the Committee on 
Foreign Affairs. 

Mr. Blount bears credential letters in that capacity, addressed to 
the President of the executive and advisory councils of the Provisional 
Government, and you are requested to facilitate his presentation. 

In all matters pertaining to the existing or other Government of the 
Islands the authority of Mr. Blount is paramount. As regards the 
conduct of the usual business of the legation, you are requested to con- 
tinue until further notice in the performance of your official functions, 
so far as they may not be inconsistent with the special powers confided 
to Mr. Blount. You are also requested to aid him in the fulfillment of 
his important mission by furnishing any desired assistance and informa- 
tion, and the archives of the legation should be freely accessible to him. 

Mr. Blount is fully instructed touching his relations to the command- 
ing officer of the United States naval force in Hawaiian waters. 
I am, &c. ; 

W. Q. Gresham. 



No. 3. 

Mr. Gresham to Mr. Severance. 

DEPART3IENT OE STATE, 

Washington, March 11, 1893. 

Sir: With a view to obtaining the fullest possible information in 
regard to the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the President 
sends to Honolulu, as his Special Commissioner, the honorable James 
H. Blount, lately chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. 

You are requested to aid Mr. Blount in the fulfillment of his impor- 
tant mission by furnishing any desired assistance and information; 
and the archives of the consulate- general should be freely accessible 
to him. 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

W. Q. Gresham. 



No. 4. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. 

No. 1.] 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 6, 1893. 

Sir : I have the honor to inform you that about noon on the 29th 
ultimo the Bush anchored at Honolulu. I was immediately met by the 
American minister, Mr. Stevens. He informed me that the annexation 
committee, which came on board with him, had rented one of the most 
eligible residences in the city for my use; had provided servants, among 
others an American steward, and a carriage and horses, etc., for my 
use. I could pay whatever I wanted to for it, from nothing up. He 
urged me very strongly to accept the proposed arrangement. 

I replied to him that I could accept no favors at the hands of any 
parties in the islands, and that I should immediately go to a hotel. 

The annexation committee then came up and insisted that I should 
take the accommodations which they had seen fit to provide on the 
terms already indicated by the American minister. I again declined, 
stating that I should resort to a hotel and make my arrangements there. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



5 



At this time there was an immense col lection of natives on shore, 
men, women, and children, evidently in a state of joyous expectation. 

One of the annexation committee said to me: "When you reach the 
shore the natives will desire yon to take their carriages and allow them 
to escort you to your hotel." This was said with anxiety. I replied: 
"I shall go to my hotel in my own carriage." 

Soon after this a Mr. Robertson appeared on the scene as the Queen's 
ex- chamberlain, to request that I would accept her carriage to convey 
me to my hotel. I returned thanks to her', but stated that I would use 
my own conveyance. 

On Thursday, March 30, at 4 o'clock in the evening, in company with 
the American minister, I called on the President of the Provisional 
Government. I communicated to him the friendly disposition of our 
Government towards his and towards the Hawaiian people. I assured 
him of its purpose to avoid any interference with the domestic concerns 
of the islands unless it became necessary to protect the persons and 
property of American citizens. I then offered my letters of credence, 
which were accepted by President Dole, accompanied with expressions 
of great friendship for my Government and confidence in myself. 

The Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser of March 31, 1893, reports 
the proceedings of the Hawaiian Patriotic League, from which the 
following is taken: "Mr. Joseph Nawahi, one of the speakers, said 
that all Hawaiians were in favor of monarchy, and then he asked his 
hearers if they wanted their queen to be restored. They all answered 
'yes,' as a matter of course. He then went on to say that the Com- 
missioner was sent here to feel their pulses, and for all Hawaiians to 
ask him for a return of the old order of things. He told the people to 
show by their actions that they did not want annexation, and as a 
greater power fhan the Government had arrived among them, a memo- 
rial would be read without fear of .arrest." 

The resolutions adopted by the meeting are as follows : 

Whereas His Excellency Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of 
America, has honored the Hawaiian Nation by sending to ns the Hon. James H. 
Blount as a special commissioner, to find out the true wishes of the Hawaiian people 
as to the proposed annexation of their country to their great friend the United 
States: Therefore, we, the people of the Hawaiian Islands, in mass meeting assem- 
bled, take this mode of submitting our appeal and expression of our unanimous 
wishes to the people of our great and good friend the Republic of the United States 
of America, with whom we always entertained the most cordial relation, whom we 
have learned to look upon as our patrons and most reliable protectors, and in whose 
honor, integrity, and sense of justice and equity we have ever confidently relied for 
investigation into the grievous wrongs that Lave been committed against us as a 
people, against the person of our sovereign and the independence of our land; 

And while we are anxious to promote the closest and most intimate political and 
commercial relations with the United States, we do not believe that the time has 
yet come for us to be deprived of our nationality and of our sovereign by annex- 
ation to any foreign power; 

And, therefore, we do hereby earnestly and sincerely pray that the great wrong 
committed against us may be righted by the restoration of the independent auton- 
omy and constitutional government of our kindgdom under our beloved Queen Lil- 
iuokalani, in whom we have the utmost confidence as a conscientious and popular 
ruler. 

Previous to this, accompanied by Mr. Stevens, the American minis- 
ter, I had called, upon the President of the Provisional Government 
and briefly stated the friendly disposition of our Government towards 
the Hawaiian people. Care had been taken on this occasion to avoid 
any reference to the use of the American troops. It had seemed to me 
up to the action of the aforesaid meeting that it would be wise to take 
a few days to ascertain the situation of affairs before causing the troops 
to be removed to the vessels and the ensign hauled down. 



6 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A Major Seward called on the morning of March 31, desiring to know 
when it would be convenient for me to receive a committee from the 
mass meeting of the preceding evening, which desired to present the 
resolutions adopted. It was quite clear that in the mind of that 
assemblage, there were apprehensions that I was here vested with 
power to reinstate Queen Liliuokalani. 

The reception of a committee so avowedly hostile to the existing 
Government raised a question as to whether this would consist with 
a recognition of existing authority and the policy of noninterference. 
The messenger was informed that the subject would be taken into con- 
sideration and that he might call at 2 o'clock of the same day for my 
reply. 

Very soon after his departure I called, on President Dole, and called 
his attention to the meeting and resolutions. I said that, under exist- 
ing circumstances, I deemed it proper at once to say to him that I should 
cause the ensign of the United States to be hauled clown, and the troops 
ordered on board their respective vessels. I informed him further that 
they would be used only to protect the persons and property of Amer- 
ican citizens, and that our Government would not acquiesce in the 
interference by any other Government in the establishment or mainte- 
nance of any form of Government on tke islands. He desired to know 
when the troops would be removed and the ensign hauled down. I 
replied, to-day or to-morrow. He expressed a preference that it should 
be done on the morning of the following day, April 1. To this I agreed. 
I asked if he was satisfied he could preserve order when our troops 
were withdrawn. To this he replied that he had no doubt of it He 
added that when the troops were first furnished they could not have 
gotten along without their aid. He was given to understand that this 
question was not intended as a guide to me in the removal of the troops, 
but simply to ascertain whether disorders were likely to occur. 

Soon afterwards the. following order was issued to Admiral Skerrett: 

Honolulu, March 31, 1893. 
Sir: You are directed to haul down the United States ensign from the Govern- 
ment Bnilding, and to enihark the troops now on shore to the ships to which they 

belong. 

This will he executed at 11 o'clock on the 1st day of April. 
I am. sir, your obedient servant, 

James H. Blouxt, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 

Rear Admiral J. S. Skeiihktt, 

Commanding Pacific Squadron. 

On the afternoon of this day (March 31) I informed the messenger ol 
the mass meeting that I would receive them at 4 o'clock on the follow- 
ing day. This was done in order that when the committee called, the 
ensign would have been hauled down and the troops ordered aboard of 
their vessels, and I could state freely to the committee that it was not 
my purpose to interfere in their domestic concern s; that the United 
States troops would not be used to maintain or restore any form of 
government, but simply to protect the persons and property of Ameri- 
can citizens. This reply I hoped would allay any action on the part of 
the people based on erroneous impressions as to my future conduct. 

On the night before the Hag was taken down, the American minister 
came to me with a Mr. Smith, correspondent of the San Francisco 
Chronicle, whom he introduced as a gentleman of intelligence and high 
character desiring to make an important communication to me. This 
gentleman claimed to know that it was the purpose of the Japanese 
commissioner, who had learned that the American flag was to be hauled 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISIANDS. 



7 



down and the troops sent on board their respective vessels, to enter 
Honolulu with troops for the purpose of restoring authority to the 
Queen. 

This story was credited by the American minister, who urged that I 
should not take down the flag until diplomatic intercourse between the 
Government of the United States and the Government of Japan should 
determine the correctness of this information. 

Very little observation had satisfied me that all sorts of rumors arise 
in this community almost every hour, and are credited without refer 
ence to the probabilities. 

Conscious of the power and policy of our own Government in these 
islands, and that of these the Japanese Government was well informed, 
I maintained my purpose to insist upon the order to Admiral Skerrett. 

At 4 o'clock on Saturday, April 1, a committee, consisting of nine- 
teen members, very intelligent, respectable half-castes, called at the 
headquarters of the commission. The spokesman, Mr. John E. Bush, 
stated that at the mass meeting of the natives resolutions had been 
adopted which they desired -to present to me to be transmitted to the 
President of the United States. He declared the high esteem and 
affection his people had for the people of the United States, and spoke 
of the friendly disposition our Government had always manifested 
towards them. He said that up to my arrival the people had borne 
patiently the existing condition of things, trusting in the disposition of 
the American Government to do absolute justice by them. I replied 
that he did not misinterpret the kindly feeling of the Government and 
people of the United States for all classes of citizens in these islands. I 
said I would accept their resolutions in no other sense than as I would 
any other fact to be communicated in the way of information to the 
President of the United States ; that I could not discuss with them the 
objects of my mission, nor the purposes of my Government. To this, 
response was made by Mr. Bush, that this was all they could reasonably 
expect. 

I append herewith a copy of a letter, marked Inclosure 1, from Admi- 
ral Skerrett, containing a statement of the circumstances attending 
the hauling down of the ensign and the removal of the troops. 

I also append a copy of a letter from Capt. Hooper, of the Bush 
(Inclosure 2), a very intelligent gentleman, whom I had asked to be 
present on the occasion and report the circumstances. 

Mr. Parker, the last secretary of state under the late Queen, a half- 
caste of wealth and intelligence, called on Monflay morning, April 3. 
In his conversation he stated that he and other leaders of the Kanaka 
population, loyal to the Queen, had been very active in impressing 
upon their followers that the lowering of the flag and the withdrawal 
of the troops must be accepted by them without any manifestations of 
their opinions or feelings. 

On Sunday, April 2, 1 called on the American minister. While there 
he related that he had had a conversation with the Japanese minister, 
and satisfied him that our Government would not consent to Japanese 
interference in these islands. I was glad to find that he himself was 
not suffering from any apprehensions over the flag incident. 

The American minister and consul-general seem to be very intense 
partisans for annexation. I do not yet see how they will embarrass me 
in the purposes of my mission. While they seemed to give out the 
impression that the troops will be brought back here in the event of 
trouble, my presence discredits the authority of their statements. I 
have uniformly stated that the troops would only be used for the pur- 



8 REPORT OV COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



pose of protecting the property aiid persons of American citizens; 
that I could not tell in advance what specific contingency would justify 
me in doing so. At this time I think I may pursue all my inquiries in 
the midst of peaceful surroundings. 

Since my arrival visitors are constantly calling upon me and Mrs. 
Blount. It appears to be a manifestation of regard on the part of all 
classes of political opinion and of all races towards the Government 
of the United States. Most of my time has been occupied in this way. 
I do not know that it could have been employed more usefulty. I 
think I shall cautiously but surely find my way to the political feeling 
of all classes. I shall commence soon to make inquiry in regard to 
the various questions naturally arising in connection with the relations 
of the United States to the Hawaiian Islands from persons whose 
opinions I shall have decided are of any valuable significance. 

1 feel assured that I can successfully ascertain much valuable infor- 
mation in this way. 
I have, &c, 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



Admiral Slcerrett to Mr. Blount. 
[Inclosure 1 in No. 1.] 

No. 110.] U. S. S. Mohican, Flagship of the Pacific Station, 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, AjJril 1, 1893. 
Sir: I have the honor to inform Special Commissioner Blount that in obedience to 
his directions, the United States ensign over the Government building was lowered at 
11 a. m. of this date, and the force withdrawn from the building and the place desig- 
nated as Camp Boston, at the same hour. I learn that quite a number of people congre- 
gated about the Government building at the time. The force of marines stationed 
there were relieved by a force of the Provisional Government. There was no demon- 
stration made by the populace present No cheering nor any other signs of either 
joy or grief. 

I went on shore this afternoon and saw quite an access in numbers of those who 
were wearing the Annexation club badge. There has been no evidence shown of 
unruly or riotous characters. Absolutely there appears to be peace and quiet. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. S. Skerrett, 

Bear-Admiral U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station. 



[Inclosure 2 in No. 1.] 
Capt. Hooper to Mr. Blount. 

U. S. Eevenue Steamer Rush, Honolulu, April 2, 1893. 
My dear Sir : I witnessed the hauling down of the American flag and the raising of 
the Hawaiian flag over the Government building at this place yesterday, and was sur 
prised not only at the absence of any indication of the violent and partisan feeling 
which I had been led to expect, but by the apparent apathy and indifference of the 
native portion of the assembled crowd, and also their politeness and evident good 
feeling towards Americans. As I passed freely around among them, accompanied 
by my son, we were kept busy returning their friendly salutes. The greatest good 
order prevailed throughout. There were no demonstrations of any kind as the 
American flag came down, and not a single cheer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it 
was raised aloft. The native men stood around in groups or singly, smoking, and 
chatting and nodding familiarly to passing friends or leaning idly against the trees 
and fences, while the women and children, which formed a large proportion of the 
assemblage, were talking and laughing good-naturedly. As the hour for hauling 
down the American flag approached, many people, men, women, and children, could 
be seen approaching the (jiovernment square in a most leisurely manner, and show- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



9 



ing more interest in the gala day appearance of the crowd than in the restoration of 
their national flag. The air of good natnred indifference and idle curiosity with 
which the native men regarded the proceedings, and the presence of the women and 
children in their white or bright colored dresses, was more suggestive of a country 
"fair" or horse race than the sequel to a "revolution." 

Even the presence of the "armed forces" of the Provisional Government, num- 
bering perhaps 200, parading the corridors of the Government house, failed to elicit 
any sign of a feeling of anger or resentment. 

In half an hour after the exchange of flags had been made the crowd had dispersed 
and only the "force" of the Provisional Government, which I was told Avas neces- 
sary to prevent mob violence, remained to indicate that a "revolution" had 
recently taken place. While among the crowd I looked carefully for indications of 
"arms" upon the persons of the natives, hut saw none, although with the thin 
clothing worn by them, the presence of a revolver or snch an arm could easily have 
been detected. 

If any danger of mob violence on the part of the natives existed, all outward 
signs of it were carefully concealed. Only evidences of the greatest good feeling 
were apparent. 

Hoping that this short statement of the facts as they appeared to me may prove of 
interest to you, 
I am, etc., 

C. L. Hooper, 
Captain U. S. Revenue Marine. 



No. 5. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Oresham. 

No. 2.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 8, 1893. 

Sir: I send you by the steamship China the following documents: 
Eeport of the president of the Bureau of Immigration to the Legisla- 
ture of 1892; 

Constitution of the Hawaiian Islands for 1887; 

The Honolulu Almanac and Directory for 1886, containing the Consti- 
tution of 1 884, and 

The Hawaiian Annual for 1892.* 

These contain much valuable information, which may be useful in 
properly understanding the political movements and the disposition of 
different classes of persons in these islands. I forbear any comment 
now. It seems to me important to gather all the information I can, in 
every direction, before permitting myself to reach conclusions or indulge 
in comments. I am conversing with many persons of all shades of 
political opinion. Some of these conversations I have in writing. They 
will cover much space, and, unless especially desired by you, I will not, 
as a rule, forward them by mail. 

I send a conversation between Admiral Skerrett and myself, taken 
down by my stenographer and approved as correct by Admiral 
Skerrett. (Inclosure No. 1.) 

I inclose a copy of a letter from Mr. Thurston to Mr. Antone Eosa, 
the original of which I have seen. Also an explanation of Hawaiiaa 
words used in Mr. Thurston's letter. . (Inclosure No. 2.) 

I inclose also a copy of a letter written by Mr. Thurston to Mr. J. T. 
Colburn, who was in the last ministry of the Queen, (Inclosure No. 3.) 

I think the annexation party is endeavoring to impress the Royalists 
with the belief that, although the American ensign has been hauled 
down and the American troops ordered to their vessels, under color of 
protecting the persons and property of American citizens the troops 



* Omitted from present publication. 



10 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



will be returned, if need be, to suppress an outbreak against the exist- 
ing* Government. 

As a class, American citizens here have been the most active in 
dethroning the Queen, and are active in maintaining the existing 
Government. If they are thus to participate in the affairs of these 
islands, and when force is used to suppress such movements on their 
part the forces of the United States are to be called in to protect their 
persons and property, it does seem that our Government encourages 
them to lawlessness, and its good faith is impugned. 

My present impression is that the existing Government owes its 
being and its maintenance to this perverted influence. Of course, time 
and further inquiry may furnish a different and better opinion. 

It is not easy for me to impress persons here with the complete idea 
of our noninterference policy, coupled with exceptions. The protection of 
the persons and property of American citizens here has come to mean 
aid to or enforcement of the laws whenever force is used against exist- 
ing authority. This may be used to create a new Government and 
maintain it. 

To meet the situation, here may require a clear, defined, and thor- 
oughly advertised announcement of when and how our troops are to be 
used. I know much must always be left to the sound direction of the 
representative of the United States here. Any suggestion or instruc- 
tion to me. additional to what has been already given, would be very 
helpful. 

I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
United States Commissioner. 



[Inclosure 1 in No. 2.] 
Interview between Admiral Skerrett and Mr. Blount. 

April 8, 1893. 

Col. Blount. When did you come to the islands? 
Admiral Skerrett. February the 10th of the present year. 
Col, Blount. Were you in Washington prior to that ? 

Admiral Skerrett. Yes; I was in Washington on the 31st day of December, or the 
30th day of December. 

Col. Blount. Did you have any conversation with the Secretary of the Navy about 
coming down here? 

Admiral Skerrett. Yes. 

Col. Blount. Please be kind enough to state it. 

Admiral Skerrett. I called at the Navy Department on the 30th of December to 
see Mr. Tracf, the Secretary of the Navy, to ask him if he had any final instructions 
for me, as I was going to leave the next day for San Francisco to assume command 
of the Pacific squadron. He replied: ''Commodore,! have no instructions to give 
you. You will go there and perform your duty, as I know you will, and everything 
will be satisfactory." I remarked: "Mr. Tracy, I want to ask you about these Ha- 
waiian affairs. When I was out there twenty years ago I had frequent conversa- 
tions with the then United States minister, Mr. Pierce, on the subject of the islands. 
I was told then that the United States Government did not wish to annex the islands 
of Hawaii." 

He replied: " Commodore, the wishes of the Government have changed. They 
will be very glad to annex Hawaii." He said as a matter of course none but the 
ordinary legal means can be Used to persuade these people to come into the United 
States. 

I said: " All right, sir. I only wanted to know how things were going on as a 
cue to my action," and I bade him good-bye. 

Col. Blount. Admiral, please give me your opinion as to the disposition amongst 
the opponents of the existing Government to resort to force. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 11 



Admiral Skerrett. The only means I have of knowledge is what I glean from 
newspapers. I am never in conversation with any of the party ; never he&n brought 
in contact with them or anybody I knew to be opposed to the annexation movement. 

Col. Blount. Do you see any symptoms of any disposition to resort to force of 
any kind ? 

Admiral Skerrett. I have never since my arrival— and I have been on shore 
many times — seen any indications of such a disposition. 
Col. Blount. Up to this time? 
Admiral Skerrett. Up to this time. 



[Incloaure 2 in No. 2.] 
Mr. Thurston to Mr. Eosa. 

Washington, D. C, March 16, 1893. 

Friend Rosa: Yours of March 1st is duly at hand. I am very sorry that the band 
boys have taken the course which they have. It is certain that they can not get 
work enough in Honolulu to support themselves from the receipts of an independent 
band, as there are not people enough there who could afford to pay for a band of 
that size to give the boys a living. 

With regard to my taking charge of them in Chicago, I thank you for the interest 
yon have taken in the matter, and their confidence in me ; but for several reasons I 
would be unable to do it. In the first place, the expenses of so large a number of 
men are very heavy, and it is only by a systematic arrangement that the business 
part of the trip could be made a success. This would require the laying out of a 
regular series of entertainments, with detail arrangements with theaters, fairs, etc. 
This time I cannot possibly give to them, as my own business at Chicago will neces- 
sarily take a great deal of time. In the second, place, I should not think of such a 
thing as undertaking to engineer snch a combination as the Hawaiian band with- 
out a thoroughly competent musical leader such as Berger. I think they will make a 
great mistake if they go on there under the leadership of the Manila man that 
you speak of, or any of their own members. It requires something besides the abil- 
ity to blow in the end of a trumpet to conduct a band. You yourself know how 
rapidly the band has always deteriorated when Berger has been away. Of course 
there are other men in the world just as good as Berger, but the boys are a peculiar 
lot, and I know of no one who has been able to handle them or get music out of them 
as he has. I should, therefore, very seriously doubt the advisability of their going 
at all unless they can get him as a leader. 

I hope that something can be done by which their differences with Berger and the 
Government can be fixed up so that they can go to Chicago, as I think their pres- 
ence there would be of great benefit to Hawaii. You can tell any of those gentle- 
men in Honolulu, who you say are interesting themselves to keep the band out of my 
control, that they need not worry themselves any longer about it. If the band comes 
to Chicago I will do everything in my power to assist them and forward their inter- 
ests, and shall be glad to employ them during part of the time to play at the Volcano 
building. Further than this I have no desire nor-intention to have anything to do 
with, or any control over them, although I presume this will be difficult for some 
of our peanut-souled friends, who can not imagine anyone doing anything except 
for private gain, to understand. 

I am glad yon have succeeded in settling up the Aylett suit with the Bishop 
estate. I will write to W. O. Smith to represent me in the matter, as the proba- 
bility is that I will be unable to come back until after the opening of the fair, and 
after that my movements are uncertain. 

You say that you hope that we will do what is fair for all of you here. You ought 
to know by this time that we desire nothing else. I think, Rosa, that you have got 
an opportunity now to take a stand that will not only will be beneficial to yourself, but 
in the highest degree beneficial to your people. I desire to say a few words to you 
on the subject, knowing that from your superior education and associations you can 
appreciate the logic of events and what the future is likely to bring forth, as very few 
of those who look to you for guidance and as a leader can. What is done within the 
next month or two is going to affect the future of Hawaii for a great many years. A 
vast number of natives will look to you and Colburn and a few others for their opin- 
ions and information, and whether you take a narrow view of matters or abroad one 
is going to be a radical factor in the settlement of the question at issue. There are 
several things which are settled and determined, and if we all recognize them and 
act upon that basis- the results will necessarily be very different from what they 
otherwise will be. One of these certainties is that the monarchy is pau. The Queen 



12 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and her immediate partisans may not appreciate this, and will probably continue to 
labor under the delusion that there is a possibility of her restoration. T. H. Davies 
is over here now maundering about the restoration of Kaiulani, but there is no more 
possibility of it than there is of the restoration of Dom Pedro to Brazil. 

It is a simple waste of energy on the part of anybody to spend their time in 
attempting to restore what has fallen through its own weakness. Neumann 
recognizes this condition fully here, and is now confining his fight to get as much 
money as he can out of it for the Queen. The question for you and me and the 
others of us who expect to continue to live in Hawaii to consider is, what is coming 
next? If the native leaders hang back in a sullen way and oppose annexation tooth 
and toe nail, it may very likely have some influence upon the immediate adoption 
of an annexation treaty. It will only cause delay, however, but can not interfere 
with ultimate annexation. It will also generate much ill-feeling and perpetuate 
differences of opinion on race lines, which of all things is the one which we ought 
to do the most to discourage. As I said, the most that opposition to annexation will 
succeed in affecting is delay. That is to say, the Provisional Government will 
remain in power. The United States recognizes it as the Government and will con- 
tinue to do so until some other understanding is arrived at by mutual agreement. 

If through native opposition, annexation does not take place, a protectorate will 
be the result; as I said before, this will not l>e a protectorate of the Hawaiian Gov- 
ernment under the monarchy, but will be a continuation of the present Government 
under the protection of the United States. In either case, that of simple delay or 
of the protectorate, a continuation of the present autocratic system of Govern- 
ment will result, which is a thing which neither you nor those you represent, nor 
the Provisional Government desire. It means a government of force with the attend- 
ant probable conspiracies against it, and general unsettlement of business and 
degeneration of values which will prevent business enterprise from development and 
be injurious to us all, while no end. of personal and party differences and hard feel- 
ing will be generated. If the Provisional Government and its leaders were bent on 
the rule or ruin policy, with no other object in view but to secure control of the 
Government, which Peterson and his boodle friends are always harping upon, we 
would want nothing better than the protectorate proposition which would leave us 
in control of the Government with Uncle Sam's troops to keep order. We want 
nothing of the kind, however, and have resisted all propositions from the Govern- 
ment here looking to a government on that basis, although we could secure a treaty 
of that description without difficulty, as the entire opposition in the United States 
to annexation advocates freely the execution of a treaty on the line above indicated. 

As I have stated above, however, we have no desire to perpetuate any government 
of this description, nor to secure any laws, terms, or conditions which would operate 
to establish any differences between the citizens of Hawaii on a color or race line. 
We do not propose to ask for nor accept any legislation which shall apply to either 
natives or white men that does not apply equally to the other. If, instead of a 
protectorate, with its attendant evils, we secure absolute annexation, one thing is 
certain, the natives and white men equally will have no less liberties as American 
citizens than they did as Hawaiians; while, as far as their financial condition is 
concerned, there is no comparison of the two situations. With annexation Hawaii 
will inaugurate such a condition of commercial development as will put the develop- 
ment of 1876 and succeeding years entirely in the shade; no one class in the com- 
munity will reap the benefit of it. 

It may be said that the treaty which we have proj)osed does not cover a number 
of points which ought to be covered, to wit, a removal, of duties, prohibition of 
carpet-baggers, securing American citizenship to Hawaiian citizens, and similar 
points, in reply, I would say that once we become American territory, there is not 
the slightest reason to believe that we will be treated in any manner differently 
from other portions of the United States. All the subjects spoken of are matters of 
detail legislation, which have to be covered by legislation passing both houses of 
Congress, and are not covered by the treaty for that reason, as that would have 
caused delay which we are seeking to avoid. As to the offices being given to 
Malihinis there is no reason to believe that there would be such difficulty, as it has 
become an unwritten law in connection with the territories that the offices shall be 
filled from local residents, and with very few exceptions that rule is now and has 
been for a number of years carried out. If you and others will take hold and 
frankly work with us, explaining to the natives the situation, and doing what you 
can to correct the impressions being given out by the demagogues, I believe that with- 
in a year from now we will have a prosperous, contented community, with no more 
thought of revolution or conspiracy than there is in Washington; but that if the 
agitation against annexation and the accompanying stirring up of the Kanakas 
against the Haoles goes on, it will result in a situation disastrous to business inter- 
ests, if not dangerous to the peace. 

I hope you will show this to Colburn, Bob Wilcox, and any others whom you may 
choose, and that you will take it in the spirit in which it is intended, that is, the. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



13 



forwarding of the common interests of our country and people. I have got no ax 
to grind, do not want and will not accept any office, and am actuated by no impulse 
but to secure the advancement of Hawaii and her people to a freer political and 
more prosperous commercia] condition than she has ever occupied before. I write 
to you because, although we have been of opposite political parties, I believe you 
can see through a grindstone when there is a hole in it, and that if you believe 
that the best interests of the natives lie in the direction of annexation, you will 
use your influence in that direction, even though it may not be the popular side 
among them to begin with. 

Me ke aloha nuria oe a me ke one hanau o kaua, Owau no, 

L. A. Thurston. 

Definition of Hawaiian words used in Hon. L. A. Thurston's letter to A. Rosa, 
of March 16, 1893: 
"Pau v means "finished/* or "over with." 
"Malihinis" means strangers. 

"Kanakas" means "men." but generally applied to native Hawaiians. 
"Haoles" means "white foreigners." 

"Me ke aloha nui ia oe a me ke one hanau o kaua, Owau no." 
"With much love to you and the land of our (two) birth, I am," 

L. A. Thurston. 



[Inclosure 3 in No. 2.1 
Mr. Tliurston to Mr, Colbum. 

WASHINGTON, D. C, Uarch 16, 1893. 

Friend Colburn: I have just written to Antone Rosa on the subject of annexa- 
tion, and asked him to show you the letter. Please consider that portion of the 
letter written as much to you as it is to him. 

Whatever our political differences may have been in the past, I give you credit, 
as I believe you do me, for acting as you thought best in the interest of Ha waii and 
the Hawaiians. I see by the papers that your name is more or less connected with 
that of Ashford, Peterson, and other political agitators of that stripe. Without any 
personal animosity against either of those gentlemen. I do feel that their past 
history, which is known to you as well as it is to me, is indicative of their disinterest- 
edness in the advice which they now give and action which they now take. A tre- 
mendous responsibility rests upon you and others who have been identified with 
the opposition in the recent movement, but who, from their knowledge of the situ- 
ation, must know the ultimate advantages of annexation to the United States. Your 
influence thrown against it will, of course, tend to perpetuate the race feeling now 
existing: if thrown in favor of it, while it may not be immediately popular, will, 
under the circumstances, have a very strong effect. With annexation there will, 
of course, come a temporary reconstruction period, during which the necessary legis- 
lation is being formulated for the reconstruction of the government, and when the 
government will not be carried on under representative lines; but, if we are within 
the United States system, this can be but temiiorary. In the long run we will 
receive all the benefits and privileges of American citizens, and it behooves us to 
look to the future, and not be governed entirely by the immediate present. 
With aloha nui, I remain, etc., 

L. A. Thurston. 

This is a correct copy of the letter written to me by L. A. Thurston, and received 
by me Thursday, April 7, 1893. 

John F. Colburn. 



Xo. 6. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresliam. 

Xo. 3.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 26, 1893. 

Sir: On the 7tli instant the Alameda reached this place. Among 
its passengers were Dr. William Shaw Bowen and Mr. Harold M. 
Bewail. The San Francisco papers announced that they had refused 



14 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



to say that they were not joint commissioners with myself to Honolulu 
The former represented himself to me as a correspondent of the New 
York World, and said he would be glad to give me any information he 
eonld gather here. Thinking it a mere matter of courtesy, I thanked 
him. On Sunday, the 16th instant, I was out walking and met him on 
the street, riding in a buggy. He left his buggy "in the hands of his 
friend, Mr. Sewall, and joined me in a walk of some length. Before it 
was concluded he said to me that he and Paul Neumann were arrang- 
ing a meeting between President Dole and the Queen, the object 
being to pay her a sum of money in consideration of her formal 
abdication of the throne and lending her influence to the Provisional 
Government with a view to annexation to the United States. He 
repeated this statement frequently, at intervals, to which I made no 
response. 

Finally he asked me if I did not think it would simplify the situation 
very much here and facilitate annexation. Suspecting that my answer 
was designed to be used to induce the Queen to yield to solicitations 
to abdicate: I replied "I have nothing to say on* this subject." Dr. 
Bowen said : "I did not ask you officially, but simply in a private way." 
I responded: "I am here as a Commissioner of the United States and 
must decline to converse with you on this subject." 

The next morning early I had an interview with President Dole. I told 
him that I had seen in the San Francisco newspapers intimations that 
Dr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall were here as representatives of the Presi- 
dent of the United States; that the former told me that he had 
arranged to bring him and the Queen together on that morning; that I 
desired to say to him that neither Dr. Bowen nor Mr. Sewall, nor any 
other person was authorized to act for the Government in that or any 
other matter relating to the present condition of affairs in the islands 
save myself; that I did not know absolutely that these two gentlemen 
had claimed to have such authority. He replied that he had been 
informed that they were here representing the Government. He did 
not give his authority. 

He said that there had been some approaches from the Queen's side 
with propositions of settlement; that he had responded: "I will con- 
sider any reasonable proposition." 

I told him I would not permit the Government of the United States 
to be represented as having any wish in the matter of any negotiations 
between the Queen and the Provisional Government. He asked if I 
would be willing to authorize the statement that I believed it would 
simplify the situation. I replied that I was not willing to do this, 
that I was not here to interfere with the opinions of any class of persons. 

Since this interview with President Dole I have heard that Dr. Bowen, 
when asked by newspaper people if he represented the President of the 
United States, declined to answer, saying that all would be revealed 
hereafter. 

He is representing himself in various quarters as an intimate friend 
of the President. I can but think that these statements are made to 
create the impression that he is here authorized to bring about nego- 
tiations for a settlement between the Queen and the Provisional Gov- 
ernment. 

On the day before yesterday Dr. Bowen came over to my table to say 
that a meeting between the Queen and President Dole had occurred, 
and terms were agreed upon. I said I did not care for him to talk with 
me on that subject. 

On the 21st instant Mr. Olaus Spreckels called to see me. He said 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



15 



that lie suspected there was an effort at negotiation between tlie Queen 
and the Provisional Government, and that he had urged the Qr.een to 
withdraw her power of attorney from PaulXeumann. I inclose herewith 
a copy of that power of attorney (Inclosure ^so. 1) which Mr. Spreckels 
says was derived through the agency of Mr. Samuel Parker, the last sec- 
retary of foreign affairs. He told me that Paul Neumann would leave 
for Washington by the next steamer, under pretense that he was going 
to the United States and from there to Japan. How much or how little 
Mr. Spreckels knows about this matter I am unable to say, as I do not 
know how to estimate him, never having met him before. He promised 
to see me again before the mail leaves for the United States on next 
Wednesday and give me such information as he could acquire in the 
meantime. 

I believe that Dr. Bowen, Mr. Sewall, and Mr. Xeumann have pre- 
tended that the two former knew the opinions of Mr. Cleveland and 
assured the Queen that annexation would take place, and that she had 
better come to terms at once. 

Mr. INeumann leaves here on the next steamer, probably with a 
power to act for the Queen, with authority derived from her out of 
these circumstances. 

The question occurs to my mind whether, if the United States 
desired the adjustment as probably agreed on, it had better not be 
accomplished through its representative here, either myself or the suc- 
cessor of Mr. Stevens as minister here, that assurance might be had 
that the action of the Government was free from any suspicion of indi- 
rection in the transaction. 

I know the American minister, Mr. Stevens, has said that he had 
learned that Mr. Blount believed that such a settlement as indicated 
would simplify the situation. I called on him yesterday and told him 
that I did not think it was proper for him to speak of my views on the 
subject ; that declarations of that sort coming from him would give rise 
to the suspicion that the Government of the United States was behind 
Dr. Bowen and Mr. Sewall in whatever they might see fit to represent 
in regard to the views of the President. During this interview I called 
his attention to the following conversation between Mr. Spreckels and 
myself on the 21st instant : 

Mr. Blount. Please state "whether or not you hare had any message from the 
American minister, and whether any conversation with him. 
A. I have. 

Q. Be kind enough to state it. 

A. He sent down on Tuesday ahout 3 o'clock, whether I would he kind enough to 
come up to his house to see him. I took a carriage and saw him at 4 o'clock that 
Tuesday afternoon. He told me that Mr. Parker had no influence with the Queen, 
hut that Paul Neumann could control her. and, if I would, I could control Paul 
Neumann : that Paul Neumann tell the Queen that she he in favor of annexation, 
and tell the Kanakas, who follow her, to go all for annexation. He said that ho 
expected to he here only thirty or forty days, and he would like for annexation to be 
before he left. Some words to that effect. 

He said he thought Mr. Spreckels misunderstood him as to his decla- 
ration that he wanted to finish up annexation before he left. I then 
told him that I felt assured that it would be displeasing to the Secre- 
tary of State and the President if they were informed that he was seek- 
ing to mold opinion here on the matter of annexation of these islands; 
that I was here instructed in part to inquire into that very subject; 
that it was certainly very unseemly, while I was making the inquiry, 
for him to be urging annexation ; that he must know by the fact of my 
presence alone that he was not authorized to represent the views of 
the present administration in relation to any matter growing out of the 



16 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



proposition to annex these islands to the United States. At first he 
said that his position had been made known through the publication 
of his dispatches, and that he never conld go back on them. 

To this I replied that the proposition of going back on his dispatches 
was one thing, and that his undertaking to form public opinion here 
on the subject of annexation at this time for an Administration not of 
his own political party, and when I was present to represent it especially 
in such matters, scarcely seemed fair in the light of the courtesy which 
had been manifested towards him. I said to him that I hoped in futuie 
that he would not undertake to advance or retard the cause of annexa 
tion or to represent the Government in any way in that connection, 
and that whenever it was necessary for him to speak on the matter 
that he would refer persons to me. This he agreed to. All this colloquy 
was characterized by kindliness on my part, and, so far as I could 
observe, by courtesy on the part of Mr. Stevens. He complained some- 
what that I did not confide in him and did not seek his opinion about 
men and thiDgs here. I replied that I was engaged on certain lines of 
inquiry and might in the future find occasion to seek his opinion. 

On Tuesday, the 18th instant, President Dole sent Mr. Frank Hast- 
ings, his private secretary, to say that Mr. Stevens had requested, on 
application from Admiral Skerrett, permission for the United States 
troops to land for the purpose of drilling, and said that he thought 
proper, before consenting to it, he should make this fact known to me. 
I replied that I did not desire the troops to land. I then sent for 
Admiral Skerrett and told him that there were circumstances of a 
political character which made the landing of the troops for any pur- 
pose at this time inadvisable. This was entirely satisfactory to hiin. 

On the 21st the aforesaid Mr. Hastings called and asked how he 
should answer Mr. Stevens' note for permission to land the troops. I 
replied by simply saying that the Commissioner had informed him that 
he disapproved of it. 

The landing of the troops, pending negotiations between the Queen 
and President Dole, might be used to impress the former with fear that 
troops were landed to lend force to the Provisional Government in 
bringing her to an adjustment. I did not think proper to communi- 
cate this reason to Mr. Stevens or any other person, save Admiral 
Skerrett, and to him confidentially. 

A great many hearings have been given to persons classed as Reform- 
ers or as Royalists. The former justify the dethronement of the Queen, 
because of her revolutionary attempt to subvert the constitution of 
1887, and by proclamation to create a new constitution in lieu tnereof, 
containing provisions restoring to the Crown the right of appointing 
nobles and of appointing ministers responsible only to it. In speak- 
ing of the controversy they refer to one party as whites and the other 
as natives. They represent the political contests for the last ten or 
twelve years as running parallel with racial lines. A confidence is 
sometimes expressed that the revolution of 1887 taught the whites that 
whenever they desired they could do whatever they willed in determin- 
ing the form of government for these islands, and had likewise taught 
the natives that they would be unable to resist the will of the whites.i 

It is urged that the aid of the Government of the United States was- 
not needed to make the revolution successful. Closer scrutiny reveals 
the fact that they regarded the revolution as successful when they 
should be able to proclaim a constitution from some public building, 
believing that the presence of the United States troops signified their 
use for the preservation of public order, which latter, in the minds of 



REPOET OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



17 



the people of Honolulu, means the prevention of hostile combat between 
opposing parties. Whatever may be the truth, I am unable to discover 
in all the testimony any apprehension that the troops would be inimi- 
cal to the revolutionary movement. In all of the examinations of per- 
sons thus far this fear has never manifested itself for an instant. The 
natives, on the other hand, insist that the Queen never contemplated 
proclaiming a new constitution without the assent of the ministry. 
They argue that the establishment of a new constitution by the procla- 
mation of the Queen was as justifiable as that of 1887, in which a mass 
meeting of whites in the city of Honolulu extorted the proclamation of 
a new constitution from King Kalakaua, which had never been ratified 
by any vote of the people. They represent that the proclamation of a 
new constitution by the Queen was founded on the universal wish of 
the native population, which is in overwhelming majority over other 
races participating in the affairs of this Government. 

They allege that on the day the Queen sought to proclaim a new con- 
stitution a committee representing the Hui Kalaiaina were waiting on 
her by direction of that organization. They represent that various 
petitions had been presented to the Queen and to the legislature for a 
series of years, asking for a new constitution similar to that existing 
prior to the revolution of 1887. Testimony on these two hues of 
thought has been taken. In addition to this, very much evidence has 
been given in the form of voluntary statements as to the causes of the 
revolution and the circumstances attending it, especially as to how far 
the whites compelled the Queen to acquiesce in their movement on the 
one side, and on the other as to the entire success of the movement of 
the whites, depending on the action of the United States troops and the 
American Minister in support of this movement. 

It is not my purpose at this time to enter into an elaborate consider- 
ation of the evidence which has been adduced, because many other 
statements are yet to be made, which will be considered. 

I invite your attention to the following copy of a memorial from the 
Hui Kalaiaina, because of its striking disclosure of the native Hawaiian 
mind in its aspirations as to the form of government, and, in connec- 
tion with that, a colloquy between myself and a committee of that 
organization taken down by a stenographer and approved by them: 

Statement of facts made by the Hui Kalaiaina (Hawaiian Political Association) in 
t oehalf of the people to J. H. Blount, the United States Commissioner, showing ichy the 
people urged the Queen to promulgate anew constitution for the Hawaiian people. 

To the Honorable J. H. Blouxt, the United States Commissioner, greeting: 

We., the Hawaiian Political Association, in behalf of the people of the Hawaiian 
islands — an association organized in the city of Honolulu, with branches organized 
all over these islands, which association has been in existence since the overthrow 
of the constitution df Kamehameha IV by the descendants of the sons of mission- 
aries who are seeking to usurp the Kingdom of our Queen for themselves — 

And for this reason the people did ask King Kalakaua to revise the constitution 
of 1887 now in force, and during his reign many petitions were made to him and to 
the Legislature with thousands of signatures attached, but the desire of the people 
was never fulfilled. 

Therefore, the people petitioned to him for redress according to these statements 
now submitted to you : 

First. This constitution deprived the Crown of Hawaiian Islands of its ancient 
prerogatives. 

Second. This constitution based the principles of government on the forms and 
spirit of republican governments. 

Third. This constitution opens the way to a republican government. 

Fourth. This constitution has taken the sovereign power and vested it outside of 
the King sitting on the throne of the Hawaiian Kingdom. 

Fifth. This constitution has limited the franchise of the native Hawaiians. 
10318 2 



18 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



For these five reasons was King Kalakaua petitioned by his people to revise the 
constitution, but it never was carried out until the time of his death, 

During the reign of Queen Liliuokalani the same thing happened. Numerous 
petitions were laid before her by and from the people, and from this association to the 
Legislature and to the Queen. These petitions contain over eight thousand names, 
and this Hawaaian Political Association did repeatedly petition the Queen to revise 
and amend or to make a new constitution, to which she finally consented to lay this 
request from her people before the cabinet, bnt the wishes of the people were not 
carried out. 

On the 14th of January, 1893, at the time of the prorogation of the Legislature, in 
the afternoon, this political association came and petitioned Her Majesty Liliuokalani 
to issue a new constitution for the people, to which she consented, with the intention 
of listening to the desires of her people, but her cabinet refused. 

A short while afterwards the descendants of the missionaries came forward in 
their second attempt to usurp the Kingdom of our Queen Liliuokalani, and said 
attempt would not have succeeded had it not been for the support given it by the 
American Minister Stevens — therefore our Queen yielded the Kingdom into their 
hands through the superior force presented by the men of the American warships, 
who had been landed on the Hawaiian soil. 

Queen Liliuokalani yielded her Kingdom into their hands, not with good will, but 
because she could not defend it, and because the Queen did not desire to see the 
blood of her Hawaiian people shed on this land of peace. 

Therefore, we submit to you our humble petition and statements, as you are in 
possession of vast powers in your mission to do justice to the Ha waiian people, our 
independence, the throne, and the Hawaiian flag; we beg you to restore our beloved 
Queen Liliuokalani to the throne with the independence of the Hiawaiian people, as 
you have restored thr Hawaiian flag. 

Submitting these statements and petitions to you we pray that the Almighty God 
would assist you in your responsible duties, that the prayers of our people may be 
granted, that continued friendship may exist between us and the American nation. 

We, the undersigned subscribers of the Hawaiian Political Association. 

W. L. HOLOKAHIKI, 

Chairman. 

John Keeui, 
J. Alapai, 
J. Akakoonei, 

J. B. KtTRHA, 

J. Kean, 

D. W. Kanoelehua, 

T. C. POHIKAPA, 

Committee. 

In accepting the copy of the resolutions Mr. Blount responded as follows : 
Gentlemen: Very much of the duties of my mission I cannot communicate to you. 
I will say, however, that your papers which have been presented I will accept and 
forward to the President in the nature of information indicating the opinions of 
your people in these Islands in reference to the inclination on your part to support 
the existing condition of things — that is to say, whether you are in favor of the Pro- 
visional Government and annexation, or whether your preference is for royalty. I, 
am gathering information on these lines for the purpose of submitting it to the 
President. That is the extent of what I can say to you by way of response. I would 
like to ask, however, a few questions. Which is the chairman of your committee? 
Interpreter. W. L. Holokahiki, of Honolulu. 

(These questions were given and answered through the interpreter.) 

Q. On the day of the prorogation of the Legislature a number of natives are 
reported to have gone in to see the Queen — about thirty in number— and that their 
object was to ask for a new constitution. Was that a committee from this organi- 
zation? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q . How many voters — people who vote for representatives — are there in this order ? 
A. Some thousands: as we have it in our books about 3,000 of native Hawaiians. 
Q. What did the Queen say in response to your request? 

A. That she was quite ready to give a new constitution, but her cabinet is opposed 
to it. Her cabinet refused it so that she could not do otherwise. She told the peo- 
ple that they had to go home quietly and wait for the next session of the Legislature. 

Q. When would that be if the Government had not been overthrown? 

A. The time, according to our laws, was two years, and that would run us up to 
1894. 

Q. Then the information was that nothing could be done under two years on account 
of the disapproval of the cabinet? 
A. Yes ; the Queen could do nothing. 



REPOET OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



19 



Q. She said she could do nothing ? 

A. Yes ; because the constitution said she could do nothiug without being approved 
by her Cabinet. 

Q. What did the committee do when they went out ? Did they give this informa- 
tion to the native people ? 

A. Yes, sir. This committee shortly after they came out — they told the people 
they could do nothing now; that they would have to wait until the next session. 
Also,, the Queen came out and told the people she could not give them any constitu- 
tion now because the law forbids. — 

A great many petitions were exhibited — sometimes they were to the Queen and 
sometimes to the Legislature — asking for a new constitution. 

A book was also shown containiug the names of members of the organization 
throughout the island, and giving the numbers as follows: 

Oahu, 2,320; Maui, 384; Hawaii, 266; Kauai, 222 ; and Molokai, 263. 

Q. (To interpreter.) Why don't other natives join the organization? 

A. They sometimes go to meetings. W T hen anything happens they go together. 

Q. These are active members of the organization? 

A. Yes. 

Q. In matters of this sort the natives followed the lead of this organigation? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Prior to the constitution of 1887 the nobles were appointed by the 
Crown and the representatives were elected by the people, with but 
little obstruction in the qualification of the elector. The number of 
nobles was 20 and the number of representatives was 28, and these, 
constituting one body, enacted the laws. The cabinet was only respon- 
sible to the King. The majority of voters was overwhelmingly native. 
It is easy to understand how completely the native people could, if 
they desired, control the Government as against the white race. 
Under the constitution of 1887 the number of nobles and representa- 
tives is equal. The qualification of an elector of a noble required him 
to own property of the value of $3,000, unincumbered, or an income of 
$600. Practically this vested the power of electing nobles in the white 
population, or, as it is sometimes termed, the reform party. A cabinet 
could not be removed by the Crown except on a vote of waot of confi- 
dence by the Legislature. The ability to elect a small number, even 
one of the representatives, enabled the white race to control legisla- 
tion and to vote out any ministry not in accord with them. This 
rdaced the political power in the hands of the white race. I use the 
words u white" and "native" as distinguishing the persons in the polit- 
ical contests here, because they are generally used by the people here 
in communicating their views to me. 

I had supposed up to the appearance of this memorial that the real 
demand of the native was for a just proportion of power in the election 
of nobles by the reduction of the money qualification of an elector. 
This I had derived from interviews with some of the intelligent half- 
castes. This memorial indicates an opposition to the new constitution 
because it takes away from the Grown the right to appoint nobles and 
the right to appoint and remove cabinets at will. There is no aspira- 
tion in it for the advancement of the right of the masses to participate 
in the control of public affairs, but an eager, trustful devotion to the 
Crown as an absolute monarchy. I had wondered whether or not this 
race of people, which up to 1843 had no rights of property, and over 
whom the king and chiefs had absolute po^ver of life and death, had 
fully cast off the old system and conceived the modern ideas in the 
United States of the control of the government by equal participation 
by every citizen in the selection of its rulers. Up to the appearance of 
this memorial Ihad received but little satisfaction on thisline of thought. 

In this coiniection I invite your attention to Inclosure No. 2, being a 
copy of resolutions presented on the 16th instant by a committee of the 
"Hui Aloha Aina" — the Hawaiian Patriotic League. 



20 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Taken in connection with the foregoing memorial of the Hui Kalaiaina, 
it is strongly suggestive of blind devotion to arbitrary power vested in 
the crown worn by a person of native blood. I have forwarded these 
two documents because they present a phase of thought which had not 
been so well defined in anything I had seen in publications relating to 
these islands. They seem to go very far in the matter of the capacity 
of these people for self-government. 

I have received communications from every source when offered, not to 
support any theory, but simply to see what might be derived from them 
in the way of information. I have studiously avoided any suggestion 
that the President contemplated the consideration of the restoration 
of the Queen, the support of the existing Government, or the question 
of annexation on any terms. I have intended to invite the freest ex- 
pression of thought without any indication that it was to be consid- 
ered with a view of guiding the action of the Government in the de- 
termination of any proposition. In all this I find my action most 
heartily approved by both whites and natives. 

In several local papers, beginning with the 13th instant, editorials 
have appeared advising in terms somewhat indefinite, and yet pointing 
to the extreme action which should be taken towards the Queen and 
her adherents, and deploring the want of such action on the part of the 
Provisional Government. On the night of the 14th instant a promi- 
nent half-caste called upon me. He had always assured me hitherto of 
the quiet intention of the native population. On this latter occasion 
he said: "We are in trouble. It is said the Queen is to be put ont of 
the way by assassination, and her prominent followers to be prosecuted 
for treason or deported."* 

These apprehensions naturally grew out of the editorials alluded to. 
I said to him I had no idea there was any foundation for his fears in 
the purposes of the Government. Before he left me he seemed to be 
relieved. 

On the morning of the loth I called on President Dole, and invited 
his attention to the newspaper articles above referred to and to the 
visit of the half-caste, with his expressions of fear and my response. 
I said to him that perhaps I had gone farther than propriety would 
suggest in my opinion to the half-caste on the_ evening before, but 
that I was impelled solely by that humane feeling which would regret 
to see disorder and bloodshed inflicted on any portion of the com- 
munity. I also intimated that if he deemed it desirable, owing to the 
kindly feeling the native population had manifested towards me, I 
might, without pretending to represent the Government, allay their 
anxieties and contribute to the public peace by assuring them that 
the extreme measures advocated by the press I did not believe were 
approved by the Government. To this he responded that it would be 
very gratifying to him and to those in political accord with him for 
me to act as I had suggested. He furthermore declared that it was 
the purpose of the Government to confine its action only to the pres- 
ervation of order, and to take no extreme steps against any parties 
here unless it should be to meet a forcible attack on the Government. 

When the ensign was hauled down and the troops ordered to the ves- 
sels there was some comment on the omission to recite in the order or 
by some public declaration the exact import of this action. 

In the above conversation I referred to the subject and said that at 
the time I believed that any speech or written declaration might be 
liable to many and false constructions, and that the action of hauling 
down the ensign and the removal of the troops would in a few hours 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 21 

tell with more simplicity and accuracy and with better results than any 
utterances of mine could do. 

To this he replied that at first there was some criticism, but that all 
minds had come to the conclusion that I had taken the wiser course. 

He took occasion to say to me that all men everywhere could only 
think that I was governed by the highest motives in all my actions here. 

At 10 o'clock on the morning of the 22d instant Mr. Spreckeis called 
to see me. He assured me that Mr. Neumann was going to San Fran- 
cisco and then to Jax^an. I said to him : "But he is going to Washing- 
ton." He said: "Yes; but in order to take some dispatches from Mr. 
Stevens to the Washington Government." 

On the 21st, in the conversation with Mr. Stevens, to which reference 
has already been made, he told me for the first time of a letter he had 
written to you concerning certain matters which had passed between 
him and the Japanese commissioner at this place. The extent of it 
was that by representations that the United States was opposed to the 
presence of a Japanese war vessel here that it was determined that 
the Japanese Minister should ask his Government to cause the afore- 
said vessel to be withdrawn. 

In view of my instructions, I felt bound to give assurances to the 
Japanese commissioner that the present Administration does not view 
with displeasure or suspicion the presence of one of her war vessels here. 

Mr. Paul Neumann is generally regarded here as a bright, plausible, 
unscrupulous person. Permit me to suggest that if the Admin istration 
should entertain any proposition from Mr. Neumann in connection with 
a contract between the Queen and the Provisional Government in the 
matter of her abdication, the consummation of it is surrounded by so 
many circumstances indicating that the Government of the United 
States has been made to appear to the Queen as favoring such action 
on her part that it would be far better to decline to entertain anything 
from Mr. Neumann, but for the Government to accomplish its purpose 
in a more direct manner. If such an adjustment is desirable, instruc- 
tions to the American representative here to endeavor to bring about 
such an arrangement would be a much more honorable course on the 
part of the United States. 

The representatives of the Provisional Government are conscious 
that the movement inaugurated on the 14th of January last for the 
dethronement of the Queen and annexation to the United States is a 
much more desperate one than they then realized. 
% The white race, or what may be termed the Beform party, constitute 
the intelligence and own most of the property in these islands and are 
desperately eager to be a part of the United States on any terms rather 
than take the chances of being subjected to the control of the natives. 
With them we can dictate any terms. The feeling of the natives is that 
while they do not want annexation, if the United States does it will be 
accomplished, and they will acquiesce. The situation is so completely 
under our control that I should regret to see Mr. Neumann's agency in 
the matter of abdication of the Queen, with his connection with Dr. 
Bowen and others and the attendant circumstances, recognized by the 
Government. You will readily understand that this is not intended as 
impertinence, but only as a suggestion. 

Since writing the foregoing portion of my letter relating to attempts 
to represent the views of the President of the United States by unau- 
thorized persons in connection with the subject of an agreement between 
ex-Queen Liliuokalani and the Provisional Government, I have deemed 
it proper to have an interview with the former in order to understand, 



22 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

as far as I might, from lier whether any negotiations had been author- 
ized by her, and if so, how far they had gone. Before doing so, I called 
on President Dole and informed him of my purpose to see her in con- 
nection with this subject, stating to him that I was not willing that 
persons should make fraudulent representations to her as to that mat- 
ter. 9 I told him that I had abstained from seeing her lest my visit might 
be construed in a way to produce disorders, but now I felt all danger of 
this had passed. He concurred in my views as to the propriety of my 
calling, if I saw fit to do so. 

I said to the ex-Queen that I had been informed that certain persons 
had sought to impress her with the idea that the President desired 
some such adjustment as indicated to be made; that I wished to say 
that no person was authorized by the President nor by myself to place 
the Government of the United States in such an attitude : that, while 
I would interpose no objection to such negotiation, I wanted her to 
know that whatever she did in the matter was free from any moral 
influence from the Government of the United States. I further said to 
her that I desired to be able to inform my Government whether she 
had been engaged in such negotiations or contemplated them, or 
whether anybody was authorized to act for her in any such matter ; 
that I wished the information simply to put the Government at Wash- 
ington in possession of the true state of facts. 

She replied that parties who had represented her in other matters 
had talked to her on the subject ; that she had declined to indicate any 
disposition to act in the matter; that she had said to some of them 
that she would wait until President Dole came to see her in person, 
and had heard what he had to say; that she did not intend to enter 
into any negotiations until the Government at Washington had taken 
action on the information derived through my report. She said she 
had sent Mr. Neumann to Washington to prevent the ratification of 
the treaty and to have a commission sent out here, and he reported 
that he had been successful in both. I then asked her what she desired 
me to say to the Government at Washington as to her purpose in the 
matter of this negotiation. She expressed a wish that I should say 
from her that no one was authorized to act in her behalf in this matter 
and that she should take no action until the Government at Washing- 
ton had passed upon the information derived through the Commissioner. 

Lest she might make improper inferences from my visit or some- 
thing I had said I told her that one of the objects of my visit was to 
get all the facts connected with her dethronement and the disposition^ 
of the people of the Islands in relation to the present Government; 
that she could readily see that that was a matter to be hereafter con- 
sidered by the Government in such manner as it saw fit. Without any 
apparent connection with what had been said, she remarked that much 
depended on Mr. Spreckels as to the future; that he and Mr. Bishop 
had been in the habit of furnishing money to the Government, and that 
if Mr. Spreckels did not advance to the Government she thought it 
would go to pieces. To this I made no response. It is evident that 
she is being impressed with the idea that the present Government 
could not get money enough to run itself long. 

I am not sufficiently informed to express any views on this proposi- 
tion at this time. 

I think the operations of Dr. Bow en and Mr. Sewall have been con- 
ducted through Mr. Neumann. I shall, perhaps, know more before 
closing this communication. 

I send you a map, marked In closure No. 3. You will find it useful 



KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 23 

in considering the location of the various military forces connected 
with the revolution, to which I may refer in this and especially in sub- 
sequent communications. 

I send you a written statement from F. W undenburg ( Inclosure No. 
4), who says that his information is derived from being personally 
present in all the conferences of the committee of safety and that his 
utterances are based on his personal knowledge. He appears to be an 
intelligent man. He says that he acted with the committee in good 
faith until the American flag was hoisted, and then he ceased com- 
munication with them. He is at this time deputy clerk of the supreme 
court. I think in my next communication I may be able to give you 
information strongly corroborating all that Mr. Wundenburg has said. 

I may say that the peaceful surroundings of the revolution are con- 
firmed by all persons with whom I have communicated, and that Judge 
Cooper, who was and is an intense annexationist, let drop, in answer to 
a question of mine, that when the Government building was entered by 
the committee of safety and the proclamation dethroning the Queen 
and establishing the new Government was read by him there was not 
a soldier of the Provisional Government or of the Queen on the ground. 

I send you, in original, a communication from Mr. William H. 
Cornwell, a member of the Queen's cabinet at the time of her dethrone- 
ment (Inclosure No. 5). 

I also send you, in original, a communication from Mr. John F. Col- 
burn, a member of the Ex-Queen's cabinet and a half-caste (Inclosure 
No. 6). 

These are forwarded in advance of the testimony or voluntary state- 
ments in response to interrogatories by himself, because they present 
the views of these gentlemen as to the circumstances attending the 
revolution and which do not appear in any of the papers relating to 
the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands printed by the United States 
so far as I have been furnished with them. 

It is my purpose to examine them in person so as to have an oppor- 
tunity of thoroughly sifting them. 

I inclose you a copy of a communication from the committee of pub- 
lic safety — which conceived and executed the dethronement of the 
Queen — addressed to the American Minister (Inclosure No. 7). On 
page 12 of Executive Document No. 76, Fifty-second Congress, second 
session, this paper issimply referred to in the following language: 
"A copy of the call of the committee of public safety for aid is 
inclosed." It appears significant enough to have justified its being 
printed in full. To be imploring protection from the Government of the 
United States on the 16th and establishing the provisional govern- 
ment and dethroning the Queen without firing a gun on the next 
day — without any reference to the presence of United States troops — 
is quite a draft on my credulity. 

This paper may have been overlooked, and hence my calling your 
attention to it. 

I send you a pamphlet, entitled " Papers of the Hawaiian Historical 
Society No. 3" (Inclosure No. 8),* on the subject of the evolution of the 
Hawaiian land tenures. To this I will add further information in rela- 
tion to the tenure of lands in these islands. It appears from all infor- 
mation attainable that the great mass of the natives have at all times 
had but little interest in real property. This will throw some light on 
the little development attained by them, and how the real property 



* Footnote omitted on account of length. 



24 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



lias, by virtue of the operation of these laws, resulted in the ownership 
by large landed proprietors, mostly of foreign birth. 

I see in the newspapers that the War Department is issuing in a 
documentary form information of various sorts in relation to the 
islands. In one of them it is stated that the natives generally speak 
the English language. This is quite contradictory to my information 
from intelligent persons here and my own observation. In Honolulu, 
where the situation is most favorable to development, the groups of 
children playing along^ the streets use their native tongue. The 
natives of mature age whom you meet are generally unable to converse 
with you in English or to understand what is said to them. They 
learn in the schools the English text-books as an American child would 
learn the Latin or Greek languages. This done, their capacity to think 
or speak English seems very slight. 

I am very much impressed with a belief that a large majority of the 
people of these islands are opposed to annexation and that the proofs 
being taken will verify this opinion. 

I have not indicated any purposes of the United States on the sub- 
ject of annexation in seeking to ascertain the sentiment of the people 
towards existing authority. A response to this necessarily involves 
the question of how the people feel towards annexation. The Provi- 
sional Government being avowedly a part of a scheme towards annexa- 
tion, and the opposition taking the form of opposing it, I have from 
necessity been compelled to put my inquiries more or less in a form 
answering to this division of sentiment. I have never claimed to mold 
the disposition of the administration on that question nor indicated my 
own. 

The condition of the public mind is very peaceful. I think it 
important to maintain this situation that a representative of the United 
States should be here before my departure who will maintain the atti- 
tude of noninterference in local affairs which I have observed. The 
contrary course on the part of an American representative would imme- 
diately produce much bitterness and discontent in one or the other 
of the parties now dividing the people. I can see no advantage in 
my remaining here longer than the month of May. I trust that you 
will consent to my return at such time during the month of June as I 
may choose. I prefer to write my report on my return to Washington 
rather than while here. Interruptions on the part of people who are 
constantly seeking my attention make this preferable. 

It is difficult to get passage from here to the United States on account 
of the great amount of travel, and arrangements must be made some 
weeks in advance. 

Please be kind enough to telegraph me in response to the subject of 
my return. 

I am, etc v 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United Stales. 



[Inclosure 1 in No. 3.] 

Power of attorney for Mr. Neumann. 

To all persons and to the Government of the United States of America and to all 
other Governments whatsoever : To all bodies corporate as well as bodies politic, 
and more especially to the President and to the Secretary of the Department of State 
of the United States of America, I, Liliuokalani, of the city of Honolulu, in the 
Island of Oahu, one of the Hawaiian Islands, send greeting: 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



25 



Whereas on the seventeenth day of January, A. D. 1893, at the city of Honolulu 
aforesaid, I did yield to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands my 
authority as Sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands under protest ; 

And whereas by so doing I claim to he entitled by international law and in the 
high forum of conscience and equity to receive consideration and provision both for 
myself and family and for Kaiulani, who was my legally appointed successor as 
such Sovereign; 

And whereas it is my intention and desire by these presents to authorize, secure, 
accomplish, and finally complete and to ratify by such arrangements as may con- 
duce to the greatest welfare and benefit of all the peo|tfe of the Hawaiian Islands 
and also of myself and family and the said Kaiulani; 

And whereas I repose the fullest confidence in the ability, integrity, and fidelity 
of Paul Neumann, esq., of the city of Honolulu aforesaid, counsellor at law, and. 
have entrusted him with full power and authority to act for me in the premises ; 

Now, therefore, know ye, that in consideration of the premises, I, Lilioukalani, 
aforesaid, have made, constituted, and appointed, and by these presents do hereby 
make, constitute, and appoint the aforesaid Paul Neumann, esq., my true, lawful, 
and sufficient attorney, for me and in my name, place, and stead, to negotiate, arrange, 
and agree with the United States of America and the President and the Secretary of 
the Department of State thereof, and with r.ny other (if any) representative or offi- 
cial thereof having authority in the premises for such official, or the consideration, 
benefit", and advantage as in the opinion of my said attorney shall, may, or can be 
obtained from the United States of America as well for myself and family as for the 
said Kaiulani, in consideration of existing conditions and circumstances. And if no 
official consideration for myself or said Kaiulani shall in the opinion of my said 
attorney be attainable from the United States of America, then and thereupon, and 
in such case to arrange and agree upon such pecuniary considerations, benefits, and 
advantages as can or may be secured for myself and family, and for said Kaiulani, 
from the United States of America, and whether the same shall be in the form of 
payment at one time of a sum of money to myself for of distinct sums of 
money to myself and said Kaiulani, or in payment of stated sums of 
money annually, or oftener, for a fixed period or periods of time, and 
upon ascertaining that such pecuniary considerations, benefits, advantages, 
or payments of money from and on the part of the said United States 
can be secured to agree upon, receive, and accept the same, and in my name 
.and behalf to make, execute, and deliver such agreements, releases, and acquit- 
tances of all my claims, demands, and pretensions whatsoever upon the throne of 
the Hawaiian Islands and upon the Government of the United States of America, as 
well as of the Hawaiian Islands and upon all persons having had anything to do with 
or having been or being in any way concerned in the said Provisional Government 
as shall be requisite to accomplish and secure such pecuniary considerations, bene- 
fits, advantages, and payments, or which shall be required therefor by the President 
or the Secretary of the Department of State aforesaid, or by any other (if any) rep- 
resentative or official of the United States authorized to act or agree in the premi- 
ses, and all that my said attorney shall do or cause to be done in the premises I do 
hereby for myself and my successors, executors, administrators, and assigns ratify 
and confirm, and further I do hereby covenant Avith my said attorney and his execu- 
tors and administrators and with the President of the United States of America 
and with any other person and persons representing the said United States of 
America in the premises, and with each of them, and with their respective suc- 
cessors both jointly and severally that all and whatsoever my said attorney shall 
in my behalf agree to do or cause to be done or agreed upon by virtue of 
these presents I will and my successors, heirs, executors, and administrators shall 
ratify and confirm, and that 1 will at any time thereafter execute, sign, seal, 
acknowledge, and deliver such other and further releases, acquittances, assur- 
ances and instruments in writing, as shall in the opinion of my said attorney 
or in the opinion of the President of the United States of America or of any officer 
or representative thereof having the matter in charge be requisite and proper in 
order to carry out the full intent and meaning of these presents. 

In witness whereof I hereunto and also to two other instruments of the same 
date and time have set my hands and seals at the city of Honolulu aforesaid this 
day of in the year A. D. 1893. 



[Inclo3ure 2 in No. 3.] 

Hawaiian Patriotic League to Mr. Blount. 

We, the women of the Hawaiian Islands, for our families and the happiness of our 
homes, desire peace and political quiet, and we pray that man's greed for power and 
spoils shall not be allowed to disturb the otherwise happy life of these islands, and 



26 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



that the revolutionary agitations and disturbances inaugurated here since 1887, by 
a few foreigners, may be forever suppressed. 

To that effect we believe that, in the light of recent events, the peace, welfare, and 
honor of both America and Hawaii will be better served, for the present, if the Gov- 
ernment of the great American Republic does not countenance the illegal conduct 
and interference of its representatives here and the rash wish of a minority of for- 
eigners for annexation. 

Therefore, we respectfully but earnestly pray that Hawaii may be granted the 
preservation of its independent autonomy and the restoration of its legitimate native 
monarchy under our Queen^iliuokalaui, in whom we have full confidence. 

And we hope that the distinguished citizen, who so wisely presides over the 
United States, may kindly receive this our petition, for which we shall evermore 
pray for God's blessing on him and his Government. 

Mrs. James Campbell, President. 

Mrs. J. A. Cummins, lice-President. 

Mrs. Al. Fernandez, Treasurer. 

Mrs. C. K. Stillmax, Secretary. 

Mrs. Joseph Nauahi, 

Mrs. Junius Kaae, 

Miss Hattie Hiram, 

Mrs. M. Kahai, 

Mrs. Lulia Aholo, 

Mrs. L. Kekupuwolui Maheloxa, 

Mrs. W. H. Aldrich, 

Mrs. M. A. Lemox, 

Executive Committee. 

They were evidently persons of intelligence, and refined in their deportment. 
After reading the papers handed to me I responded that I would forward them to 
my Government as a matter of information, but that I could not enter into any dis- 
cussion of the situation; that I would accept and transmit their papers, as I did all 
other facts, for purposes of information. To this they responded that they did not 
expect me to communicate anything to them as to my views or the disposition of 
the Government of the United States. 



[In closure 4 in Xo. 3.] 
A report from Mr. Wundenburg to Mr. Blount. 

The committee of safety met at the office of W. 0. Smith in Fort street, Honolulu, 
at about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of Monday, the 16th day of January, 1893, for the 
purpose of discussing the necessary steps to be taken in forming a new government. 

Shortly after the committee met it was decided that they were not ready for the 
landing of the American troops, and a committee of three, with Thurston as the 
chairman, was immediately dispatched to the American legation to prevail upon 
Mr. Stevens to delay the landing of the Boston's men. The committee returned 
shortly and reported that Mr. Stevens had said to them : " Gentlemen, the troops of 
the Boston land this afternoon at 5 o'clock, whether you are ready or not." 

The foregoing report of Mr. Stevens's reply to the committee is as near literal as 
can be remembered, and gives a correct idea of the meaning conveyed. The com- 
mittee of safety adjourned to meet the snme evening, at 7 :30 o'clock, at the house of 
Henry Waterhouse. in Kuuaim Valley, The American troops landed at 5 o'clock, as 
Mr. Stevens had told the committee they would, and marched up Fort street to 
Merchant, and along Merchant street, halting in King street, between the palace and 
Government building. 

At the time the men landed the town was perfectly quiet, business hours were 
about over, and the people — men, women, and. children — were in the streets, and 
nothing unusual was to be seen except the landing of a formidable armed force with 
Gatling guns, evidently fully prepared to remain on shore for an indefinite length of 
time, as the men were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition, 
also haversacks and canteens, and were attended by a hospital corps with stretchers 
and medical supplies. The curiosity of the people on the streets was aroused, and 
the youngsters, more particularly, followed the troops to see what it was all about. 
Nobody seemed to know, so when the troops found quarters the populace dispersed, 
the most of them going to the band concert at thehotel, which wasvery fully attended, 
as it was a beautiful moonlight evening, all who were not in the secret still won- 
dering at the military demonstration. 

The committee met at Mr. Waterhouse's residence, according to adj our anient, 



REPORT OP COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIi.N ISLANDS. 



27 



at 7:30 o'clock p. m. of the same day, January 16. The formation of some sort of 
government was under discussion, and it was decided that a commander in chief of 
the forces supporting the proposed new government should he appointed. The 
position was offered to Mr. John H. Soper, who demurred, as he did not see any 
hacking whatever to support the movement. Mr. Soper was answered by members 
of the committee that the American minister would support the move with the 
troops of the Boston. Mr. Soper still doubted, so a couple of the committee 
escorted him over to the legation, which, by the way, was in the adjoining premises, 
and the three came back after a time, reporting that Mr. Stevens had given them 
the full assurance that any proclamation of the Governn#nt put forward at the Gov- 
ernment building, or any other building in Honolulu for that matter, would receive 
his immediate recognition and the support of the Boston's men. This assurance 
seemed to satisfy Mr. Soper, and he accepted the position. 

On Tuesday afternoon, January 17, the committee of thirteen, or committee of 
safety, proceeded from the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant street to the Govern- 
ment building and read the proclamation of a new government at 2.40 o'clock, there 
being practically no audience whatever. As the reading proceeded a dozen or so 
loungers gathered, and near the close of the ceremony about thirty supporters, 
variously armed, came running into the side and back entrances of the yard and 
gathered about the committee. 

At this moment the United States troops, in the temporary quarters in the rear 
of the Music Hall (less than 100 yards from where the committee stood) appeared 
to be under arms and were evidently prepared for any emergency. 

During all the deliberations of the committee, and in fact throughout the whole 
proceedings connected with plans for the move up to the final issue, the basis of 
action was the general understanding that Minister Stevens would keep his promise 
to support the movement with the men from the Boston, and the statement is now 
advisedly made (with a full knowledge of the lack of arms, ammunition, and men, 
also the utter absence of organization at all adequate to the undertaking), that 
without the previous assurance of support from the American minister and the 
actual presence of the United States troops no movement would have been attempted, 
and if attempted, would have been a dismal failure resulting in the capture or death 
of the participants in a very short time. 

(Having been present at the several meetings referred to in this statement, I hereby 
certify that the same is correct in every essential particular. F. Wundenburg.) 
* ( Note. — This person appears to be highly esteemed here. He was tendered the 
position of collector of customs recently by the Provisional Government and 
declined it. I send an extract from the Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, show- 
ing its esteem of him.) : 

A PROJECTED APPOINTMENT. 

It is stated that the council at its meeting yesterday recommended the appoint- 
ment of F. W. Wundenberg as collector-general of customs. The appointment 
would be in all respects a worthy one. Mr. Wundenberg is thoroughly qualified by 
long business experience for the position. He is a man of great energy and char- 
acter, and of unimpeachable integrity. If made collector he may be trusted to 
make no compromise with evil, but to fight it to the bitter end. 

Mr. Wundenberg was identified with the revolution from the 14th of January until 
the danger was over. He was placed in charge of the police station at a time when 
everything depended on reliable leadership, and if an uprising should occur he 
would follow the cause into the cannon's mouth to-day. As a recognition of valu- 
able service at a critical moment his appointment would be peculiarly appropriate. 

Mr. Wundenberg has an abundant crop of enemies. In this he does not differ from 
most men of positive traits. The fact will recommend him to all who desire to see 
a strong and fearless man collector-general. 



[Inclosure 5 in No. 3.] 
Mr. Cornwell to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, April 24, 1893. 

The following statement does not purport to be an exhaustive or full history or 
report of the resolution of the 17th day of January, but are simply plain facts re- 
lating to that political incident as they came within my personal knowledge and 
observation as a minister in Her Majesty's cabinet. 

On the 14th of January Her Majesty prorogued the Legislature, with the usual 
ceremony pertaining to such occasion. It was noted that the foreign members of 



28 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



th* Legislature absented themselves as an expression of their disapproval and oppo- 
sition to the cabinet, thereby indicating their threatening attitude against The Gov- 
ernment and giving color to the rumors, which already, then, had reached us, that 
the reform party was conspiring to take some steps to. if possible, recover their lost 
power. After prorogation Her Majesty informed the cabinet that she wished to see 
them at the palace, and we responded" to her order at about 1:30 p. m. After our 
arrival the Queen stated to us that, at the request of some 8,000 of her native sub- 
jects, she had decided to promulgate a new constitution, in which the grievances of 
her petitioning subjects would be remedied, and she asked us to sign the document 
with her. We all declined to become a party to this move and refused to comply 
with her request, and we earnestly advised her to give up her intention, although 
we were well aAvare that more than two-thirds of the electors of the country were in 
favor of the change, and that nearly all the representatives in the Legislator-- were 
elected on a platform in which the main plank was a new constitution. However, 
after talking with her and explaining the impossibility of taking such a step, she* 
admitted that we were in the right, although calling our attention to the precedent 
which the Reform party had created by the revolutionary constitution which was 
promulgated in 1887. 

The Queen then told the people's delegates, who were assembled in the throne 
room, that she could not grant their request at this time, but asked them all to 
return home quietly and await in peate the time when a proper course could be 
adopted to carry out the will of the people. The people dispersed quietly, and in a 
short time there were no Hawaiians in the palace grounds. A few remarks were 
made by the Hon. William White, the representative for Lahaina. to the effect that, 
while the people regretted the Queen's inability to grant the wishes of the people, 
they would accept the assurances of the Queen and await the proper time, which, if 
they were successful at the next election to be held, would be at the meeting of the 
Legislature in 1894. The insurgents have falsely reported the remarks of Mr. White, 
and in their press and otherwise represented him as making an incendiary and 
threatening speech. The falsehood of such statement, well known to us who Vere 
witnesses at the scene, will shortly be proven in the courts of justice, as Mr. White 
has retained counsel for the purpose of bringing a damage suit for malicious libel 
against the Pacific Commercial Advertiser, the principal organ of the reform party. 
Saturday evening and night were as peaceful and quiet as at any other time, but 
the conspirators were at work. 

On Sunday morning. January 15, Mr. Thurston, the head of the revolutionary 
party, called on my colleagues, Ministers Colburn and Peterson, and asked them to 
join with himself and others in deposing the Queen, assuring them that such move- 
ment would be perfectly safe, as Minister Stevens had promised them the support 
of the United States forces and also that he would recognize and support a provi- 
sional government as soon as such a step could be taken. My colleagues naturally 
refused to entertain the infamous proposition of Mr. Thurston, and immediately 
communicated with myself and Minister Parker. The cabinet held several consul- 
tations with leading citizens of known loyalty to the Queen, and. knowing the 
strength of our forces, we felt confident that we easily could cope with any insur- 
rection of the few malcontents. 

On Monday, the 16th, we were informed that the conspirators had decided to estab- 
lish a revolutionary government, giving as a reason that Her Majesty had attempted 
to violate the constitution, but the cabinet still felt sure that no such attempt could 
succeed if the insurgents depended on their own forces. The cabinet then advised 
the Queen to issue a proclamation to the people, in which she explained her reasons 
for desiring to promulgate a new constitution, and at the same time assured them 
that she would not make any further attempt or proposition to gain that object. 
This was done, and at 11 a. in. the proclamation was printed and distributed all 
over town. Assurances to a similar end were also sent to the foreign representa- 
tives and accepted as satisfactory. In the afteruoon two mass meetings took place, 
one at the armory, where the actions so far taken by the so-called safety committee 
were indorsed, and one on Palace square, where the proclamation of the Queen was 
accepted and responded to in a resolution. 

I will here state that of the large number of citizens who gathered at the armory 
meeting, perhaps not fifty understood or desired that any further steps should or 
would be taken. Of this I have been assured by a number of prominent citizens 
with whom I am on terms of friendship, although differing with them politically, 
and who went to that meeting simply for the purpose of giving a public expression 
that the community disapproved of the step which the Queen had desired to take, 
and who believed that the matter would be dropped right there. The issue of the 
Queen's proclamation was done after a consultation which the cabinet held Monday 
morning with the foreign representatives. We stated to the members of the corps 
diplomatique, who were present, what we intended to do. and were told that it was 
considered a wise step which they believed would be satisfactory. Present at the 
consultation were the representatives of England, France, Japan, and Portugal, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 29 



Minister Stevens declined to be present, which did not surprise. lis, "knowing his sym- 
pathy for the revolutionists. At about 4 p. m. we were informed that the United 
States forces were lauding. 

Ministers Parker and Peterson immediately called upon Minister Stevens and gave 
him to understand that the Government was perfectly able to take care of the situ- 
ation, and requested him to keep the troops on board. He answered that he had 
landed the troops for the protection of American life and property and proposed to 
keep them ashore. The troops then marched up by the palace, passed as far out on 
King street as the residence of Mr. J. B. Atherton, a distance of about 600 yards, 
and later on returned and quartered for the night in the Arion hall, a building 
opposite the government building and the palace. It is noteworthy that the Arion 
hall and all the buildings in the immediate vicinity are not American property, so 
if the troops were landed solely for the protection of American property, the placing 
of them so far away from the center of the property of Americans and so very close 
to the property of the Hawaiian Government was remarkable and very suggestive. 

On Tuesday," the 17th, we were informed that the insurgents would proclaim a 
provisional government in the afternoon, and the cabinet called upon Minister 
Stevens, asking him if he would afford any assistance to the legal and lawful Gov- 
ernment of the country to which he was accredited in case that such assistance should 
be required. He refused in unmistakable terms, and made us understand that he 
should acknowledge and support the revolutionary government as soon as it was 
established. We then proceeded to the station house, where we held a council of 
war. Our forces were enthusiastic, and volunteers enrolled so rapidly that it became 
necessary to close the doors of the station house. A little after 3 o'clock p. m. we 
were informed that a handful of citizens had entered the government building and 
that a proclamation had been read claiming that a provisional government had been 
established and that the Queen was deposed, and also that the United States forces, 
under command of Capt. Wiltse, were marched up ready for action, with sharp 
loaded cannon and guns. 

The Government had decided not to place forces in the Government building, as 
the immediate vicinity of the United States troops would endanger the lives of the 
men from the Boston in. case of a conflict with the rebels, and the Government 
desired, at all hazards, to avoid giving Minister Stevens any excuse or pretense for his 
hostile actions. After the information relating to the establishing of the Provisional 
Government had been received the cabinet wrote a letter from the station house to 
Minister Stevens and sent it to him by Mr. Charles Hopkins, a noble of the Legisla- 
ture. The letter was a request to the American minister to inform the Queen's Gov- 
ernment if he intended to recognize or support the lawful Government or the revo- 
lutionary government, which it was claimed was in existence. Mr. Stevens received 
the letter, and, through his daughter, informed Mr. Hopkins that he would answer 
it in due time. Mr. Hopkins demanded, cautiously but firmly, an immediate answer, 
and after considerable waiting a letter was handed to him addressed to His Excel- 
lency Samuel Parker, Minister of Foreign Affairs, m which Mr. Stevens stated that 
he had recognized the Provisional Government because they were in possession of 
the Government building, and that he intended to support them. 

We realized then that any steps from our side to dialodge and arrest the rebels 
would unavoidably lead us into a conflict with the United States forces, and we 
decided to surrender to the Provisional Government with the full understanding 
that such surrender was under protest, the United States Government to decide if 
the action of their minister and the use of their forces to destroy a friendly Govern- 
ment was justifiable and according to American principles. The conference between 
the Provisional Government was carried on by Mr. S. M. Damon on their behalf and 
the cabinet on behalf of the Queen. Other stipulations were agreed upon, the 
Provisional Government showing itself ready to promise anything so long as a fight 
could be avoided, but all such stipulations and promises were totally ignored after 
the surrender was made. It was after 7 o'clock p. m. when finally the arms and 
ammunition of the Queen's Government were turned over to the Provisional Govern- 
ment, or about three hours after Minister Stevens had acknowledged that he had 
recognized the revolutionary government. 

As a man who, for years, has taken an active part in Hawaiian politics, and as a 
practical sugar yjlanter of many years' experience, it is not difficult for me to realize 
the true cause for the late revolution and for the subsequent desire for annexation. 
The depression in the sugar business which, since the passage of the McKinley bill, 
has made havoc with the handsome dividends which we have enjoyed since4875 and 
the loss of power by the reform party were the only and true reasons for the revo- 
lution. The prospects of the sugar bounty was and is the main motive for the 
desire to be annexed on the part of the handful of responsible men who still desire 
such step to be taken. That such plans were fully in accord with the policy of the 
late American Government, from which Mr. Stevens received his instructions, was 
the only reason why the scheme became feasible. The very idea of losing their inde- 
pendence as a nation is distasteful to the Hawaiians, and I say unhesitatingly, 



30 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



although I am an American citizen, to a large contingent of the foreign residents 
here. 

The Queen's attempt to give a new constitution is not the only reason which is 
given by the insurgents as an excuse for the revolution. The passage of the lottery 
bill and the opium license hill has also been used both by Mr. Stevens and the insur- 
gents as extenuating circumstances. I opposed and voted against the lottery bill, 
although it was a measure of my party, because I do not believe in the principle of 
such a law. But the measure was favored and supported by nearly all the Americans 
in Honolulu, the very men who revolted and who now claim that the lottery was 
the cause of the revolution. 

On the day of the prorogation of the Legislature Minister Stevens returned to town, 
after a visit to Hawaii, too late to be present at the ceremony of the prorogation, 
but he called at the Government building where he saw Minister Parker and myself. 
After having made his excuses for not attending the prorogation he asked if the 
Queen had signed the lottery bill. Answered in the am native, he became very 
excited, and striking the table with his clenched fist he exclaimed, over and over 
again: " Gentlemen, this is a direct attack on the United States Government." I 
told him that the Queen had signed the bill because the measure seemed to be the 
wish of the people, and that the petitions favoring the bill from Honolulu contained 
a large number of names of prominent and responsible men, and although I was 
personally opposed to the bill I did not consider it justifiable for the cabinet to advise 
the Queen to veto it. 

.The opium license act I consider a wise measure, and as an employer of a large 
number of men I claim that the regular sale of opium is of greater advantage to all 
classes than the prohibition of it, which no government can enforce owing to the 
facility for smuggling offered by the large territory of coast on the islands. The 
opium license law was passed not alone as a revenue measure, but for the purpose 
of checking the wholesale corruption which the smuggling of the drug carried 
with it, and was, if anything, a measure in favor of the morality of the country 
rather tliau a measure of corruption. The bill was supported by many of the lead- 
ing men in the present Government and also by many planters, irrespective of polit- 
ical sentiments or party. 

In concluding this statement I wish to call attention to the fact that Minister J. 
L. Stevens, in one of his official dispatches to Secretary Foster, now published, 
has expressed himself to the effect that I am entertaining feelings of hostility and 
enmity towards him. I am not aware of ever having given Mr. Stevens any reason 
for making such an assertion, which is utterly without foundation, and I only call 
the attention to the matter to avoid a possible impression that anything which I 
have here stated should be construed as biased or influenced by any private motives 
or the result of any alleged unfriendly relations with the American minister. 

Wm. H. Cornwell. 



[Inclosure 6 in No. 3.] 
Mr. Colbum to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, April 15, 189S. 

Sir: As a member of Her Majesty Liliuokalani's cabinet that was deposed with 
her by a handful of citizens backed" by the troops of the good ship Boston of the CJ. 
S. Navy, I called on you on the evening of Saturday, April 8, and paid my respects 
to you. You received me kindly, and during our conversation you asked me to pre- 
pare for you a statement of the facts connected with the Hawaiian revolution and 
all that was incident to it, and other important matters in re Hawaii, from my own 
knowledge and observation. 

In respouse to your request I submit to you the following, trusting that it may be 
of value to you in summing up your conclusions in all that has happened, and the 
position of Queen Liliuokalani and the Hawaiian people. 

Iuoj>ening up my statement, I desire first to introduce myself thoroughly to you, 
so that you will recognize at once that I propose to take the responsibility of all 
that I write, and will produce to the extent of my ability, all such evidence as you 
may require, to corroborate what I write should you so desire it. 

My name in full is John Francis Colburn. I was born on the 30th day of Septem- 
ber, 1859; my father was an American and my mother a Hawaiian. My father died 
when I was but 2 years of age, and I, with my brother and sister, was brought up 
by my mother, who labored and toiled for our support with a sewing machine. I 
have received the whole of my education right here and have never traveled further 
than beyond San Francisco, Cal., wh^n my presence was called there on business, 
and I made four different trips to that large city. At the age of 16 years I entered 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 31 



into employment, receiving such from the iirm of Lewers & Cooke, the latter being 
one of the commissioners of the Provisional Government who went to Washington to 
secure annexation. At the age of 20 years I was married, and have living to-day 
five children ; for the last seven years I have couducted a large hay, grain, and feed, 
business on my own account, and am still following that pursuit. I omitted to men- 
tion that I had a large number of relatives on my father's side residing in different 
parts of the United States, chief among them being the husband of my father's own 
sister, J. H. Gans, residing in Red Bud. 111., a strong Democrat and an applicant to 
President Cleveland for the position of American minister to this country in place of 
J. L. Stevens. My great grandfather, Thomas Colburn, was the first man killed at 
the battle of Bunker Hill in 1775, fighting as a patriotic American. 

Liliuokalani was proclaimed Queen of the Hawaiian Islands January 29, 1891; her 
first cabinet had Mr. Samuel Parker as premier; he and his colleagues were 
voted out by a resolution of want of confidence, introduced by Mr. W. C. Wilder, 
one of the commissioners to Washington to seek annexation. After they were voted 
out the Queen appointed and commissioned a cabinet with E. C. Macfarlane as 
premier; they reported to the legislature and immediately upon sight L. A. Thurs- 
ton moved an adjournment for two days. After adjournment, and when the mem- 
bers had taken their seats, W. O. Smith, the present attorney-general of the Provi- 
sional Government, introduced a resolution of want of confidence. After a long and 
heated discussion a vote was taken, and only twenty-four members responded to 
adopting the resolution ; it was only lost to be resurrected again at another day. Time 
roiled on, and two weeks after another resolution of want of confidence was intro- 
duced against this same cabinet, but this time, through the intrigue of Thurston 
and his party, it was brought in and read by a native member. A vote was taken 
and a sufficient number of votes were cast to oust them. 

They retired and the Queen, appointed another cabinet, of which W. H. Cornwell 
Avas premier. This cabinet, as soon as it presented itself to the house, was voted 
out on sight; the reason of it was, that the intrigue was worked so well on some of 
the native members of the legislature by paying them bribes and a weekly support, 
that they agreed with Thurston and his faction to vote out any cabinet the Queen 
chose to send to the legislature, unless it be a certain four of their own party, who 
they, wanted to get in as the cabinet, and control the affairs of the country. The 
funds put up for this purpose was partly by S. M. Damon and C. Bolte, also by Mr. 
H. P. Baldwin, a large sugar plantation owner. When the Cornwell cabinet was 
voted out the Queen was puzzled as to what to do. She looked upon this reform 
party, who was doing all this work, as bringing about a conflict with her and the 
legislature; this reform party wanted to dictate to the Queen who the cabinet 
should be, and she, on the other hand, did not wish to recognize them to that 
extent, because the whole of the opposition, who had been voting cabinets out, 
were a mixture of three different political parties, and she was well informed that 
bribery was at the bottom of the whole affair. 

She stood the Legislature off for a week or ten days ; in the meantime she asked 
several well-to-do conservative business men to consult with her as to what course 
she should pursue, and considerable advice was given her to make the appointments 
of the persons whom the reform party was clamoring for, so as to bring about quiet 
and contentment in the business community, who was worked up to a certain pitch 
about the fact that the only work the Legislature was doing was to oust cabinets, 
and it was affecting business. The Queen paid heed to this advice given, and com- 
missioned what was known as the Wilcox or the missionary cabinet. They reported 
to the Legislature, and to show you that they were not a popular cabinet, twenty- 
five members were ready to vote them right out, and it was only through the influ- 
ence of some of us that the resolution was not introduced then, so that this cabinet 
could have a fair trial. It staid in power two months when, on the 12th day of 
January, 1893, a resolution was introduced and they were A'oted out. The reform 
party or the missionaries, as they are better named and called, were disgruntled 
and dissatisfied and discouraged at this work, and openly said we will get even 
with you, meaning the Hawaiians. They knew this vote meant their losing their 
- power and influence in this country for years to come, and they were hostile. How- 
ever, the majority of the people were satisfied that they were voted out, and looked 
to the prospects of the Queen appointing a cabinet with at least two Hawaiians in 
it, so that the race prejudice which had been created for quite a while would wear 
away and the Hawaians and foreigners would work together ; the Queen also real- 
ized this matter as of great importance, and on Friday, January 13, 1893, she sum- 
moned and appointed the writer, minister of interior; Samuel Parker, minister of 
foreign affairs; W. H. Cornwell, minister of finance, and A. P. Peterson, attorney- 
general; the first two of us being the Hawaiian representation and the last two the 
foreign. 

We repaired to the Lpgislatnre who was waiting for the Queen's new cabinet, and 
as this cabinet approached the Government building from the palace the former was 
thronged with people who were anxious to see the new cabinet and extend their 



32 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



congratulations to us. That was a scene that has never hefore been witnessed upon 
the appointment of former cabinets; however, we arrived at the Legislature and 
amidst great cheering we took our seats. The house went through its work and 
then adjourned. The next day was the time that had been previously set for pro- 
roguing the Legislature. At 10 o'clock of that day, January 14, 1893, Mr Peterson 
informed me that he had heard it rumored that it was the Queen's intention to pro- 
mulgate a new constitution. I replied to him that she was making a mistake and I 
would oppose her if she really intended to do it. I called out to Messrs. Parker and 
Corn well, and the four of us consulted over the matter. We all agreed that if the 
Queen was determined upon doing this work, and pleasing only the native element, 
we would oppose her. Mr. Parker went over at once to the palace to tind out cor- 
rectly if there was any truth to this rumor, but he Avas unable to see her, as she was 
preparing herself to prorogue the Legislature. He returned and informed us that 
he could not see her, and we decided to wait until the closing of Parliament. 

In the meantime, however, I felt as though we should place ourselves in the right 
light before the foreign element of the community, and to get their view on the 
matter in case the Queen's intentions were really as rumored and she would make it 
an issue with us, I left my colleagues at the Government building and repaired at 
once with all haste to the office of A. S. Hartwell, an old and esteemed friend of 
mine, and told him about the rumor we had heard, the consultation we had had, and 
the position we would take if the Queen could not be guided by our advice, and 
that was to resign. He asked me if he could ask Messrs. Thurston and Smith (the 
Provisional Government commissioner at Washington and the present attorney-gen- 
eral of the Provisional Government; to be together with him, and we would all con- 
sult the matter over together. I consented and he summoned them. When they 
arrived I went over what I had "told Mr. Hartwell a short time previous and when 
I got through Thurston spoke Tip and said, " Colburn, don't you resign under any 
conditions; if the Queen makes this an issue with you, we (meaning the foreign 
element) will back you up and I feel sure Minister Stevens will." He further asked, 
"are you alone in your stand? " and I replied, " no, I was positive Peterson took the 
same view as I did." He spoke up again, " bring Peterson down here; we want to 
talk to him." 

1 repaired at once to the Government building, told Peterson what I had done, 
and asked him to come down to Hartwell's office with me. He consented, and we 
both came down. Upon arriving there we held a consultation. Thurston submit- 
ted in writing a plan for action in case the Queen was going to carry out her desire. 
We took the document, which was written by Thurston himself, and told him we 
would await developments. We then left them and went to the Government build- 
ing. This was now approaching the noon hour. At 12 m., precisely, the Queen 
arrived at the Government building and prorogued the Legislature. Immediately 
after the Queen had left to return to the palace, Mr. Parker came up and said to us 
that the diplomatic corps wanted to have an interview^ with us at once in the foreign 
affairs office. We all consented and went directly upstairs to meet them. 

After we were all seated, Mr. Wodehouse opened the conversation by asking us 
if we knew that a knew constitution was to be promulgated that afternoon by the 
Queen ? Mr. Parker replied that the cabinet were not aware of it, but they had 
heard rumors of it; he asked again what position the cabinet would take if the 
Queen did attempt to promulgate a new constitution, and Mr. Parker replied that 
the cabinet would oppose it. The conversation then drifted into their inquiring as 
to what reason could prompt the Queen to do anything like this, if the rumors that 
they and ourselves had heard were true, and we answered that it must be from the 
petition the natives had got up, signed, and presented to her. Mr. Wodehouse then 
said the Queen must not promulgate a new constitution, and if she had any idea of 
it she must abandon it. We assured him we would do all in our power to avoid 
anything of this kind happening. During all this conversation Mr. J. L. Stevens, 
who had kept perfectly quiet, not saying -any thing, spoke up now and asked if the 
Queen had signed the lottery bill? Mr. Parker replied in the affirmative; he asked 
again, did the cabinet advise the Queen to sign it? Mr. Peterson replied that the 
Queen considered that the bill having passed the Legislature by a majority tshe 
should sign it as she had no reason for vetoing it, and the cabinet acquiesced in her 
action. Mr. Stevens instantly raised his cane and stamped it on the floor and said 
the passing of the lottery bill and the signing of it by the Queen is a direct attack 
upon the United States ; and he picked up his hat and walked out of the room, but 
before he was fairly out he spoke up and said, he wanted the cabinet to inform 
him at once if the Queen was going to attempt what we had a little while before 
discussed; we replied to him that we w T ould, and we parted company. 

The cabinet then went directly from the Government building to the palace where 
there was in waiting the Queen, members of the legislature, members of several 
political societies, and a large number of the public. Upon our arrival at the palace 
we entered the blue room and met the Queen. After seating ourselves she said to us 
that she had received a petition signed by nine thousand of her native subjects ask- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 33 



ing her for a new constitution, and she thought this was an opportune time to grant 
them their prayer and asked us to countersign her signature that she wanted to place 
on the document. Each one of us got up, one after the other, and told her that we 
could not accede to her wishes, and advised her to abandon the idea. She was very 
determined at first, and said she should promulgate it anyway. We reasoned with 
her and left her to think the matter over again, and at the same time take rest. 

Messrs. Cornwell, Peterson, and myself left the palace and went to the Govern- 
ment building; we held a consultation and sent a message to each of the diplomatic 
corps; they all arrived and we entered into consultation again. The gentlemen of 
the diplomatic corps urged us very strongly to return to the palace and inform Her 
Majesty that she must abandon the idea at once. While this was going on at the 
Government building, Thurston and others who had heard of this matter were 
enrolling names down town with the avowed object of supporting the Cabinet in 
their positions and the stand they had taken. Thurston then came up to me and 
said to oppose the Queen's intention as the foreign element of the community did 
not want a new constitution, and we could receive support, all that we wanted, 
even if it was necessary to depose her. At 3 o'clock, of that day we left the Govern- 
ment buildiitg again, and started over to the palace as the Queen had just sent us a 
message she wanted to see us at once. 

As we were hurrying over there, and just before I had got out of the gate at the 
entrance of the Government building yard, W. O. Smith, the present attorney- 
general, came rushing in in a hack very much excited, and said, " Colburn, don't be 
alarmed ; buck the Queen all you can ; the troops of the Boston will assist in support- 
ing you in your stand; make all the haste you can. Mr. Stevens has sent an order 
to the captain of the Boston, and his men with their guns and ammunition are 
already in the boats of the ship ready to come ashore at once." I made no reply to 
him except telling him we were then on our way to the palace. He left me and I 
sung oat to my colleagues, and told them what Smith had said to me. We arrived 
at the palace, and the Queen, who was waiting for us, asked us if we would read the 
new constitution she wanted to promulgate, and compare it with the one forced 
upon the late King Kalakaua by the Reform party in the revolution of 1887, and 
also the one promulgated by Kamehameha V in 1864. We replied that we would, 
sat down, and after comparing it we found some defects in it and pointed them out 
to her and advised her again to abandon the idea. After a little while she spoke 
up, and asked us if we were a unit in our advice, and we all replied yes. She then 
said she would pay heed to it and would inform her people who were still waiting, 
that she could not give them what they wanted, and to endure their grievances 
(this implied to the Constitution of 1887). She did so, and the people departed for 
their homes. 

Mr. Peterson and myself went down town to the office of W. O. Smith, where there 
was a large gathering of the foreigners, and they asked me to speak to them. I did 
so and told them all that happened; some of them asked if we did not think the 
Queen would promulgate it at some other time, and I assured them we would never 
allow her to do it as long as the people who lived her© were not a unit on such a 
subject. A little later about 4 :30 p. m. of that day, Mr. Thurston came to me with a 
document written out by him and said, "Colburn, this is a request on Minister 
Stevens and Capt. Wiltse to land the troops from the Boston and render you support; 
you and Peterson and Cornwell must sign it and place it in my hands so that in case 
you are imprisoned by the Queen's orders that she can put this project of hers through, 
then this letter can be delivered." I replied to him that I did not think it was neces- 
sary, as I felt sure the Queen had abandoned the idea altogether; he insisted on my 
taking it, and I took it and handed it to Peterson; where it now is I do not know, 
but we never signed it, as there was no reason for it. 

The next morning, Sunday, January 15, 1893 at 6 a. m., Thurston came to my house 
and asked me to go with him to Peterson's house. I asked him what he wanted with 
us at such an early hour, and his reply was, pressing business. I consented and 
accompanied him to Peterson's house. Upon our arriving there we entered the room, 
and when we were seated, the three of us, he said that he represented a committee of 
safety who had had a meeting at his house on Saturday evening and decided to send 
him to us with a proposition, and that was that we, Peterson and Colburn, should 
depose the Queen. We asked him who this committee of safety was, and he replied 
thirteen gentlemen picked out from all those that had enrolled to support the cabi- 
net in opposing the Queen against her desires in re new constitution. We asked 
him to furnish their names and he did so. He then said, it is the desire of this com- 
mittee you two should depose the Queen and declare a provisional government. 
l>on't say a word about it to Parker and Cornwell, as Parker is a treacherous liar, 
and Cornwell is not fit for anything, and simply does what Parker tells him to do. 
He went on to say that it was their desire to get a division in the cabinet, and the 
deposing of the Queen should appear to be done by a part of her own cabinet, or a 
portion of the Goverment itself - and he went on to say that he could inform us that 

10518 3 *► 



34 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Mf . Stevens had given this committee the assurance that if we two signed a request 
to him to land, the troops of the Boston he would immediately comply with the request 
and have them landed to assist in carrying out this work ; and further, that if we did 
not agree to the proposition that we could not receive aid and support from them in 
the future if we needed it. We told him that we would have to take the matter 
under advisement and would inform him as to our conclusions later on. He pressed 
for an answer then, but we refused to give it to him. 

After his departure we sent for Parker and Cornwell, and imparted to them what 
Thurston had proposed to us, and we entered into consultation. We decided to sum- 
mon a'c least six responsible and conservative business men of the community to con- 
sult with us, and to get their views. We did so, and, at 1:30 p. m. of that Sunday, 
the following gentlemen met us: Messrs. F. A. Schaeffer, J. O. Carter, S. M. Damon, 
W. M. Giffard, S. C. Allen, and E. C. Macfarlaue. We told them what Thurston, on 
behalf of the committee of thirteen, had proposed, and asked them for their views. 
Each one asked if the Queen had given up the idea of promulgating a new consti- 
tution altogether, and we replied in the affirmative. They said, in that case the 
Queen and cabinet should issue a proclamation, giving the community the assurance 
that this matter was at an end. 

We asked them to dictate a proclamation and they did so; they one and all deci- 
ded that we should inform this committee that we could not consider their proposi- 
tion, and ask them to accept the assurances that were to be given in the proclamation. 
They also asked if the Government was in a position to suppress any uprising, and 
we told these gentlemen that the Government was ready and able to cope with any 
emergency that might happen, and to suppress any revolt. Mr. S. M. Damon spoke 
up and said the troops of the ''Boston" are going to be landed. Before proceeding 
further, I may say right here that Mr. Damon's remark seemed insignificant at the 
time, but as things turned out he was in with the revolutionists and knew perfectly 
well the attitude af Mr. Stevens, and when he made the remark at our meeting it 
signified a good deal; it meant that those forces were going to depose Queen Liliuo- 
kalani and place the situation of the country in the position that it is in to-day. 

The next day (Monday) the proclamation dictated by these gentlemen was printed 
and posted and distributed all over town. Later on in the day two mass meetings 
were held, one by the native element and the other by the foreign element. At the 
former the natives accepted the proclamation, although it was directly contrary to 
what they wanted (a new constitution), and the latter denounced the Queen and 
left everything in the hands of the committee of safety spoken about. At 5 p. m. 
of that day the troops of the Hoston were landed. Immediately upon the informa- 
tion being conveyed to the cabinet that such was the case, Mr. Parker and myself 
drove with all haste to the residence of J. L. Stevens. When we arrived there, we 
asked him the reason the troops w. re being landed, and his reply was that he had 
received a request from a committee of safety, and he had consulted with Capt. 
Wiltse. He went on to say that there were a number of women and old men in the 
town besides children that were alarmed with the rumors of a revolution, and he 
wanted to offer protection. Mr. Parker replied 1hat the Government was in a posi- 
tion to offer everyone protection, was able to suppress any rebellion, and would 
offer protection to him (Stevens) and noted his protest. Mr. Stevens replied that he 
was informed that the Government was in a strong position to suppress any revolt, 
but he could not help the matter of landing, and as the troops were ashore they 
would stay ashore. I asked him if he intended to annex the country and he replied 
" No," and further said those troops are ashore to preserve the Queen on her throne, 
you gentlemen in your offices, and to offer protection to the community at large. 
We told him again we did not want the troops ashore, and we could preserve law 
and order ourselves. He replied by saying make your protest in writing, and if you 
make it in a friendly spirit I will answer in the same tone. 

On Tuesday information was conveyed to us that the Queen was to be deposed 
and a Provisional Government declared; we got everything in readiness to sup- 
press the revolt expected; we had under arms 600 men with rifles, and 30,000 
rounds of ammunition, 8 brass Austrian field cannon, and 2 Gatling guns. A little 
before 2 p. m. of that day the cabinet drove up to Mr. Stevens's residence to inquire 
of him as to the position he was going to take in this matter, as we were informed 
and suspected from all that Thurston and his followers had said that the American 
troops were going to assist these tisurpers, who everyone knew would not attempt 
to bring about any such change as they were going to if they were not assured of 
support by the American forces. We arrived at Stevens's house and after talking 
quite awhile with him he gave us no definite answer and -we left him and returned 
to the police station to make our headquarters there and to write to Mr. Stevens 
about his position. While the letter to Stevens was being dictated by Mr. Peterson, 
information was brought to us that about 30 unarmed men had taken possession of 
the Government Building, had read their proclamation, and had committed acts of 
treason. 

We paid no attention to them but sent our letter with all haste at a few minutes 
before 3 p. m v by Mr. C. L. Hopkins to Mr. Stevens. After Stevens read the letter, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 35 



he told Hopkins to go away and come back again in an hour. Hopkins replied that 
the cabinet had instructed him to bring a reply forthwith, so that they would 
know bow to act, and Stevens refused. He kept Hopkins waiting on his veranda 
one hour and then handed him a reply to us. While Stevens was keeping Hopkins 
waiting, the usurpers were preparing to resist the Government in case of attack, 
and we did nothing, but kept our men ready for action. The letter from Stevens 
carried by Hopkins to us reached us 5 minutes of 4 p. m., and after reading its con- 
tents, we concluded to surrender and yield to America. 

I want to impress upon £©u that wo never surrendered the palace, police station, 
and barracks till after we had received Stevens's letter, and not until we had filed our 
protest with the Provisional Govern uient. The surrender was a little after 6 in the 
evening; these usurpers c%rcld never have overthrown the Government, as they did 
not have sufficieut arms and^iy^iunition ; and on the other hand, It will be admit- 
ted by themselves, I think, tls^the munitions of war that we had would have 
annihilated them were it not for the United States troops and Minister Stevens. 
I remain, etc., 

John F. Colburn. 



[Inclosure 7 in No. 3.] 
Citizens' committee of safety to Mr. Stevens. 

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 

Sir: We, the undersigned citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully repre- 
sent that, in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, culminating in the 
revolutionary acts of Queen Lilioukalani on Saturday last, the public safety is 
menaced, and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and the United 
States forces at your command for assistance. 

The Queen, with the aid of armed force, and accompanied by threats of violence 
and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new 
constitution; and, while prevented for the time from accomplishing her object, 
declared publicly that she would only defer her action. 

This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which" 
have created general alarm and terror. 

We are unable to protect ourselves without aid and therefore pray for the protec- 
tion of the United States forces. 

Henry E. Cooper, 
F. W. McChesney, 
W. C. Wilder, 
C. Bolte, 
A. Brown, 
William O. Smith, 
Henry Waterhouse, 
Theo. F. Lansing, 
Ed. Suhr, 
L. A. Thurston, 
John Emmeluth, 
Wm. R. Castle, 
J. A. McCandless, 

Citizens' Committee of Safety. 



No. 7. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. 

No. 4.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 4, 1893. 

Sir: Up to the period of the hauling down of the United States 
ensign from the Government building there had been inaction on the 
part of those opposed to annexation. Since then, inspired by that 
fact, the natives have Seemed to act with freedom in expressing their 
views on the subject of annexation and of the revolution dethroning 
Liliuokalani. Annexationists and antiannexationists have been active 



36 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



in procuring subscribers to declarations in favor of and against annex- 
ation. 

I have abstained from any indication of my opinion or wishes con- 
cerning the question. When memorials and petitions have been pre 
sented, I have made it a rule to state substantially that 1 would accept 
the papers simply as a fact in the situation ^Kfr t he Islands, but could 
not enter into any expression of views therejB^ 

At this time the indications are unmistaj«B|«hat a large majority 
of the people of the Islands are utterly °pflURk° annexation. I do 
not look for any change from this situatidftSft'ougli future inform a 
tion. I shall be careful, however, to keep ^Pfelf free to entertain any 
and all facts in relation thereto, that I may report with accuracy to 
you. 

There is a strong disposition on the part of the annexation element 
to suppress expressions against annexation by social and business 
hostility. 

I inclose you herewith a newspaper extract containing proceedings 
of the executive and advisory councils on the subject of the restora- 
tion of the monarchy (In closure No. 1). 

The morning following, delegations from all the Islands were to 
assemble for the purpose of presenting resolutions to the United States 
Commissioner indicating their opinion on the present political situation. 
The reform party are in favor of annexation. The opponents of this 
party are generally in favor of the restoration of Liliuokalani, but a 
small minority are inclined to an independent Republic. 

I send you a memorial presented to me by a committee of delegates of 
all the branch associations of the Hawaiian Patriotic League (Inclosure 
No. 2). It was presented by a committee composed of John Richard- 
son, J. A. Akina, Ben. Nankana, J. R. Kaihiopulani, and S. H. K. Ne. 

To this memorial I made response, taken down by our stenographer, 
Mr. Mills, in the language following: 

I will accept it, as I have all memorials, as a matter of information. I can not 
enter into a discussion of it with you. I am glad to meet you, gentlemen. 

It was this body which incited Mr. Emmeluth to offer his resolution, 
I presume. 

I have five petitions signed by natives in favor of annexation, but 
always coupled with a condition that the right to vote is to be pre- 
served to them. This is the feeling of all the natives who have signed 
petitions for annexation. It is by assurances that the right of suffrage 
will be preserved to them that some are induced to sign the petitions. 
In the future all petitions presenting the views of the people will be 
fully reported. 

I send you an interview with Mr. S. A. Damon, president of the 
advisory council (Inclosure No. 3) ; also one with Mr. Henry Waterhouse, 
a member of the advisory council (Inclosure No. 4); also a letter, in orig- 
inal, from Mr. J. O. Carter; also a copy of a letter froin Lieut. Swin- 
burne, and affidavits from Messrs. Charles L. Hopkins, I. F. Colburn, 
and A. B. Peterson. 

These are sent simply as indicating something of the elements which 
brought about the dethronement of Liliuokalani. I will endeavor to 
dissipate all the mists connected with this subject before a great while. 

I think it will be shown that the American minister recognized the 
Provisional Government when the chief points of defense of the Queen, 
to wit: the station house and barracks, had not surrendered, and would 
not have surrendered but for that recognition. It is unquestionably 
the fact that Liliuokalani was induced to sign the protest already com- 



EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



37 



nmnicated to the State Department by Mr. Stevens and to surrender 
her forces by the belief that she conld not successfully contest with 
the United States, which appeared to her mind to be a party in the 
impending conflict of arms. She was induced to believe that she would 
have a hearing on the merits of the interference by the American min- 
ister, and gave to it doubtless the fullest faith. 

* The mail leaves in two and a half hours from now, and this makes it 
necessary for me to avoid any attempt to elaborate on the condition of 
affairs at this time. 
I am, etc., 

J. H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 

Since closing the foregoing dispatch I have received an affidavit 
from Charles B. Wilson, which I send as Inclosure 10. I shall gather all 
the evidence on this subject which I can obtain from both sides touching 
the question as to whether the recognition came before or after the sur- 
render of the forces of Liliuokalani. This Wilson is the man described 
in Minister Stevens's dispatches as the paramour of the Queen. What- 
ever there may be in these charges (concerning which I have little 
information), I am very much inclined to think his affidavit is sub- 
stantially true. J. H. B. 



[Inclosure 1 in No. 4.] 

HAWAIIAN DAILY STAR, MAY 1, 1893.— PROVISIONAL LEGISLATURE. 
*#*•#*## 

Mr. Emmeluth moved a resolution that agitation in favor of the restoration of the 
monarchy be declared as coming under the terms of the sedition act. 

Mr. Waterhouse moved that the resolution pass. It was high time to take action 
when treason was being conducted under their noses. Here were uatives coming 
from the other islands to agitate for restoration, and receiving encouragement from 
the Queen, who told them to have hope and courage. 

Mr. Emmeluth held that as annexation was the object for which this Provisional 
Government was formed, it should be regarded as treason for anybody to discuss 
restoration or an independent republic. It would be only justice to the ignorant 
Hawaiians to give a clear expression of the Government on this matter. He related 
an instance of superstition among the natives. A Hawaiian neighbor of his died 
after four days' illness, and his widoAv asked the speaker what her late husband had 
done that the Government people should had done that to him f 

Mr. Young was one who would go the farthest towards toleration, but he 
believed Mr. Emmeluth was right in the main. It was time they knew whether 
they were to have a government or not. 

Minister Smith said the question had come before him in requests for advice from 
sheriffs. The Government should deal with the matter cautiously, as there was 
danger of going too far. Peaceful discussion of the situation he did not think came 
within the category of sedition. It was certainly lawful under the constitution. 

Mr. Brown counseled going slow. Mr. Blount was sent here, it was understood, 
to ascertain the sentiment of the Hawaiian people, and nothing should be done to 
obstruct his investigation. Hawaiians loved their flag above everything else. They 
were like children. If they could retain their flag they would not think much about 
the loss of the monarchy. Were the monarch of the Kamehameha line it might be 
different. As it was he thought only a few in Honolulu were wanting restoration, 
and these because they believed in that event they should come on top. 

Mr. Emmeluth was not for suppressing those who were misled, but those who 
were misleading the Hawaiians. 

Mr. Damon thought if the Government was weak it ought to jump on any move- 
ment looking toward restoration. The freedom of speech and the freedom of the 
press was favorable to safety. The Government surely had sufficient standing by 
this time to be past the necessity for extreme measures. 

Mr. Young withdrew his motion to pass, and the resolution was referred to the 
executive council. 

The council went into executive session at 3 :35. 



38 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



[Inclosure 2 in No. 4.] 



Petition of natives. 



Whereas His Excellency, Grover Cleveland, President of the United States of 
America, has honored the Hawaiian nation by sending to us the Hon. James H. 
Blount as a Special Commissioner to find out the true wishes of the Hawaiian people 
as to the proposed annexation of their country to their great friend the United 
States ; therefore, 

We, the people of the Hawaiian Islands, through the delegates of the branches pf 
the Hawaiian Patriotic League of all the districts throughout the kingdom, in con- 
vention assembled, take this mode of submitting our appeal and expression of our 
unanimous wishes to the people of our great and good friend, the Republic of the 
United States of America, with whom we always entertained the most cordial rela- 
tions, whom we have learned to look upon as our patrons and most reliable protect- 
ors, and whose honor, integrity, and sense of justice and equity we have ever con- 
fidently relied for investigation into the grievous wrongs that have been committed 
against us as a people, against the person of our sovereign, and the independence of 
our land. 

And while we are anxious to promote the closest and most intimate political and 
commercial relations with the United States, we do not believe that the time has 
yet come for us to be deprived of our nationality and of our sovereign by annexation 
to any foreign power. 

And therefore we do hereby earnestly and sincerely pray that the great wrongs 
committed against us may be righted by the restoration of the independent auton- 
omy and constitutional government of our Kingdom under our beloved Queen Lilin- 
okalani, in whom we have the utmost confidence as a conscientious and popular 
ruler. 



DELEGATES ISLAND OF HAWAII. 

S. T. Piihonua. 
Henry West. 
K. M! Koahou. 
D. Hoakimaa. 
T. P. Kaaeae. 
J. H. Halawale. 
S. H. K. Ne. 
W. E. N. Kanealii. 

C. G. Naope. 

ISLAND OF MAUI. 

R. H. Makekau. 
J. K. Kealoalu 

D. Kanaha. 
John Richardson. 
Thomas Clark. 
Thos. Benj. Lyons. 
John Kaluna. 

J. Kamakele. 
S. D. Kapers. 
S. W. Kaai. 

ISLAND OF MOLOKAI. 

J. N. Uahinui. 

J. K. Kaipeopulani. 

Approved : 



Honolulu, March 2, 1893, 



island of molokai — Continued. 

D. Himeni. 

J. P. Kapoehaale. 

Kekoowai. 

S. K. Kahalehulu. 

S. K. Piiapoo. 

ISLAND OF OAHU. 

F. S. Keike. 

C. Keawe. 

John Kapamawaho Prendergast. 
Enoch Johnson. 
Sam K. Pua. 
S. K. Kaupu. 

D. W. Keliiokamoku. 
S. W. Kaiiieha. 
Benj. Naukana. 
Kinio. 

ISLAND OF KAUAI. 

Chas. Kahee. 
Geo. W. Mahikoa. 
J. A. Akina. 
D. N. Kamaliikaue. 
Sam P. Kaleikini. 
J. Molokui. 



Joseph Nawaho, 
President Patriotic League. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 39 



[Inclosure 3 in No. 4.] 
Interview between Mr. Damon and Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, April 29, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. How long have you lived here? 

Mr. Damon. I was born here in 1845. I have been away several times — perhaps 
to the extent of three or four years in that time. 

. Q. Where were you on the 14th of January, 1893, at the time the proclamation 
dethroning the Queen and establishing the Provisional Government was read? 
A. I was at Honolulu. I was one of the members of that body who went up. 
Q. The paper was read by Mr. Cooper? 
A. By Judge Cooper. 

Q. How many of you were there in that body which went up — about? 
A. The whole body. There would be four of the executive and fourteen of the 
advisory. 

Q. Please look at this paper and see if they are the persons (Senate Ex. Doc. No. 
76, Fifty-second Congress, second session). 
A. Thurston was not present, and I do not think Wilhelm was there. 
Q. Where did you start from? 
A. From W. O. Smith's office on Fort street. 
Q. And what street did you take going from there? 

A. We walked up directly to the Government house on Merchant street. It was 
suggested that a part should go by the way of Queen street, but a majority of us 
went by way of Merchant street. 

Q. What was the idea for dividing the committee? 

A. So that it should not attract so much attention, and it would be safer per- 
haps to have it divided than going in mass. 

Q. Was it because it occurred to them that it might invite attack if they went in 
mass ? 

A. That was partly the idea — that it was more prudent. I think we, most of us, 
walked together — not compactly, but together. 
Q. Any crowd following you? 

A. No; the crowd was attracted to the corner of Fort and King streets, owing to 
the shot that was fired by Mr. Good at a policeman. In fact, the crowd cleared 
from the Government house and was attracted there. From all directions they cen- 
tered at the corner of Hall's store. 

Q. You found, then, scarcely anyone at the Government house when the commit- 
tee arrived? 

A. Scarcely anyone there except porters. After Mr. Cooper began to read the 
proclamation — then different ones came out of the offices — clerks and officials — while 
the proclamation was being read. 

Q. Some of the Provisional Government troops, or rather troops raised at the 
direction of the Committee of Safety, came on the ground before the reading of the 
proclamation was finished? 

A. When we arrived there was but one man with a rifle on the premises, Mr. 
Oscar White; but some little time later they commenced to come in from the 
armory, troops that were under the supervision of Col. Soper. 

Q. Was that before or during the reading of the proclamation? 

A. During the reading. Toward the end of it. 

Q. How many troops came in? Do you have any knowledge of the number you 
had enlisted? 

A. There were enough came in to make us feel more decidedly at ease than before 
they arrived. 

Q. You could not say how many there were? 

A. No; they kept coming in right along. They got to be quite a body. 

Q. After the reading of the proclamation the late ministers were sent for? 

A. After the reading of tfne proclamation we adjourned to the office of the Minister 
of the Interior, and then we commenced to formulate our plans and get ourselves 
into working order. Mr. Dole was at the head. While we were there in consultation 
Mr. Cornwell and Mr. Parker came up there from the Station House and held a 
conference with us. 

Q. What was the purport of that conference? 

A. The result of that conference was that Mr. Bolte and myself were requested to 
return with Mr. Cornwell and Mr. Parker to the Station House and recommend and 
urge upon the parties in power at the Police Station to surrender to the Provisional 
Government. We had a conference with the ministers in the room occupied gener- 
ally by the deputy marshal. There were present Messrs. Peterson, Colburn, Parker, 
Cornwell, Bolte, and later Mr. Neumann, who was asked to come in. After consul- 
tation of the matter of their yielding up their power to the Provisional Government 
they asked to be let alone for a few moments, and I went into one of the rear cells hi 



40 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



the corridor with Marshal Wilson and urged him very strongly to give up any hope 

or any thought of making any attack, or resistance, more properly. 
Q. What reason did you give him ? 

A. I can not rememher at the present moment giving him a reason, hut I rememhcr 
distinctly saying to him: "Now, if you will cooperate with us, if in future I can be 
of service to you I will do so. 

Q. Was there any suggestion of sympathy on the part of the United States Min- 
ister in your movement? 

A. While I was in the Station House a man by the name of Bowler said to me: 
"We are all prepared, but I will never fight against the American ling." 

Q. Was there anything in the conversation between you and him in which any 
intimation direct or indirect that the United States Minister was in sympathy with 
you or the United States troops and officers? 

A. I can not remember any definite thing, but from Mr. Bowler's remark they must 
have thought that the United States troops were here for some purpose-. 

Q. Was Mr. Bowler with the Queen's party ? 

A. He was. Pie was part of the force in the Station House. 

Q. Did you say anything at all indicating an opinion that there was any sympathy 
on the part of Mr. Stevens or Capt. Wiltse with the movement for the new govern- 
ment? 

A. I can not remember. I may possibly have said so. 
Q. Did you think so at that time? 

A. I may have had an impression, but I know nothing about it. 
Q, What was your impression ! 

A. My impression was, seeing the troops landed here in this time of excitement 
and turmoil, that — well, I suppose I might say that they could not stand it any longet 
— the Americans could not stand it any longer. 

Q. Your impression, then, was that the American Minister and Captain Wiltse and 
the troops were in sympathy with the movement of the white residents here in the 
pending controversy between them and the Queen? 

A. While we were in the Government building and during the reading of the proc- 
lamation and while we were all extremely nervous as to our personal safety, I asked 
one of the men with me there : " Will not the American troops support us? " Finally 
I asked one of the men to go over and ask Lieut. Swinburne if he was not going to 
send someone over to protect us? The man returned and said to me, "Capt. Wiltse's 
orders are 'I remain passive.'" That is all I know of what passed between us. 

Q. You speak of your impression. That relates to a particular conversation 
between two or three persons : but what was your impression as to the matter of 
whether or not the American Minister and the American naval officers were in sym- 
pathy with the movement? 

A. I was perfectly nonplussed by not receiving any support. I could not imagine 
why we were there without being supported by American troops, prior to the troops 
coming from the armory. W T e were not supported in any way. 

Q. You had not been in council with the Committee of Public Safety up to that 
time? 

A. No. 

Q. Well, the troops were — how far off from the reading of the proclamation? 
A. They were over in that yard known as Gilson yard in the rear of the music 
hall. They were quartered there. 
Q. Any artillery? 

A. I think they had a small gun — Gatling gun and howitzer. 
Q. Where were they pointed — in what direction? 
A. I can not tell you. 

Q. You were surprised that they did not come into the grounds while the procla- 
mation was being read. Is that what you mean by not supporting you? 

A. I had no definite information what the movement was, as I told you before in 
a private interview, but knowing that they were on shore I supposed that they 
would support us, and when they did not support us, and we were there for fifteen 
or twenty minutes I was perfectly astonished that we were in that position without 
any support. 

Q. How far would you say, in yards, it was from where the proclamation was being 
read to where the nearest troops were? 
A. I think about 75 yards. 

Q. Was there a piece of artillery in the street between the building the troops 
were stationed in and the Government building? 

A. The only piece of firearms of any kind in that street was Oscar White's rifle. 
We met him as we came around the corner. 

Q. Did you have occasion to look there to see? 

A. We stopped before turning into the side gate to converse with Oscar White, 
before proceeding into the Government building. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



41 



Q. Are you sure there was not a piece of artillery in that street before the reading 
of the proclamation? 

A. I can not tell you; hut the only gun I could see was Oscar White's. Irernarked: 
" Oscar, this is not so very prudent for you to he here with only one rifle in this 
street." 

Q. Where did you see the troops first? 

A. I came up from Monolalua by a back street and turned into Nuuana street, 
one house above Mr. Stevens 7 , and as I turned the corner I saw the American troops 
marching up towards Mr. Stevens' house, and directly in front of his house. 

Q. Did you meet Mr. Henry Waterhouse? 

A. I met him there at that time. 

Q. What conversation passed between you? 

A. I think I said: "Henry, what does all this mean?" If I remember rightly 
now, he said: "It is all up." 

Q. And what did you understand by the expression, "It is all up?" 

A. I understand from that that the American troops had taken possession of the 
island. That was my impression. 

Q. And was that favorable to the Queen or favorable to the other side, as you 
understood it? 

A. That was distinctly favorable to the foreign element here. 
Q. You mean the movement for a Provisional Government? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens that day? 

A. No ; I did not see him that day. 

Q. What is Mr. Waterhouse doing now? 

A. Henry? He is a member of the council. 

Q. Was he a member of the Committee of Public Safety? 

A. If I remember right, he was. 

Q. Is that his signature [exhibiting letter of Committee of Public Safety to Mr. 
Stevens] ? 
The letter is as follows : 

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 

Sir: We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully repre- 
sent that in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, culminating in the 
revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public safety is 
menaced, and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and to the United 
States forces at your command for assistance. 

The Queen, with the aid of armed force and accompanied by threats of violence 
and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new 
constitution, and while prevented for the time from accomplishing her object, 
declared publicly that she would only defer her action. 

This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which 
have created general alarm and terror. 

We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray for the pro- 
tection of the United States forces. 

Henry E. Cooper, 
F. W. McChesxey, 
W. C. Wilder, 
C. Bolte, 
A. Brown, 
William O. Smith, 
Henry Waterhouse, 
Theo. F. Lansing, 
Ed. Suhr, 
L. A. Thurston, 
John Emmeluth, 
Wm. R. Castle, 
J. A. McCaxdless, 
Citizens' Committee of Safety. 

His Excellency, John L. Stephens, 

American Minister Resident, 

A. Yes, it is. 

Q. Did he seem then pleased or alarmed? 

A. He was very much strained and excited. There was no pleasure in it, but still 
there was a feeling of security. That was it. He evinced a feeling of security. He 
was not smiling or joking. 

Q. It was not a joking time. Well, you say there was nothing in the first visit 
of yours to the Station House to indicate any impression on your part that you 



42 



REPORT OB COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



believed the United States Minister or the United States troops, or both, were in 
sympathy with the movement of the committee of safety? 

A. I was nonplussed. I did suppose they were going to support us. 

Q. You did not say anything to the people in the Station House to lead them to 
suppose you were hopeful of ai<I ? 

A. I can not remember saying it now; I might have done so. 

Q. Did you say it at any place? 

A. I do not remember; I may have said it. 

Q. Was there an effort on the part of those who were moving for a change of gov. 
ernment to make that impression-? 
A. 1 think there was. 

Q. Was that impression among the whites generally. 

A. That I can not say. I know there was that impression. Some of the members 
tried to convey that impression. 
Q. On what occasion? 

A. Many occasions. One particular occasion was while we were in the Govern- 
ment building the day the proclamation was read. 
Q. What was said, and who said it? 

A. Charles Carter said tome: "After you are in possession of the Government 
building the troops will support you." I think that was his remark. 
Q. Was he on the committee of public safety? 
A. I think so. 

Q. Was he in the party that went up to read the proclamation? 
A. He was present there during the time it was read. Whether he went up with 
us or not I do not remember. 

Q. It was during that time he made that remark? * 
A. Yes. 

Q. Was he an active promoter of the movement? 
A. 1 think he was. 

Q. Has he any connection with the Government to-day? 

A. No, except he is oue of the Commissioners in Washington. 

Q. You have been in previous revolutions here? 

A. I have been in the Wilcox revolution. I took quite a prominent part in its 
suppression. I was one of the ministers at the time. 

Q. You had a conversation with Mr. Carter about the time the proclamation was 
being read? 

A. Yes. 

Q. You were somewhat anxious as to whether or not you would be supported by 
United States troops? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did you express any fear in the presence of Mr. Carter? 
A. Well, no man likes to tell he was afraid. 
Q. I do not mean in a cowardly sense. 

A. Well, with others, I was convinced that we were in a position of danger. 
Q. What did Mr. Carter say? 

A. He gave me to understand that we would be protected. 
Q. By United States troops? 

A. Yes ; and when we were not protected by them I wanted to know the reason why. 
Q. Do you mean by that that you expected them to march over? 
A. I was under the impression that they would. 

Q. What did you accomplish by that first visit to the Station House — any agree- 
ment ? 

A. We accomplished this — that it was a virtual giving up. 
Q. What was said? What did the ministers say"? 

A. This is my impression of it to-day: That if they had only to contend with the 
Provisional Government and the forces of the Provisional Government that they 
would not give up. That was the impression that I gathered from them ; that they 
felt themselves equal to the occasion so far as the Provisional Government went. 

Q. Then having that sort of feeling, what did they propose to do? 

A. They proposed to immediately deliver up. Then they went up, four of them, 
and had a parley with Mr. Dole and the Provisional Government. They agreed to 
desist, but said they must go to the Queen and get her to confer with them. 

Q. So far as they were concerned they were willing to yield, provided the Queen 
was? 

A. Yes. Then I went along with them to the palace. We all met in the Blue 
Room. There were present the Queen, two young princes, the four ministers, 
Judge Widdeman, Paul Neumann, J. O. Carter, E. C. McFarland and myself. We 
went over between 4 and 5 and remained until 6 discussing the situation. 

Q. In that conversation you asked for a surrender of the forces, and the ministers 
advised it? 

A. The different ones spoke and they all recommended it. Each one spoke. A^ 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 43 



first, Judge Wi (Merman was opposed to it, but lie finally changed his mind on the 
advice of Mr. Neumann. Mr. Neumann advised yielding. Each one advised it. 

Q. Was this advice of Neumann and the cabinet based on the idea that the 
Queen would have to contend with the United States forces as well as the forces of 
the Provisional Government? 

A. It was the Queen's idea that she could surrender pending a settlement at 
Washington, and it was on that condition that she gave up. If I remember right I 
spoke to her also. I said she could surrender or abdicate under protest. 

Q. And that the protest would be considered at a later period at Washington? 

A. At a later period. 

Q. Did the cabinet in recommending her to yield to the Provisional Government 
give her to understand tbat they supposed that the American minister and the United 
States troops were in sympathy with the Provisional Government or with the Com- 
mittee of Public Safety? 

A. I know it was the Queen's idea that Mr. Stevens was in sympathy with this 
movement. 

Q. But I am asking now as to what reasons the ministers gave for her acquies- 
cence. 

A. It was their idea that it was useless to carry on — that it would be provocative 
of bloodshed and trouble if she persisted in tbis matter longer; that it was wiser 
for her to abdicate under protest and have a hearing at a later time. That the 
forces against her were too strong. 

Q. Did they indicate the United States forces at all in any way? 

A. I do not remember their doing so. 

Q. Do you know whether or not at that time they were under the impression that 
the United States forces were in sympathy with the revolution? 
A. Beyond, an impression I know nothing definite. 

Q. What was the result of this conference with the Queen? What was agreed on? 
A. She signed a document surrendering her rights to the Provisional Government 
under protest. 

Q. Is this the protest on page 22, Ex. Doc. No. 76, 52d Cong., 2d Sess? 

A. Yes. This was written out by Mr. Neumann and J. O. Carter while we were 
present. -She was reluctant to agree to this, but was advised that the whole sub- 
ject would, come up for final consideration at Washington. 

Q. Did you at the time consent to recommend this proposition or not? 

A. I was there as a member of the Provisional Go vernment, but I did not advise as to 
the wording of it. . I did tell her that she would have a perfect right to be heard at 
a later period. 

Q. By the United States Government? 

A. Yes. 

Q. You, yourself, at that time, before consulting with your colleagues, were favor- 
ably impressed with that settlement? 

A. Well, it was the only settlement that could, be brought about. Personally I 
was satisfied with it. 

Q. And you took that back to the Provisional Government? 

A. Yes. 

Q. And they rejected it ? 

A. It was received and indorsed by Mr. Dole. 

Q. Now, was there any message sent to the Queen after that? 

A. No. 

Q. No message declaring that they would not accept it ? 
A. No. 

Q. The surrender was then made on that proposition ? 

A. Yes; well, then she sent down word through Mr. Peterson to Mr. Wilson to 
deliver up the Station House. That wound up the whole affair. We immediately 
took possession of it. It was not delivered up until after this conference. 

Q. Now how long after that was it before the Provisional Government was recog- 
nized ? 

A. Mr. Stevens sent Cadet Pringle, his aid, and Capt. Wiltse sent one of his 
officers to personally examine the building and report if the Provisional Govern- 
ment was in actual possession of the Government building. That was done that 
afternoon. 

Q. What time? 

A. Between 4 and 5. 

Q. What time was the interview with the Queen f 
A. After 4. and ended at 6. 
Q. You took reply? 

A. Mr. Neumann took the reply to Mr. Dole. 

Q. Now, when this interview was going on between you, the cabinet ministers, 
and the Queen, it was known then that the Government had been recognized f 



44 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. That the Queen knew it? I do not think she was told. I do not remember of 

it being spoken of. 

Q. Didn't you know it? 

A. I think* I knew it. 

Q. Didn't these ministers know it then? 

A. They may have been present. I can not say. The Provisional Government 
were all present when Mr. Stevens recognized it as the de facto government. 

Q. What I mean is this: Before you took the message of tbe Queen back — this 
protest — the Provisional Government had been recognized? 

A. Yes; that is my impression. 

Q. Had that been done at the time you left the Government house to go with the 
cabinet ministers to talk with the Queen? 
A. If my memory serves me right, it had. 
Q. Did not the cabinet officers know of it at this time? 
A. I can not say. 

Q. What do you know about the contents of the constitution she wanted to pro- 
claim % 

A. It is too long to write down. I can tell you my connection with it. 
Q. Have you seen it ? 
A. No. 

Q. What is the aspiration of the native mind as to the form of government? 

A. I think that their ambition is to obtain the power through the vote. They 
have tasted what it is to hold the control by the vote, and they are very tenacious 
of that right. They are to a certain extent clannish in that idea; but the trouble 
comes in that they have not used that power wisely, and it is the fact of tbe Polyne- 
sians combining in their votes to retain the power — and forgetting the intelligent 
power of the Anglo-Saxons, even when in a minority — that has caused the trouble. 
Tbe real break in the Hawaiian system of government commenced at the time of 
Kaniehameha V, when he took away their old constitution and gave them a consti- 
tution of his own making. That started revolutions in this country. There is the 
starting point where the roads diverged which has brought about the succession of 
unrest in different governments from that day to this. Now, the Hawaiians from 
that date, or within close proximity to it, commenced to feel what it was to have 
the vote, and what influence they could exert, and naturally the Hawaiian, as the 
weaker race, have attempted in every succeeding Legislature to work together, but 
there has always been a disintegration in every Legislature. They could not hold 
themselves together compactly as a body. Whenever they have had the opportunity to 
exercise this power it has not been at the level of the intelligent Anglo-Saxon idea 
of making laws or carrying out a system of government. It has chafed the Anglo- 
Saxon. He would not tolerate it. He has found that he could control it indirectly, 
if he could not directly, by his superior education and intelligence. The Hawaiians 
had grown to a feeling of independence, and in company with the Queen they wanted 
to throw off that Anglo-Saxon domination which has been with them and controlled 
them all these years. When it came to that point that they felt that they could do 
it, then the clash came. Of course there are other reasons which brought it about. 
But it is the clashing of two nationalities for supremacy. 

Q. That was the great underlying cause? The financial questions were incidental 
questions ? 

A. That was the underlying cause — the Hawaiian thinking, because he had a 
majority of votes, that it gave him power. He didn't recognize that the intelligence 
and strong will of the Anglo-Saxon would beat him every time. 

Q. The Hawaiian Almanac and Annual for 189l states that in the general elec- 
tion for 1890 the total vote for nobles throughout the islands was 3,187, and that the 
total vote for representatives was 11,671. That is about correct? 

A. I should judge so — that is a very correct source of information. 

Q. That would make 8,484 more for representatives than for nobles? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Does that difference grow out of the fact that there is no moneyed qualifica- 
tion to vote for representatives, but for nobles there is required a property quali- 
fication of $3,000 (unincumbered) or an income of $600? 

A. Unquestionably. That disparity of numbers, if it had been carried to a fine 
point, would have been very much larger, but there was and is a laxity in the 
admittance of many people to vote for nobles. 

Q. Now, that 3,187 votes for nobles was generally a white vote, was it not? 

A. There was a good many Hawaiians in that vote for nobles. 

Q. What proportion would yon say as between whites and natives? 

A. I think those statistics could be got for you. It would not be wise for me to 
eay. I should think about 25 percent. 

Q. Native vote? 

A. Yes. 

Q. The balance was a white vote? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



45 



A. Yes. 

Q. It was in the power, then, of the whites united to elect the bocty of nobles, was 
it not? 

A. The whites as a rule used all their influence to control the noble vote. 
Q, Why did the whites use all their influence to control the noble vote? 
A. Because it was their only hope of controlling or influencing legislation. 
Q. How many nobles and how many representatives were there under the con- 
stitution? 
A. Equal — about 24 each. 

Q. If the whites could get the 24 votes of the nobles, then they had an absolute bar 
to any action by the representatives or the King? 
A. That was the intention. 

Q. If they got two or three representatives they had control of legislation so far 
as that legislative body w T as concerned? 

A. If it had been carried out to its logical conclusion it would have been so, but 
as the result proved, they were not able to entirely control the noble vote. 

Q. Now, if they had been able to entirely control the noble vote, and to get some 
of the representatives^ they could have determined the question of the cabinet? 

A. Yes. 

Q. They could have removed any cabinet that did not suit them? 
A. Yes; provided all the w T hites had banded together. 

Q. I suppose sometimes the whites didn't keep banded together — and the natives 
in all things? * 
A. Yes. 

Q. You had within yourselves those sources of power? 
A. Yes. 

Q. That was the principal cause of agitation for many years in elections? 

A. Yes. Where the Hawaiian felt that his cause was weak, and it was to that point 
that, so far as they were able, they were striving so as to maintain the control. 

Q. Now, Mr. Damon, do you think that you could have good government here 
on the basis of an educational qualification for voters, so as to allow everybody who 
could read and write to vote? 

A. Yes; provided there was some strong power, as one might say it— as in an 
unruly school — to preserve order. 

Q. Do you think that you could maintain a state government like the states of 
the American Union Aviththat sort of suffrage? 

A. My personal opinion is that we could grow up into that by a period of trial, 
until the voter appreciated what a vote really meant. 

Q. How long do you think that would take to get the native population up to the 
high standard of the whites on that question? Can you see any time definitely or 
clearly? 

A. I am of this opinion — that they have had so much given to them in this coun- 
try — everything has been so free to them, that they have not appreciated the advan- 
tages that they have ; but when they get to be deprived of the franchise for a period 
of, say, five years, until they have, wrestled for it and waited for it, that when it is 
given to them eventually they w r ill appreciate it. 

Q. Do you think that in five years after annexation you could give to every native 
who could read and write the right to A r ote? 

A. Yes; provided the franchise was extended to other nationalities here. 

Q. What other nationalities here? 

A. There is a growing Portuguese element here. There is a growing intelligent 
Japanese element here of the better classes, and those Chinese who are born in the 
country and have interests here. ^ 

Q. What sort of interests? 

A. Either commercial, agricultural, or professional. 

Q. You make the same qualification as to votes for all of them? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Suppose the Chinese were not allowed to vote — then what? 

A. They have not the same desire except in isolated cases for voting that the 
Hawaiians, Portugese, and Japanese have. They have not been accustomed to it. 
i Q. Do you allow any Japanese to vote here now? 

A. No ; not at present. 

Q. I mean before the revolution? 

A. No. 

Q. Any Chinese allowed to vote? 
A. No. 

Q. Is there anything you desire to say Mr. Damon other than what you have said? 

A. I would say that I was born here, brought up here, and have a sincere regard 
for the Hawaiian people, because they have many good traits. They have shown a 
desire, especially the generation which is now and that which is coining on, to put 
themselves forward if they knew how, and though they may be a dimiuishiug raco 



46 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN' ISLANDS. 



they are a hopeful race that have not given up the struggle to keep up the Hawaiian 
name. If we are going to educate them it is just so much thrown away unless they 
can have some hope held before them that they will be recognized as men in future, 
and if there is anything 1 could do to assist them, especially the young and upright 
Hawaiians, I would like to doit, because they have invariably treated me— whether 
sovereign, chief, or common Hawaiian — with such invariable kindness that I should 
be lacking in manhood if I did not want to help them up if possible. 

Q. As to integrity in business matters, how do they compare with people in their 
condition in life generally? 

A. I think the mistake has been made that you take a Hawaiian and compare 
him with the Anglo-Saxon standard and expect him to be up even with him when 
he has not had time and opportunity to tit himself for that staudard. You should 
compare the Hawaiian with what he is to-day and what he was fifty years ago. 

Q. It is better to compare him with some race that exists to-day. 

A. He does lack what is called backbone to carry out to a finish any project that 
he has. 

Q. Business or otherwise? 

A. Yes. 

Q. But would you say that generally he was an honest mant 
A? I should say so; yes. 

Q. Is there any fear of violence to the persons of women on the part of the natives? 
A. I think he is in advance of what is called the ordinary white man in that 
respect. 

Q. That is a striking feature in his make up, and that is always appreciated by 
the best elements here? 

A. Yes; and why it is so is that it is only a few years since he looked to the white 
men as a superior race, and he at heart feels that they are a superior race to-day. 

Q. Now is that entirely correct? 

A. A more powerful rate, perhaps. 

Q. Well now, as to another point let me ask you: Wilson lived in the bungalow 
with his wife and children ? 
A. His son is in California. He has no other child. 
Q. He lived with his wife then ? 

A. Yes. 1 have heard that he had a strong influence over the Queen for many 
years, because Dominis, her husband, was a weak man. Wilson is a strong-willed, 
powerful man, and she has looked to him as a protector. 

Q. He was is in command of the police forces ? 

A. Yes ; at the time, and ever since she was Queen. 

Q. The Palace gates have been guarded ? 

A. Always. 

Q. Who commanded the guards ? 

A. Nowleih and Wilson commanded the police force. Both were intimate friends 
of the Queen. 

Q. He lived in the Palace? 

A. He lived in the bungalow — report said so. He has his own dwelling about a 
mile from here. 

Q. You do not understand that he and his family lived in the Palace proper, with 

the Queen ? 

A. No; they had a house in the yard 

Q. If the question of annexation was submitted to the people of these islands, 
with no property qualification, but only the qualification that the elector should 
read and write, and conducted on what is sometimes termed the Australian-ballot 
law, what do you think would be the result of^ free expression of the people in the 
matter of annexation at this time? 

A. The sentiment is a growing sentiment, but at this time I think a majority 
would not vote in favor of it, but, given time to realize it, they would. 

Q. How much time do you think would be necessary to bring about such a con- 
dition of things in these inlands? 

A. I think if the Provisional Government is kept in very long they will home to 
it very quick. They do not like the ProAisional Government, for the reason that it 
is a government that has not been placed there by their votes. I am quite sure I 
have given you a correct answer. 

Q. At the time of the dethronement of the Queen was it known in the other 
islands? 

A. No. 

Q. They knew nothing of it until after it was accomplished? 
A. They did not. 

Q. Then it was accomplished by the Honolulu movement? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What is your condition here as to the matter of acquiescence of the natives 
with existing authority — their observing order? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



47 



A. If they had a real, able leader, in whom they had perfect confiden ce, he could 
collect quite a force to follow him. 

Q. To attack the existing Government? 
A. Yes. 

Q. You do not apprehend any such movement? 

A. No, unless that in a period of excitement it should spring up ; and. therefore, 
I have advised a strong force being retained, because we did not know but in some 
moment of excitement somebody would take advantage of it and make trouble. 

Q. What number of troops have you underpay? 

A. One hundred and seventy in all. 

Q. The artillery is hardly to be spoken of— but one company? 
Q. How many pieces? 

A. They have some eight or ten pieces, but, from motives of prudence, they have 
locked up the intricate parts in vaults. 
Q. So far as you know, the natives have no artillery? 
A. No. 
Q. No arms? 

A. No great quantity. They have scattered rifles and pistols. 
Q. Do they amount to anything in case of contest? 
A. We have no means of telling at this time. 

Tuesday, May 2, 1893. 

Q. Mr. Damon, at the time of the writing of the protest of the Queen on the 17th 
day of January, 1893, signed by herself and Ministers, had the Provisional Govern- 
ment been recognized by the American Minister, Mr. Stevens? 

A. It is my impression that it had been, but I can not say positively. 
* Q. Would the conversation you had with the Queen on that day aid you in deter- 
mining that fact? 

A. I do not think it would. 

Q. In referring to Mrs. Wilson living with the Queen, in a previous part of this 
statement, did you mean to say that she stayed with her at night. 

A. I meant to say that she was with the Queen a great deal of the time — both day 
and night. 

Q. As a companion? 

A. Yes; as a personal friend and companion. 

Q. But where do you suppose she slept — at the bungalow or palace? 
A. My impression is that her quarters were with her husband in the bungalow. 
I have carefully read through the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate report 
of the two interviews between Mr. Blount and myself. 

S. M. Damon. 



[Inclosure 4 in No. 4.] 
Interview between Mr. WaterJiouse and Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, May 2, 1S03. 

Mr. Blount. How long have you lived in Honolulu?' 
A. I came here in 1851. 
Q. Born where? 
A. In Tasmania. 

Q. What nationality were your ancestors? 

A. My father and mother were from the old country — from England. 
Q. How old were you when you came here? 
A. Six years old. 

Q. You have lived here ever since! 
A. Yes. 

Q. In this city? 

A. Yes, in Honolulu. 

Q. Where were you on January 14, 15, 16, and 17, 1893? 
A. I was in Honolulu. 

Q. What was the cause of the revolution that resulted in the dethronement of 
Liliuokalani? 

A. It started from the lottery bill and the opium bill and the bribery and corrup- 
tion we hadheard of. It came to me first through minister of finance John F. Colburn. 
That was the first intimation I had. There was no idea of the dethronement of the 
Queen at that time. That did not come until after the committee of safety was 
formed on Saturday. That was the first time we anticipated anything of the kind, 
but before that, on Tuesday, we called upon Mr. P. C. Jones, minister of finance. I 
told him what was going to happen. This information came from Mr. Colburn, the 



48 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



last minister of finance. I do not know that I ought to mention it. It came from 
Marcus Colburn, brother of John F. Colburn. He was feeling troubled. He said, 
" I want to tell you, Henry, that it is of importance that the ministry should under- 
stand what John, my brother, is up to. Do not give me away. If you do I will be 
discharged from the office." He said in substance that Mr. P. C. Jones was to 
receive an anonymous letter from his brother, and he wished me to say to Mr. Jones 
not to be alarmed, but at the same time not to tell who it was that gave him this 
information; also that the Queen was going to promulgate anew constitution, and in 
case she was not able to get out the Wilcox ministry the plan was, after the proro- 
gation of the legislature, to invite the four ministers over there — that is, the Wilcox 
ministry — and lay before them a constitution that she had prepared and in case 
they didn't sign they would be held prisoners. That was the information I gave to 
Mr. Jones. Of course he acted upon it. 

The ministry after that was put out by a vote of the legislature. I can state right 
here that the vote was carried by bribery. The money was placed in Mr. Sam 
Parker's hands, some $7 000, to assist in voting them out Quite a number of 
members of the legislature — Hawaiians — came down to talk to me, those who were 
against putting out the ministry, and also those who were in favor of doing so. 
One in particular — Hoapoli — told me what he wanted was good, stahle government, 
and he felt sure if we kept the Wilcox ministry in we would have it. He was sent 
for by the ex-Queen and she persuaded him. She said if he had any love for her 
that he would vote against the ministry. Quite a number of the other members 
came and asked if I would assist them in money; said that they were getting short; 
had been down here so long. I told them no; that was not my business. I did not 
propose to advance them any money. A few days after they all seemed to be quite 
flush, and after the legislature was prorogued they went home. They had new 
furniture and seemed to be well provided for in every way. 

On Saturday, about 10 o'clock, John Colburn, minister of finance, came down to 
the office. 

Q. What office? 

A. My office on Queen street. He was very anxious to talk with me. I was out. 
When I came back I went over to his office. He had left word with his hrother to 
say that the Queeu was going to promulgate a new constitution immediately after 
the prorogation of the legislature, and wanted me to know. Between 1 and 2 
o'clock I was up near W. O. Smith's office. That seemed to be the center then to get 
the news. News came down that the ex-Queen was attempting to force the ministry 
to sign the new constitution. 

Q. Who did this news come by? 

A. It was sent by Mr. Colburn to the office of W. O. Smith. 
Q. By whom? 

A. I can not state. There were so many there at the time. They met in the back 
office of W. O. Smith. There were a great many in front of the office at the time to 
talk over the situation. I sat beside Paul Neumann. We were all very much 
excited, feeling that our rights were being taken away from us, and we decided 
then and there we would 'not submit to it. After a short time we heard that 
the ministers had gone back to the Government house. The way they put it — they 
ran away. The parties who came from the Government house put it in that way. 
I remember stating to Mr. Neumann that I Avas glad we wereat last of one opinion. 
He said this was a thing we ought not to tolerate. Alter discussing the matter for 
some time John F. Colburn and the attorney-general, Mr. Peterson, both came 
down. Mr. Colburn made a statement that the ex-Queen had got them into the 
room and had requested them to sign this new constitution, and, after talking with 
her sometime he said they had asked her for half an hour's time to think over it. 
In the meantime the natives were talking quite loud and as Mr. Colburn expressed 
it, he thought it was about time for him to get out of it. So they went out the back 
way back to the Government house. 

Q. The hack way was the direct way to the Government house? 

A. No; hut if they had gone out the front way the natives were all in front, and 
they were afraid. He wanted to know if the merchants would support them in 
their position. After discussing the matter there was a committee of safety 
appointed. They considered it very important that such a committee should bo 
appointed. There was a great deal of talk that came to the ears of certain parties 
in regard to the way in which the natives had been talked up — inflammatory talk — 
and we all felt that it was very important we should keep a strict watch on their 
movements. 

Q. Did you think they were in sympathy with the Queen? 

A. There was what they called the Hui Kalaiaina. a lot of old men. They for- 
merly met right opposite our office, on Queen street. They were in sympathy with 
her principally. After the committee of safety had been appointed we met and 
talked over the situation and decided to call a mass meeting. 



REPORT OP COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



49 



During the meeting on Monday -we -were threatened that if we held any more 
meetings we would be arrested. Marshal Wilson came right up and said to Mr. 
Thurston that we would he arrested. Mr. Thurston answered right up and said if 
he wished to arrest us -we -were ready. We were not doing anything against the 
Government, that it was for the interest of the country that we had heen appointed 
as a committee of safety. All that we were doing was talking in regard to a mass 
meeting. We had not decided when it was to he held. We decided" afterwards to 
call a puhlic meeting on Monday afternoon at 2 o'clock — that was the 16th. 

Q. You mean you decided that on Saturday f 

A. No; we decided that on Sunday after talking it over. It was to talk up the 
situation and to make a report from the committee of safety. The meeting was held 
at 2 o'clock Monday. In the meantime Marshal Wilson had sent around to all 
Government employe's to muster in the station house, and after the meeting they all 
seemed to he quite demoralized on account of the numher that turned out and was in 
sympathy with the committee of safety. The question that was uppermost in their 
minds was sta hie government. They had fully made up their minds not to allow their 
rights to he trampled on. After the meeting the committee of safety met again to 
consider what should he next done, as power had been given them by the meeting 
which had been held that afternoon. After discussing the matter we decided that 
the only course to do was to call out those who were in sympathy with us and take 
possession. 

Q. Of what? 

A. Of the Government house and take possession of the Government. That was 
on Monday afternoon. Monday evening we met again at my house on Neumann 
avenue. We there planned what should be done on Tuesday, the 17th. We met 
again on Tuesday morning, when the proclamation was discussed for the first time. 
That was the first time we had it before us. I do not remember having it before. 
Of course we had a committee to frame the proclamation. We met again on Tuesday 
morning and decided to take possession at 2 o'clock that afternoon. At 2 o'clock we 
marched up to the Government house, expecting to have them resist us, as we had 
heard the report that there was to be a hundred men up there under Mr. McCarty. 
We arrived up there and took possession. While we were going into the door the 
various volunteers kept coming into the yard with their rifles. That is as far as I 
know of that. AYhere do you want me to go from there f 

Q. Just go on and tell the whole story. 

A. Then the council met, after we had taken possession of the Government house, 
and decided to take the station house. We had only possession of the Government 
house and had to take the station house, where all the arms were. They had taken 
all arms there from various houses, so as to have them on hand. After discussing it 
we sent word. I think Mr. Damon went down and had an interview with the four 
ministers in the station house. 

Q. You were not present? 

A. No, I was not present. I know nothing in regard to that. Afterwards part 
of the ministers came up to the Government house to talk with the council. 
Q. You were a member of the council? 

A. I am. I was then. I was a member of the committee of safety also. They 
agreed to give up the station house. We took possession. 

Q. Do you mean that that happened just that way? That they agreed to give it 
up and you took it? Do you mean that those things followed right after one another 
just as quick as you relate them? 

A. No. Mr. Damon had to go down to the station house and Hopkins came up. 
The ministers were afraid to come up. They thought that it was a trap to get them 
up there. When they came up they said: "It does not seem to us that we need be 
afraid. You seem to be acting in a square, friendly manner in regard to treating 
us as men." They spoke of that at the time. The first thing that was done we 
declared martial law. That was one of the first acts. 

Q. Do you know what hour the station house was given up? 

A. I can not say. I was very much excited that day. I think it was somewhere 
near 5 o'clock. 

Q. IIave you anything to help you fix 5 o'clock in your mind? 

A. 1 know we were afraid of its getting dark, and it would be much harder for us 
to take the building after dark, and were we planning what to do in case of dark- 
ness. That is what makes me think it was somewhere near that time. 

Q. You spoke of the causes of the revolution being lottery and opium legislation 
and bribery. Now, as to the lottery bill, do you know of money being used there? 

A. Of course I could not go on the stand and say that there was, but men who 
ran it were very flush. 

Q. Is that what you judge from? 

A. Yes. 

* 10518 4 



50 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. The same as to the opium bill? 

A. Well, that was supposed to be a measure from the outside, as some of those in 

the Legislature expected to get money from the Chinese. 

Q. Was that a supposition, or did you have any evidence of the fact of the use of 
money to pass the opium bill in the way of bribing members? 

A. That is just a supposition. 

Q. You spoke of money being used for purposes of bribery. Did you mean in the 
sense that you just stated — that it was supposition that it was done? 
A. I stated it from what a party said, who could substantiate what he said. 
Q. Who was he? * 
A. Cecil Brown. 

Q. Did he tell you he would be able to prove that money was used for the purpose 
of getting out the ministry? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did he tell you who furnished the money? 

A. From the ex- Queen. 

Q. He cold you it came from her? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Have you had any knowledge of any money being used by the other side — by 
the reform party — in controlling votes at any time on any of these questions or any 
question ? 

A. Only what I saw in opposition papers. I do not know anything of my own 
knowledge. 

Q. Do you know it on any information you had from others? 
A. John Colburn told me that he had used money. 
Q. Who did he say he got it from? 

A. It was from his own money. He was trying to get theMcFarland cabinet out. 
Q. He was acting as a liberal? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And the liberal and reform party were acting together in the matter of getting 
out this cabinet ? 

A. I do not know about the reform so much. I dropped out from the refoan 
party when they joined with the liberal. We were all split up then. 

Q. Could you have voted out that cabinet unless you had had the reform pr.rty 
and the liberal party combined? 

A. We could not. It took both parties to vote them out. 

Q. Did Colburn tell you he was using his own money ? 

A. He claimed that he had promises from other parties. 

Q. Who did he say they were? 

A. He did not give me names. I was going away to the States at the time. 

Q. You say on Monday Wilson came and notified the committee of safety through 
Mr. Thurston that he intended to arrest them? 

A. He did, and Mr. Thurston replied — told him to go ahead if he saw fit to arrest us. 

Q. Your statement was that he could arrest you if he wanted to — that you were 
doing nothing against the Government? 

A. Yes; I said that. We were only discussing the meeting. 

Q. were you discussing the question of the dethronement of the Queen? 

A. We were not then. We were discussing in regard to the meeting to be held. 

Q. Had you in your Saturday's meeting or any time in your meetings debated the 
matter of the dethronement of the Queen? 

A. I think we had spoken of it. We all felt we could not stand the monarchy. 
We had made up our minds to that. 

Q. Then the expression that you were doing nothing against the Government was 
a strategic expression? 

A. Yes. Wilson, of course, wanted very much to declare martial law then, but 
Cleghorn declined to sign the declaration. 

Q. Who was Cleghorn? 

A. He was governor. 

Q. You held a mass meeting at 2 o'clock! 
A. Yes ; 2 o'clock on the 16th. 

Q. There was no declaration for dethronement in that meeting? 

A. I do not know if it came out. You could understand by expressions that they 
were all there for good government. Of course, they did not come right flat-footed, 
out. 

Q. Hoav many troops had you then organized and armed ; can you state accurately ? 
A. I can not. 

Q. About how many ; have you any information ?- 

A. I have not. We were backed up by the mass meeting. Nearly all were ready 
at a moment's notice. Those who backed up the committee of safety were willing to 
back them up in every£ning they did. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



51 



Q. Did you poll the meeting to see how many would support yon? 

A. I think so. I think that they got the signatures of quite a number. 

Q. How many? 

A. I can not tell you. 

Q. You could not say that the whole of the mass meeting signed? 
A. I conld not. 

Q. Could you say that as many as half the mass meeting signed? 

A. I should think so. 

Q. Have you examined the signatures? 

A. No. There were various committees. I was a committee for a portion of the 
rally and went around to their residences to see what arms they had and if they 
were prepared in case of trouble. 

- Q. In case of any trouble, did you tell them that you were going to dethrone the 
Queen and ask if they would be ready in case of resistance? Did you say that 
when you got signatures? 

A. When I went around I dicVnt get signatures. I got it verbally from them to 
find out if they had arms and were ready to support the committee of safety. 

Q. Did you mention to them the purpose to dethrone the Queen? 

A. That was understood. 

Q. Did you communicate to them in reierence to arms? 

A. The fact of the case is I did not know exactly what we were going to do, 
Q. So that when you went around, you simply wanted to know if they had arms, 
in the event of trouble ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. It was in that way that you judged of their sentiments in the matter of support- 
ing the committee of safety in the effort to dethrone the Queen? 
A. Yes. 

Q. After the mass meeting what did the committee do? 

A. The committee of safety met that afternoon shortly after the mass meeting. 
Q. What did you do in that afternoon meeting? 

A. We discussed the matter. We did not have a very long session in the after- 
noon. In the afternoon, at first, we were, all going right up then and there, but 
afterwards considered it. The fact is, we hadn't our papers all ready. It was get- 
ting dark. We thought it was better to have daylight on our side. We decided to 
meet again on Monday evening and get everything in shape. It was after the mass 
meeting that we fully decided to take the step. 

Q. What hour of Monday did you determine to take the step? 

A. It was immediately after the mass meeting. 

Q. Did anybody communicate the determination to the American minister? 

A. I cannot say. He must have seen by the way the people were excited that clay, 
and the incendiary talk among certain of the other side in regard to their setting 
fire to buildings. 

Q. How many times did you hear it? 

A. A great many times. 

Q. How many? 

A. People would keep coming into the office and meet me and say : "We are going 
to have trouble." 
Q. Did you hear any persons say they proposed to fire the town? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. How many; I mean the people opposed to you? 

A. No ; I did'nt hear the people actually say it. It was rumors from outside. It 
was not direct from them or they would have been locked up. 

Q. You do not know anything at all of anybody having talked to Mr. Stevens 
about the situation on Monday in regard to the movement that you were all making 
or contemplated making. Was there anybody who said in the meeting that Mr. 
Stevens knew anything of what was going on? 

A. I guess he must have kept posted. 

Q. I want to know whether there was anything said by Thurston or anybody else 
of Mr. Stevens's knowledge of the movement? 
A. I cannot say positively. 
Q. What is your impression? • 

A. My impression is that there was. I can not remember what it was that was said. 
Q. Was it to the effect that he had knowledge of the movement of the reform 
party ? 

A. I do not remember. It just comes upon me as a flash. 
Q. What is the impression you say you have? 
A. I do wot see how he could have helped it. 

I will ask you again. In tke meeting of the committee of safety in the after- 
noon of Monday, after the mass meeting had adjourned, was there anything said on 



52 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN TSLANDS. 



the part of Mr. Thurston, or any other member of the committee of safety, indicating 
that the American minister knew anything of the movement of the reform party? 

A. Yes; I should say that there was. 

Q. By whom? 

A. Either Carter or Thurston. 
Q. What did 1hey say? 

A. I can not state. There was something said. It does not come to my mind now. 

Q. Was the purport of it that he knew of the movement? 

A. Yes, it was; that is, after the meeting. 

Q. How did they know that he knew of the movement? 

A. I suppose they had had an interview with him. I can not say for certain. 

Q. Did they say as much? 

A. That is what I understood at the time. 

Q. Well, now, in that meeting was the subject discussed of asking him to land 
the American troops? 
A. 1 think that was done by the committee of safety before. 
Q. Were you present when they asked for the troops to be landed? 
A. I was. 

Q. The troops were ordered here on Monday and this mass meeting was on Tuesday ! 

A. No ; the mass meeting was on Monday ;*the troops came on shore Monday evening 
just about dark. I might say that it was a surprise to us to hear that the troops 
were coming on shore. 

Q. You expected them to come ashore later? 

A. No; I didn't know when they were coming ashore. 

Q. But you expected them to come ashore? 

A. Yes; I expected they would come. 

Q. By reason of any communication with the American minister? 
A. No; I think it was by request of the committee of safety. 

Q. I have a copy of the communication from the committee of safetv of January 
16, 1893— Monday. 

A. Yes; Monday afternoon. 

Q. What time Monday afternoon? 

A. After the mass meeting. 

Q. How long after? 

A. I think about 5. 

Q. It was after the adjournment of the mass meeting you say the request to land 
troops was made? 

A. I think it was about 4 o'clock. 

Q. What time did the mass meeting adjourn? 

A. A little after 3. 

Q. And then the committee of safety met? 

A. We met immediately; walked down from- the meeting to Smith's office. 
Q. And then you took up the subject of calling on the American minister to land 
troops ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Who took that communication to him? 

A. I think it was Charlie Carter. I can not be positive. 

Q. Is he one of the present commissioners? 

A. Yes. 

Q. How long was he gone? 
A. Not long. 

Q. What did he say when he came back? 
A. He said the marines would be landed. 

Q. Did he say whether they would support the Provisional Government movement 
if they took the public buildings? 

A. He came back and said the troops were coming ashore. That was as far as I 
could remember now. 

Q. He brought no response in writing 5 

A. I do not think so. 

Q. Did the committee of safety want the troops brought on shore? 

A. They felt that it would be for the welfare of the town to have them ashore. 
We felt as a committee of safety that we had this matter in our hands and would be 
held responsible. 

Q. Did you expect that the presence of the troops on shore would have a quieting 
eifect on the natives and prevent any demonstration* 
A. It was thought so. 
Q. That was your idea? 
A. Yes. 

Q. You expected that when they got on shore that any hostile movement would bo 
brought to a standstill by their presence? 



KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 53 



A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Suppose they Irad not come on shore, would you have heen ahle to have pro- 
tected yourselves? 

A. I think so; hut I think there would have heen a great deal of hloodshed. 
Q. Did not you always expect that American troops would he landed in case of 
conflict or threatened conflict? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And therefore you did not much expect a conflict after they landed? 
A. No; I thought that naturally Wilson would try to do something. I expected 
there would be bloodshed before we got through. 
Q. Unless American troops were landed? 

A. Yes, sir. Of course I didn't know whether they would attempt it then. 

Q. You had a meeting you say on Monday night at your house. Who was present ? 

A. There were the committee of safety. 

Q. Who were they? 

A. Cooper was there. I think Wilder was not there. There was Brown, Smith, 
and Lansing. I do not think Suhr was there. Dole was there. We sent for Dole. 
Carter and Loper were there. 
. Q. What was the object in sending for Mr. Dole? 

A. To ask him if he would accept the position he now holds. 

Q. What did he say ? 

A. He debated in his mind. He wanted to think over it until morning. 
Q. What was Loper doing there? 

A. Loper was invited there. He was to take charge of the forces. 
Q. Was that agreed upon that night? 
A. That was agreed-upon. 

Q. Did you and Mr. Loper and Mr. Carter go to the American minister that night? 
A. I didn't. 

Q. Did anybody go from your meeting? 

A. Nobody that I know of. If anyone went I know nothing about it. 

Q. Was there any hesitation on the part of Loper to take command that night? 

A. Yes ; he did hesitate. 

Q. What reason did he give? 

A. That he would rather be with the marshal. 

Q. Was there anything said as to the probability of a conflict the next day? 
A. We talked over the matter with Loper; discussed what could be done. He 
started out to get the men together. 
Q. After he left the committee of safety ^ 
A. Yes. 

Q. Where were they to be placed? 

A. They were to meet at the old armory here, and from there go right down to 
the Government house. 

Q. Didn't you think the impression that these marines would have on the natives 
would be thac they would not be in sympathy with them, and that they would be in 
sympathy with the white people? 

A. That is what I think. 

Q. You were amongst the committee of safety that went up to take charge of the 
Government house? 
A. Yes. 

Q. How many of you were there? 

A. I think there was fourteen, but we did not all go up. 
*Q, Where did you start from? 

A. We started from W. O, Smith's office, on Fort street. 
Q. Which street did you go up going to the Government building? 
A. We went up Queen street and up to the Government house — Mr. Wilder and 
myself. 

Q. What street did the others go on? 
A. They went on Merchant street. 

Q. When you got to the Government building who was the first person you saw? 
A. Hassinger. 
Q. Is he a porter? 

A. He is first clerk of the interior department. 

Q. When you got there was the proclamation read immediately? 

A. The proclamation was read by Mr. Cooper. 

Q. Were there any troops there during the reading of the proclamation? 
A. I could see one or two coming in. 

Q. By the time it was concluded how many men did you have? 
A. It would be impossible for me to say how many. I was so excited at the time. 
Dp yon remember the bringing of a paper to the Provisional Government, dated 



54 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



January 17, 1893, signed by Liliuokalani and her several ministers, and printed in 
this document (Senate Ex. Doc. No. 56, Fifty-second Congress, second session)? 
A. I do. 

Q. You were then in possession of the Government building? 
A. We were. 

Q. Any other buildings at that time? 

A. Only the Government building at that time. 

Q. How long after that before you got Mr. Stevens's letter of recognition? 

A. It was shortly alter the station house was given over. 

Q. Are you not mistaken about that? 

A. No ; I believe I am not. I do not think I am. 

Q. What about tLe barracks; had they been given up? 

A. They had. 

Q. Who were at the barracks? 

A. Nowlein. 

Q. Where was Wilson? 

A. He was at the station ho«se. 

Q. And he gave that up before you had notice of the recognition? 
A. According to my best knowledge and belief. 

Q. Was there any communication, by writing or by word, from any member of the 
committee of safety, or any other x>erson by their authority, to Mr. Stevens that you 
planned taking the Government building? 

A. Not as far as I know, It is from hearsay. 

Q. Who did you hear say it? 

A. It would be impossible for me to answer that. 

Q. Was it understood in the committee of safety on Monday night, by anybody, 
that he knew you intended to take the Government building? 

A. Not unless somebody left the meeting afterwards and told him. 

Q. Was there anything said by any person at the meeting at your house the night 
before the building was taken indicating that Mr. Stevens knew of the move to 
take the Government building the next day? 

A. I do not remember. 

Q. What was your impression — did you think that he knew of your movement? 

A. I did; I was in hopes that he did. 

Q. Why did you think he knew of your movement? 

A. It was common talk. 

Q. Common talk Monday, as well as Tuesday? 
A. Yes. 

Q. It was common talk before the troops were landed on Monday? 
A. It was common talk that we were going to make a move — that the committee 
of safety were urged upon to make amove. 

Q. Did you all understand that Mr. Stevens's sympathies were with you? 
A. Yes. 

Q. How did you get the idea that his sympathies were with you ? 
A. From remarks made by different persons in regard to certain matters that had 
come up; and we felt that we had been wronged. 
Q. What matters do you refer to? 

A. All during the last few days and also during the session of the Legislature. 

Q. He would manifest his approval and disapproval of acts of the Queen and her 
adherents in matters of legislation? 

A. Whenever it was against the interests of the American people. Of course, a 
few days before that, up to Saturday, he was not here. We had a great deal of talk- 
ing during that time. He lost all that. 

Q. He participated freely in political discussions without exciting comment? 

A. I do not know that he discussed it. People would naturally come and talk to 
him and open their hearts to him. 

Q. And in that way they got to feel that he was in sympathv with them? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Was there ever any suggestion on his part to the committee of safety to desist 
from their movement against the Queen ? 
A. I have never heard of any. 

Q. Was there any expectation when the troops landed that they were to enforce 
the authority of the Queen in bringing order in the city on the part of the com- 
mittee of safety ? 

A. I did not hear any rumor that led me to think that. ^ The way I understood it 
was that they were here to preserve order. 

Q. Now, in the matter of preserving order, if the Queen's forces and the Provi- 
sional Government forces got to fighting, would that mean that he was to interfere 
and stop the fighting? 

A. I thought he was only to protect American interests here 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



55 



Q. How would lie go about it? 

A. I suppose that most of the Americans would naturally go for protection on 
American ground, and I suppose that would be up at his place or around the con- 
sulate. 

Q. You expected he would protect them in those places? 

A. Yes ; I might say, after the meeting on Monday, there was a falling off in the 
ranks of the Queen's party and they felt that the stronger elements were against 
them. The mass meeting brought things to an issue. 

Q. You anticipated that the American troops expected to protect at the consulate 
and American legation American citizens who resorted there for protection? 

A. That is what I expected they would do, but I did not know how far they would 
have gone in case there was bloodshed. 

Q. Did you expect them to confine themselves to operations around the legation 
and consulate ? 

A. No ; I would have expected if the Queen's people overpowered us that they 
would, of course, have to protect her. If we came out on the top and asked for pro- 
tection we would get the protection, and we felt we would be strong enough. 

Q. You expected him to land his troops and protect American people at the lega- 
tion and consulate until you whipped the Queen or the Queen whipped you? 

A. I do not know that. 

Q. Did you expect him to do more than protect American citizens who resorted to 
the consulate or legation for protection? 

A. That in case there was any bloodshed that they would, if called upon, protect 
the party in power, and I expected we were going to be in power forthwith. 

Q. How did. you expect to get into poAver without a little bloodshed? 

A. We knew the feeling of those who were in power then — that they were cow- 
ards ; that by going up with a bold front, and they supposing that the American 
troops would assist us, that would help us out. 

Q. Assist whom? 

A. The committee of safety. 

Q. That was the general calculation? 

A. Yes. 

Q. In the conference? 

A. Yes. They felt that their being there would be a great help to them. Even 
their presence ashore would have done that. 

Q. When did you first determine to take the building? 
A. Monday. 

Q. Did you talk over it at Monday afternoon session? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And did you then determine to do it? 

A. That afternoon. We were on the point of going up that afternoon, but things 
were not ready and it would take until dark and we thought we had better wait 
until the next day. 

Qr Was that the purpose you had, to get the influence of the troops for the purpose 
of preventing resistance on the part of the Queen's Government? 
A. That was not in my mind at all. 

Q. What did you want troops for? What was in your mind? 

A. In my mind it was going to stop bloodshed. The very presence of them here. 

Q. You expected, then, if you got them on shore that you could go on with the plan 
of taking possession of the Government building and other properties without blood- 
shed? That was your idea? 

A. That was my idea. 

Q. Was that the irapresssion of the committee of safety? 
A. I think that they felt just the same as I did in regard to it. 
(Before leaving Mr. Waterhouse was shown the letter of January 16, from the 
committee of safety to Mr. Stevens, and identified it.) The letter is as follows: 

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

American Minister Resident : 

Sir: We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully repre- 
sent that, in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, culminating in the revo- 
lutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public safety is menaced 
and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and the United States 
forces at your command for assistance. 

The Queen, with the aid of armed force, and accompanied by threats of violence 
and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new 
constitution; and while prevented for the time from accomplishing her object declared 
publicly that she would only defer her action. 



56 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which 
have created general alarm and terror. 

We are unable to protect ourselves without aid and, therefore, pray for the pro- 
tection of the United States forces. 

Henry E. Cooper, 
F. W. McChesney, 
W. C. Wilder, 

C. BOLTE, 

A. Brown, 
William O. Smith, 
Henry Waterhouse, 
Theo. F. Lansing, 
Ed. Suhr, 
L. A. Thurston, 
John Emmeluth, 
Wm. R. Castle, 
J. A. McCandless, 
Citizens' Committee of Safety. 

I have read the foregoing carefully, and pronounce it a correct report of my inter- 
view with Mr. Blount. 

Henry Waterhouse. 



' [Inclosnre 5 in No. 4.] 
Mr» Carter to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 3, 1893. 

Hon. James H. Blount, 

Commissioner of the United States of America: 

Sir : At your request the following statement is made of incidents of the 17th day 
of January last, as they came under my observation : 

After dining that day (dinner hour being 5:30 o'clock, say between 6:30 and 6:40 
o'clock) Officer Mehrten, of the police force, drove up to my residence in a hack, and 
said to me that my presence was required at the Government building, and that he 
would give me a seat in his carriage if I was ready. I was at once driven to the 
building and taken to the room of the minister of finance, where I met quite a con- 
course of men, among which I now recall Judge S. B. Dole, Charles L. Carter, C apt. 
James King, Rev. S. G. Beckwith, Hon. S. M. Damon, and some twenty or thirty 
other leading members of our community. 

There was a deal of excitement and earnest discussion going on among groups of 
persons, and while standing among them I overheard among other things that Min- 
ister Stevens had recognized the new government and that a steamer was to be 
made ready at once to carry to San Francisco, en route to Washington, commissioners 
of the new government. I asked what was required of me, and was told that a 
committee was to be sent to the palace to inform Her Majesty the Queen that she 
was deposed, and to assist her in making any protest she desired to make, and that 
I was to be of the committee. I joined the party" headed by Mr. Damon, and pro- 
ceeded to the palace, where, in the blue room, was Her Majesty, one or both of the 
young princes, the Hon. H. A. Widerman, and Paul Neumann, Her Majesty's min- 
isters, E. C. Macfarlane, and others. Mr. Damon informed Her Majesty of the 
establishment of a provisional government, and of her being deposed, and that she 
might prepare a protest if she wished to. An awkward pause followed, which I 
broke by addressing Her Majesty, expressing sympathy, and advised her that any 
demonstration on the part of her forces would precipitate a conflict with the forces 
of the United States ; that it was desirable that such a conflict be avoided ; that her 
case would be considered at Washington, and a peaceful submission to force on her 
part would greatly help her case ; that the persons in command of her forces at the 
barracks and police station should be ordered to surrender. The Hon. H. A. Wider- 
man then addressed Her Majesty, fully indorsing my advice, and adding that he 
believed that the result would be a repetition of the scenes of 1843, when the sovereign 
and flag were restored to Hawaii by Great Britain. 

I was moved to advise Her Majesty as I did because it was rej>orted on the street 
that Minister Stevens had said if the revolutionists obtained possession of a govern- 
ment building that he would recognize them as a government. I saw that the build- 
ing was in possession of armed men, and knew that the forces of the U. S. S. Boston 
we»e near at hand, and heard that recognition was a fact. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 57 



TJie Hon. Paul Neumann was requested to prepare the protest for Her Majesty's 
signature, and I was also requested to assist in preparing the document. While 
the protest was in course of preparation word was sent to Marshal Wilson to disband 
the force at the station house and surrender the building, arms, and ammunition. 

After the protest had been signed by Her Majesty and the ministers word was 
brought that Marshal Wilson refused to give up the station house except upon the 
written command of Her Majesty. The order was prepared, signed by the Queen, 
and sent to the marshal. The protest of the Queen was placed in the hands of Presi- 
dent Dole, and I saw that he indorsed the document as received in due form. 
Very respectfully, yours, 

J. O. Carter. 



[Inclosure 6 in No. 4.] 
Mr. Swinlurne to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 3, 1893. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of United States; 

Sir : In response to your verbal request for a written communication from me re- 
garding certain facts connected with the recognition of the Provisional Government 
of the Hawaiian Islands by the United States minister to that country on the after- 
noon of January 17, 1S93, I have to state as follows: 

On the afternoon in question I was present at an interview between Capt. Wiltse, 
commanding the Boston, who was at that time present in his official capacity with 
the battalion then landed in Honolulu, and Mr. Dole and other gentlemen represent- 
ing the present Provisional Government, in the executive chamber of the Government 
building. During the interview we were informed that the party represented by 
the men there present was in complete possession of the Government building, the 
archives, and the treasury, and that a Provisional Government had been established 
by them. 

In answer Capt. Wiltse asked if their Government had possession of the police station 
and barracks. To this the reply was made that they had not possession then, but 
expected to hear of it in a few minutes, or very soon. To this Capt. Wiltse replied, 
u Very well, gentlemen, I cannot recognize you as a de facto Government until you 
have possession of the police station and are prepared to guarantee protection to 
life and property," or words to that effect. Here our interview was interrupted by 
other visitors, and we withdrew and returned to the camp at Arion Hall. As far as 
I can recollect, this must have been about 5 o'clock p. m. About half-past 6 Capt. 
Wiltse left the camp, and as he did so he informed me that the United States 
minister to the Hawaiian Islands had recognized the Provisional Government estab- 
lished by the party in charge of the Government building as the de facto Govern- 
ment of the Hawaiian Islands. About half-past 7 p. m. I was informed by telephone 
by Lieut. Draper, who was then in charge of a squad of marines at the United 
States consulate, that the citizen troops had taken possession of the police station, 
and that everything was quiet. 
Very respectfully, 

Wm. Swinburne, 
Lieutenant-Commander, U. S. Navy. 



[Inclosure 7 in No. 4.] 

Affidavit of Mr. Hopkins, 

Honolulu Oattu, Hawaiian Islands, ss: 

And now comes Charles L. Hopkins, of Honolulu, aforesaid, and upon oath deposes 
and says : 

That on the 17th day of January, A.D. 1893, he arrived at the police station in 
Honolulu aforesaid about 2:30 p. m. o'clock and saw Mr. Antone Rosa writing a let- 
ter addressed to John L. Stevens, United States minister, and said letter was after- 
wards signed by Her Majesty's ministers and handed to your affiant to be delivered 
to the said American minister with instructions to wait for an answer. Your affiant 
left said police station at about 2:40 p. m. of said day in a carriage, arriving at the 
legation about 2 :45 p. m. He saw on the verandah Miss Stevens, to whom the letter 



58 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



of Her Majesty's ministers was banded. She asked if an answer was required; your 
affiant said. " Yes." 

Miss Stevens then went into the house and about ten minutes afterwards returned 
saying, "My father is too unwell to write an answer now, but if you will go and 
return in about an hour's time he will have the answer ready." Your affiant replied 
that his instructions were to wait for an answer, upon which she went in the house 
again and then came out and said, "My father will try and answer the letter.' 7 She 
disappeared again, and in about ten minutes came out and handed me a letter ad- 
dressed to Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs. Your affiant then left the lega- 
tion, arriving at the ijolice station about 3:10 p. m., and handed Mr. Stevens's letter 
to Mr. Samuel Parker, who went into the deputy marshal's office with it. Later in 
the afternoon your affiant read the letter of Minister Stevens in which he stated that 
he recognized the Provisional Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian 
Islands. 

Charles L. Hopkins. 
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 3d day of May, A. D. 1893. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial District. 



[Inclosure 8 in No. 4.] 
Affidavit of Peterson and Colburn. 

Honolulu Oahu, ss: 

We, John F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson, being duly sworn, on oath depose and say 
that on the afternoon of Tuesday, January 17, 1893, we held portfolios in the 
cabinet of Queen Liliuokalani and were at the station house in Honolulu; that at 
2:30 o'clock the Queen's cabinet addressed a letter to his excellcny J. L. Stevens, 
asking if the report then current that he had recognized the Provisional Govern- 
ment was true. This letter was sent to Mr. Stevens through Hon. C. L. Hopkins. 
Shortly after 3 o'clock Mr. Hopkins returned with an answer from Mr. Stevens to 
the Queen's cabinet, stating that he, Mr. Stevens, had recognized the Provisional 
Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. Shortly after, 
Mr. S. M. Damon and Mr. C. Bolte, members of the advisory council, came to the 
station house to consult with the Queen's cabinet as to the situation. Mr. Damon 
stated that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government and that the 
United States forces would assist them and that it was useless for us to resist, but 
asked us in the interest of peace and to save bloodshed not to do so. Mr. Damon 
handed us a copy of the proclamation of the committee of safety, which was read 
aloud by A. P. Peterson. 

Shortly after 4 o'clock, nothing definite having been arrived at, the Queen's 
cabinet, at the request of the Provisional Government, went with Mr. Damon and 
Mr. Bolte to the Government building to consult with the executive council. We 
were in the Government building fifteen or twenty minutes, dnring which time Mr. 
S. B. Dole, President of the Provisional Government, said that he desired us to give 
up the station house and other Government property under our control, in 
the interests of law and order. We answered that it would be necessary for us to 
consult first with Queen Liliuokalani. We then left the Government building and 
together with Mr. S. M. Damon went direct to the palace. At the palace, after some 
consultation the Queen's cabinet came to the conclusion that it was not advisable 
to oppose the United States forces, Mr. Stevens having already recognized the Pro- 
visional Government, and so advised the Queen to surrender to the superior force 
of the United States, because of the course of Mr. Stevens, American minister, and 
of such recognition. At this time, 5:30 o'clock, the Queen's Government had Pos- 
session of the station house, barracks, and palace, nine-tenths of the arms and 
ammunition on the island except that in the possession of foreign governments, and 
a large body of men under arms. The Queen accepted the advice and her protest 
was immediately drawn up and signed, and she instructed her cabinet to attend to 
all necessary matters, which was then done. 

The reply of Mr. Stevens, stating that he had recognized the Provisional Govern- 
ment, was placed in the hands of Hon. Paul Neumann, who carried it with his other 
documents on his mission to Washington, and although we have made every effort 
to procure the same have been unable to do. so and do not know its whereabouts at 
the present time. 

John F. Colburn. 
A. P. Peterson. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 3d day of May, 1893. 

[seal.] J. H. Thompson, 

Notary Public, Island of Oahu. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 59 



[Inelosure 9 in No. 4.] 
Interview between Hawaiian Patriotic League and Mr. Blount. 

May 2, 1893. 

[Committee of delegates of .ill the branch associations of the Hawaiian Patriotic League: John 
Ric-hardsonrchairman: J. A. Akins. Ben. Xaukana, J. K. Kaihiopularj. S. H. K. Xe. 

Q. Mr. Richardson, are you chairman of this delegation? 
A. Yes. 

Q. How are delegates from these Islands selected? 

A. They are selected by meetings in different districts held by people who haye 
become members of local clubs. 
Q. Organized for what purpose? 

A. Organized for the purpose of beseeching the maintenance of their independence, 
and also the perpetuation of a monarchical form of government and against annex- 
ation. 

Q. How many persons are in these' several clubs. 

A. The number varies in each club, but the approximate total of the various clubs 
represented here is to the tune of about 7,000 voters. 
Q. How do you get at that number? 

A. We have had rolls from the different clubs, and as the Central Club wishes to 
get time to have the names recorded in the register of the Central Club in Honolulu 
we nave been unable to bring with us the original document holding the list of the 
names. 

Q. How do you get the figures 7.000? 
A. By taking the total from each club. 
Q. Have vou~had the totals from each club! 
A. Yes. 

Q. And putting them together makes an aggregate of 7,000? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Are they all voters ? 
A. They are all voters. 

Mr. Blount. 1 will accept it as I have all memorials as a matter of information. 
I can not enter into a discussion of it with you. I am glad to meet you, gentlemen. 



(Tnclosnre 10 in No. 4.] 
Affidavit of Mr. Wilson. 

Honolulu, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands, ss: 

And now comes Charles B. Wilson, of Honolulu aforesaid, and upon oath deposes 
and says: 

That on the 17th day of January. A. D. 1893, between 3 :30 and 1 p. m.. of that day, 
whiie he was in charge of the police station as marshal of the Kingdom, he saw and 
read a letter from the American Minister Stevens addressed to Her Majesty's minis- 
ters, wherein Minister Stevens stated that he had recognized the Provisional Gov- 
ernment as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Chas. B. Wilson. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 1th dav of Mav, A. D. 1893. 
[seal.] E. J. Testa, 

Xotary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



So. 8. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresliam. 

No. 5.] Honolulu. Hawaiian Islands, 

May 6, 1S93. 

Sir: Since my last dispatch I examined Mr. Bolte. a member of the 
advisory council. He and Mr. Waterhouse, whose evidence I forwarded 
to you, stated positively that the station house and barracks were 



60 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



delivered up before Mr. Stevens recognized the Provisional Government. 
The manner of their testimony caused me to suspect their truthfulness. 
I had learned from members of the cabinet of the ex-Queen of corre- 
spondence with Mr. Stevens which contradicted these assertions. Some 
weeks ago I had called upon him for the legation records, and was fur- 
nished vvith a book containing correspondence with the State Depart- 
ment. This threw no light on the question of fact I was seeking to settle. 

On the 5th instant I went to the legation, feeling that such papers 
must be there in some form. 

In the conversation he spoke of a paper from the Queen which was 
in his files; said that these files were put in a volume when there were 
enough to make up one. I said I would like to have the volume for 
January. He said it had not been made up. I then asked him if he 
had a paper which the ministry had addressed to him inquiring if he 
had recognized the Provisional Government. He went out to look for 
it and returned with a book entitled " Correspondence with Hawaiian 
Government." In this he showed me a memorandum he had made of 
a reply to a communication from the ministers, a copy of which I send 
(Inclosure No. 1). 

Believing that he must have the communication itself, this morning 
I sent my secretary, Mr. Mills, to ask for it. He returned with the 
paper saying that before giving it to him Mr. Stevens seemed to be at 
a loss as to whether he had such a paper. This same difficulty occurred 
when I called upon him for the communication from the committee of 
safety asking for the landing of the troops of the Boston. 

I inclose herewith a copy of the letter in question (Inclosure No. 2). 

You will see that in the memorandum referred to he says the letter 
was received about 4 or 5 p. m. on January 17 and that he informed 
them that he had already recognized the Provisional Government. 

In the conversation I had with him when he turned over the record 
of the correspondence with the Hawaiian Government he said he had 
recognized the Provisional Government before the barracks and station 
house had been surrendered; that he did not consider their surrender 
of any importance. 

In my last dispatch Lieut. Swinburne fixes the surrender of the sta- 
tion house at about half-past 7 o'clock. This morning he called and 
informed me that Lieut. Draper had said to him yesterday that the 
station house was not surrendered until after dark. I seut for Lieut. 
Draper and obtained from him a statement, which I inclose (Inclosure 
No. 3). 

I consider that it is now established beyond controversy that Mr. 
Stevens recognized the Provisional Government before the barracks 
and station house had been surrendered or agreed to be surrendered. 

Before the committee of thirteen went up to proclaim the Provi- 
sional Government they sent a gentleman to see if there were any 
troops in the Government building. On learning the fact that there 
were none, the committee quietly went up in two or more squads and, 
uniting at the Government building, read their proclamation. 

Without making any demand for the surrender of the palace, in 
which were the Queen and her friends, with some 50 soldiers; the bar- 
racks, a little beyond the palace, with about 80 men, well equipped 
with small .arms and artillery, and with the station house, some 600 
yards off, occupied by some 200 men, well armed and equipped, 
they asked and obtained from the American minister recognition as a 
Government de facto. On this basis the minds of the cabinet and 
Queen were operated upon to give up the barracks and station house 



EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



61 



and to have her surrender to the Provisional Government. In this 
way the revolution reached its solution. 

I invite your attention to a letter, dated on the 16th of January, 1893, 
from Mr. Stevens to Mr. W. M. Giffard, as follows: 

United States Legation, 
Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 

Mr. W. M. Giffard : 

Sir : Please allow Capt. Wiltse and his men the use of the opera house hall for 
a fair compensation for the same. 
Yours, truly, 

John L. Stevens. 

This letter was obtained from Mr. Giffard, who had charge of the 
building as agent for Spreckels & Co. He declined to let Mr. Stevens 
have it, because, he said, if any damage occurred while the American 
troops occupied it it would affect the insurance, as the building was 
liable to be damaged; that in the insurrection of 1889, when Wilcox 
and his followers had obtained possession of the palace, the Govern- 
ment forces bad used the upper portion of this building to fire on the 
insurrectionists and that more than $1,000 worth of damage was then 
done to it by the cannon used by Wilcox and his followers. 

This building, Lieut. Swinburne informs me, was agreed upon on 
board the Boston before the troops were landed as the best place for 
the location of the Boston's- men. He suggested on shipboard that the 
troops be quartered near the wharf, so as to be near to their base of 
supply, the same having been so done when Admiral Skerrett landed 
troops in 1874. Capt. Wiltse and Mr. Stevens thought it was better 
that they should be located in the opera house. Failing to get this 
building, Arion hall, which is on a line with it and adjoins it, and 
is across the street from the Government building, was obtained 
for the location of the troops. The men were placed in the rear of 
Arion hall, but in full view of the palace. A street intervened 
between the Government building and the palace. It was about 350 
yards from one of these buildings to the other. 

The American troops were on the same side of the latter street with 
the Provisional Government troops, which did not probably number 
100 men. You will see from the map prepared by Mr. Loevenstein, 
Avhich I have previously forwarded to you, the location of Arion 
hall, the Government building, the palace, the barracks, the station 
house, and the armory. If the Queen's troops should have attacked 
the Provisional Government troops our men were in danger of being 
injured, which might have brought them into collision with the Queen's 
troops. The same is true if the Provisional Government troops had 
advanced on the palace. If the American troops were landed to pro- 
tect American property and the persons of American citizens, their 
location at this place, unfortunately, signified a different purpose. 

The Queen, her cabinet, and her followers undoubtedly believed, 
from the location of the American troops and the quick recognition of 
the Provisional Government by Mr. Stevens, that the United States 
forces would aid the Provisional Government forces in the event of a 
conflict. 

The request of the committee of safety, on which the landing of the 
troops was made, did not ask for the protection of the property and 
persons of American citizens. This paper you have already in your 
possession. It was signed by Germans, Americans, and natives. Mr. 
W. O. Smith and Mr. L. A. Thurston, the leading men signing this 
paper, are natives of these islands, and seemed to be concerned to have 



62 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



the troops protect themselves and all others in the islands from the 
operation of the Queen's forces. 

In one of the local papers, yesterday morning, there appeared an 
alleged interview with Mr. Loud, a member of Congress from Cali- 
fornia, in which he is reported as criticising the authorities for not hav- 
ing arrested and sent Liliuokalani out of the island. In view of your 
telegraphic instruction of the 25th ultimo (which was received by me 
on the 4th instant) and the possibility that Mr. Loud's alleged advice 
might be pursued and that hostile collision between the friends of the 
Queen and the Provisional Government might grow out of it, I had an 
interview this morning with the attorney- general, Mr. W. O. Smith, 
in which I invited his attention to the reported interview with Mr. 
Loud. I asked him if he felt free to say to me whether or not the 
arrest of the Queen was contemplated ; that I desired the information 
because such action on the part of the Provisional Government might 
{produce a condition of affairs which required action on my part. He 
said that this action was not contemplated by the Provisional Govern- 
ment, but that they were prepared, in the event of hostilities, to take 
care of certain prominent persons amongst the Eoyalists. Iasked hiui 
if those included the Queen. He answered, "confidentially, Yes." 

The feeling of the annexationists is very intense, and doubtless the 
Provisional Government is very much pressed to take action against 
the person of the Queen by confinement or deportation. Should this 
occur I believe that it will produce a bloody conflict. 

It is my purpose soon to announce to American citizens that if they 
participate in any conflict in behalf of either party I shall direct that 
the American troops shall not be used for their protection. This, I think, 
to be in line with your views. I believe that it will tend to prevent 
extreme action on the part of the Provisional Government. 

I have not and shall not intimate any desire to the Provisional Gov- 
ernment as to what they should do with the Queen or with any other 
person connected with the royal cause. 

I do not see any occasion for my remaining longer here for the pur- 
pose of making further inquiry as to the condition of affairs in the 
islands. I believe, however, that my departure prior to your sending 
out a successor to Mr. Stevens would result in serious trouble. The 
attorney-general said to me this morning there would be no trouble 
while I remained here, but he had some apprehensions if I should 
leave. 

The native population seem to have great respect for me, growing 
out of the idea that I represent the President of the United States in 
an effort to get at the causes of the revolution and a hope that out of 
that investigation they will regain the political power they have lost. 

I have been careful every moment to avoid making an impression on 
either party that I was here to interfere in their domestic affairs or for 
any rjurpose other than that of inquiry, or to indicate what disposition 
you or the President might make of any information I should report. 

Do not infer from these observations that I have any desire to remain 
here any longer. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 
P. S. — Since closing the foregoing dispatch the affidavits marked 4, 
5, 6, 7, and 8 have been handed to me. 
(Filed with other affidavits.)* 



* Published with affidavits. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 63 



[Inclosure 1 in No. 5.] 
Extract from records of the United States legation. 
correspondence with hawaiian government. 

United States Legation,, 

Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 
About 4 to 5 p.m. of this date — am not certain of the precise time — the note on file 
from the four ministers of the deposed Queen, inquiring if I had recognized the 
Provisional Government came to my hands, while I was lying sick on the couch. 
Not far from 5 p. m. — I did not think to look at the watch — I addressed a short note 
to Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Wm. H. Cornwell, Hon. John F. Colhurn, and Hon. A. P. 
Peterson — no longer regarding them ministers — informing them that I had recog- 
nized the Provisional Government. 

John L. Stevens, 
United States Minister. 



[Inclosnre 2 in No. 5.] 

Queen's ministers to Mr. Stevens. 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 
Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary : 
Sir: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government having been informed that certain per- 
sons to them unknown have issued proclamation declaring a Provisional Govern- 
ment to exist in opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pretended to 
depose the Queen, her cabinet and marshal, and that certain treason able persons at 
present occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and pre- 
tending that your excellency, in behalf of- the United States of America, has recog- 
nized such Provisional Government, Her Majesty's cabinet asks respectfully: Has 
your excellency recognized said Provisional Government? and if not, Her Majesty's 
Government, under the above existing circumstances, respectfully requests the as- 
sistance of your Government in preserving the peace of the country. 
We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants, 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Wm. H. Cornwell, 

Min ister of Finance. 
John F. Colburn, 
Minister of the Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney- General. 



[Inclosure 3 in No. 5.] 

Statement of Lieut. Draper. 

May 5, 1893. Herbert L. Draper, Lieutenant Marine Corps, attached to Boston: 
I was at the United States consulate-general at the time the Provisional Govern- 
ment troops went to the station house and it was turned over to them by Marshal 
Wilson. It was about half past 7 o'clock. The station house is near the consulate- 
general on the same street. As soon as it happened I telephoned it to the ship. I 
wanted my commanding officer to know, as I regarded it as an especially important 
thing. 

I was the commanding officer at the consulate-general. There was no other 
United States officer there at the time excepting myself. 
The above is a conect statement, 

Herbert L. Draper, 
First Lieutenant, U.S. Marine Corps. 



64 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 9. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresliam. 

No. 6.] Honolulu, H. I., May 9, 1893. 

Sm: There has appeared in annexation papers on several occasions 
innnencloes of an offensive character relating to myself. It has been 
my custom to give no attention to them, because of the greatness of 
our own Government and the weakness of the Provisional Government 
of the Hawaiian Islands. 

On my arrival here — the opinion obtaining through the newspapers, 
especially of American origin, that I was to investigate, amongst other 
things, the disposition of the people of the Islands towards annexation — 
a campaign in the form of signatures to petitions for and against annex- 
ation commenced, and has been continuing until this hour. 

Manifestation of the native element soon became very pronounced 
against annexation, whereupon the papers of the annexationists began 
to charge the ex-Queen with treason and to insist upon her arrest and 
trial for treason or her deportation. With this I had nothing to do. 

This state of opinion of a majority of the people against annexation 
has become so well defined as to renew the cry for her arresti nmore 
ardent temper. 

Yesterday afternoon the Hawaiian Star, the organ of the annexa- 
tion club, contained an article, a copy of which is inclosed herewith. 
(Inclosure No. 1.) 

I felt aggrieved at the dishonorable implication as to my own con- 
duct with the Queen contained therein. I immediately addressed a 
letter to President Dole, a copy of which is inclosed. (Inclosure No. 2.) 

Four hours afterward I received a reply from Mr. Dole, a copy of 
which I send. (Inclosure No. 3.) 

The language used is not only objectionable in its offensive reference 
to myself, but was designed to intimidate antiannexationists in com- 
municating their views to me, and so prevent any successful acquisition 
of the true state of the public mind in these Islands in its relation to 
the Provisional Government. 

This latter criticism I did not communicate to the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, regarding it as inconsistent with my instructions not to inter- 
fere in domestic controversies here. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



[Inclosure 1 in No. 6.] 
Extract from the Hawaiian Star, Monday, May 8, 1S93. 

WHAT OF THE QUEEN? 

The ex-Queen professed to have yielded her throne to the " superior force of the 
United States, " and has kept up that jjretense since. Her present attitude is one of 
waiting. Before doing anything further she desires to know whether or not the 
United States means to take the islands. From such an attitude it follows that if 
President Cleveland and Congress should decide to keep their hands off Hawaii, then 
Liliuokalani will deem herself absolved from her obligation to stay quiet. It must 
be noted that she has never yet surrendered directly to the Government, or even 
entered into an armistice with it. She calls herself Queen, and rarely signs her name 
to a letter without the royal R. It is her hope, that if annexation is defeated, to be 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



65 



restored, and she is now the center and nucleus of all the royal politics in the islands 
which look to that end. 

So long as things remain in their present shape the ex-Queen is not particularly 
dangerous; but if the Hawaiian question should be left to stew in its own juice, 
then she might become an unpleasant quantity to deal with. The United States 
would have formally refused to accept her surrender. She would have yielded to no 
one else, and would be at liberty to negotiate with, say, the Japanese for a pro- 
tectorate. Certainly, her right to treat with, a foreign envoy has not been denied, 
as witness her unhindered interviews with Commissioner Blount. Out of such a 
conjunction of affairs as this might come a vast amount of political trouble and 
expense. Even if Liliuokalani did not seek foreign help — as she was quick to do at 
the beginning of her troubles in a letter to Queen Victoria — her presence here would 
continually breed mischief, provoke unrest, alarm capital, excite the emotions of 
her old party, harass the existing Government, require a large military force to be 
sustained, and cause an impression to go out that if the new regime should at any 
time be caught napping the old order of things might be restored. 

It is pretty generally admitted now that it was a mistake not to have shipped the 
ex-Queen abroad when she was deprived of her throne. That was one of the errors 
of a hurried time which, if it had been avoided, would have left the annexationist 
cause in much better shape than it is. But what is past can not be mended. Only 
that which is to come may be kept from the need of mending. 

The Star believes it to be the duty of the Government to protect itself and the people 
from the danger that Liliuokalani's presence here might breed by sending her out of the 
country under the act — which may be enlarged if necessary — that deals with "unde- 
sirable residents." This course might, it is true, work a certain hardship, but com- 
pared with the hardship that the ex-Queen's continuance on this soil would visit 
upon property and business interests, it would hardly be worth noting. Its severity 
might, of course, be modified by some provision for the expenses of travel abroad, 
but this is a matter of detail. The main thing is to have the disturbing influence of 
the royal pretender out of the way when the time comes to tranquilize the country 
and get it ready for the responsibilities of its future. No better preliminary to that 
status could be had than the deportation of the woman at once. This would afford 
ample time, before the American decision could be had, to get the country perfectly 
in hand and to meet anything that might happen. 

There need be no fear that such an act would make a bad impression in the United 
States or elsewhere, as it is one of the unwritten laws of popular uprisings that 
when the people overthrow the throne, the occupant of it must leave the country. 
So far as Hawaii is concerned every sensible politician in America would justify 
deportation under the existing circumstances. 



[Inclosure 2 in No. 6.] 
Mr. Blount to Mr. Dole. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 9, 1893. 

His Excellency Sanfokd B. Dole, 

President of the executive and advisory oouncils 

of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 
Sir: In the Hawaiian Star of May 8, ah editorial headed "What of the Queen?" 
to which I invite your attention, uses this language: 

"Certainly her right to treat with a foreign envoy has not been denied, as witness 
her unhindered interviews with Commissioner Blount." 

It has been my purpose to studiously avoid any word or act calculated to produce 
on the mind of any individual an impression of a disposition on my part to inter- 
fere with the political affairs of these islands. In this article I am made to hold 
unhindered interviews with the ex-Queen Liliuokalani. These alleged interviews 
with me are treated as treasonable on her part. This can not be true without an 
implication of dishonorable conduct on my part. As such, it is insulting to the 
Government of the United States. 

I have held one interview with the ex-Queen, of which you had knowledge 
before and afterwards. This is the only one. I can not believe that the editorial, 
in so far as it relates to myself, can be approved by the Provisional Government. I 
respectfully request a reply. 

With assurances of the highest consideration, I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States, 

10518- — 5 



66 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



[Lnclosuxe 3 in Ko. 6.] 
Mr. Hole to Mr. Blount. 

Department of Foreign Affaibs, 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 9, 1893. 

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of even 
date calling my attention to an editorial in last evening's issue of the Hawaiian 
Star touching on your interviews with the ex-Queen. 

The Government sincerely regrets the publication referred to in your communica- 
tion, and I hasten to assure you that it is in no way responsible for the expressions 
of that or any other paper, and thoroughly disapproves of anything that may be 
published that can be taken as implying any action on your part that is not entirely 
consistent with your mission. 

The management of the Star have promised to make the amende honorable in this 
evening's issue. 

With the sincere hope that nothing may arise that will in any way disturb the 
cordial and amicable relations that exist between the authorities of the Provisional 
Government and yourself as the honored representative of a nation that is our near- 
est and greatest friend, I have the honor to be with the highest respect and con- 
sideration. 

Your most, etc., 

Saxford B. Dole, 
Minister of Foreign Affair*. 

Hon. James H. BloOHT, 

Special Commissioner of the United States, Honolulu, 



No. 10. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. 

No. 7.] Honolull'j Hawaiian Islands. May 24, 1893. 

Sir: Eecurring to tlie correspondence between President Dole and 
myself in relation to the article in the Hawaiian Star, I inclose here- 
with a copy of an additional letter which I wrote to him. (Inclosure 
No. 1.) 

Subsequently Tice-President Damon called to see me in relation to 
the matter, and I said I should not ask the attention of the Govern- 
ment hereafter to any articles of an offensive character in that paper; 
that I would forward any offensive matter contained therein to the 
State Department, with the statement that it was the organ of the 
annexation club, and that the Government was unable to control its con- 
duct. A similar statement was made by me to the Attorney-General, 
Mr. Smith. In the conversation with me he deplored the article and 
added that the editor had told the cabinet some days before that he 
had positive proof of two long interviews between myself and the 
Queen. 

Since this correspondence with President Dole this paper has 
changed its tone into one of frequent conrpliinent to myself. I pre- 
sume the Annexation Club found that my reporting their offensive 
articles was not likely to advance their cause, and changed what had 
been the uniform course of the paper theretofore. The demeanor of 
this paper was doubtless intended to impress the native population 
with the idea that they could not only dominate them, but could insult 
the representative of the United States with impunity. I shall prob 
ably have no more trouble in this direction. 

More than 8,000 names have been signed to memorials by the 
"Women's Hawaiian Patriotic League, asking for the restoration of 
Queen Liliuokalani. 



"REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 67 

Memorials have been signed against annexation by 7,500 native 
voters. The delegates of the latter organization report that the 
request for the restoration of the Queen was omitted because they 
feared that if inserted in their memorial they would be arrested for 
treason. 

The Annexation Club inform me that they have on their books 
5,180 names for annexation. This is signed generally by American 
citizens whether they have registered here as voters or not. Some 
natives have signed this last document, who are on the police force 
and occupy other government positions — doubtless in order to hold 
their places. Other natives who have signed are the hired laborers 
of sugar planters, having been systematically worked upon to do so, 
and, feeling largely dependent upon the planters for employment, fear 
discharge. 

I have put this question to several leading annexationists, whose 
statements have been taken in writing and certified to by them : "If 
the question of annexation were submitted to the people of these 
Islands, who were qualified to vote for representatives under the Con- 
stitution of 1887, under the Australian ballot system, which has been 
adopted by your legislature, what would be the result?" They have 
almost without exception declared that annexation would certainly be 
defeated. 

Threats to arrest the Queen and deport leading natives have been 
repeatedly urged in the annexation organs, and have caused the native 
people uneasiness and alarm. It has restrained outward manifesta • 
tions of interest on their part. These threats were founded on charges 
that the Queen and these natives were engaged in treasonable conduct 
in urging the natives to vote against annexation. 

There is not an annexationist in the islands, so far as I have been 
able to observe, who would be willing to submit the question of annex- 
ation to a popular vote. They have men at work in all of the islands 
urging the natives to sign petitions for annexation. They seek to im- 
press them with the opinion that if annexed they will be allowed the 
right to vote. Quite a number of petitions have been signed by natives 
asking for annexation, provided they were allowed the right to vote. 
In other instances delegations made up of white men and natives have 
brought in small petitions signed by natives, and on being asked if 
the natives were in favor of annexation without the right to vote 
have always answered that they were not. While this is done I have 
never yet found an annexationist who did not insist that stable govern- 
ment could not be had without so large a restriction of the native vote 
as would leave political power in the hands of the whites. 

I have had ample opportunity to observe the feeling of the native 
population on the question of annexation. There is no doubt that the 
whole race — men and women — are deeply concerned about the independ- 
ence of their native land. Their mind is not turning to England or to 
any other country for protection. Their devotion to the United States 
is continually asserted. If the question of annexation by the United 
States should be made to depend upon the popular will in these islands 
the proposition had as well be abandoned at once. There are a great 
many whites here in addition to the natives w'io are opposed to annex- 
ation, and who are now preparing to sign memorials of this character 
to the President of the United States. 

While I have presented these observations I wish here to assert that 
I have abstained from expressing any wish for or against annexation 



68 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



to any person in these islands. I have by no act of mine sought to 
influence opinion on this subject, either one way or the other. 

Hereafter I shall discuss this matter from ofhcial data, and from the 
evidence of persons who have filed certified statements with me. 

There frequently occurs in Mr. Stevens' correspondence with the 
State Department the allegation that the Queen has for a paramour 
ex-Marshal Wilson. Ordinarily such scandalous statements would 
be unworthy of attention. Its use to prejudice the minds of the 
American people against her in connection with the question of annexa- 
tion. has caused me to make some inquiry into the subject. A number 
of reputable gentlemen have stated in writing their utter disbelief in 
this allegation. She has been received with apparent admiration 
through all the years of her reign in the most refined circles in this 
city. The white population have resorted eagerly to the palace to par- 
ticipate in its social enjoyments without any reserve on account of the 
Queen's character. 

On April 19, 1892, the American minister gave her a breakfast, to 
which a number of prominent persons were invited. 

Wilson is ten years the junior of the ex- Queen. He married a girl 
who was reared by her and lived with her at the time of his marriage. 

He has never lived in the palace. He lived in the palace grounds 
with his wife, in a building 75 yards from the palace, where the Queen 
resided. They were moved into this building after the death of the 
Queen's husband at the instance of the Queen. Wilson is universally 
recognized as a brave man and loyal to the Queen. The frequent revo- 
lutions here on the part of the whites doubtless caused her to make him 
marshal, and xmt him at the head of the police force, which was the 
real military force of the Kingdom. Because of his marriage with a 
native woman, and her connection with the Queen, and her confidence 
in his courage and fidelity, she trusted him rather than any of the 
whites in this position. 

I forbear any further statement on this subject at this time. Evi- 
dently this charge against the Queen has for its foundation the loose- 
ness which comes from passionate and vindictive partisan struggles in 
Honolulu. 

On the 16th instant 1 published my instructions in full, accompanied 
by the following statement: 

While I shall abstain from inteference between conflicting forces of whatever 
nationality for supremacy, I will protect American citizens not participating in such 
conflict. 

I send you newspaper comments on the instructions and the forego- 
ing declaration, in the nature of an interpretation of my instructions. 
(Inclosure No. 2). 

From what I can learn many American citizens intensly active in the 
late revolution in these islands, and promoters of the cause of annexa- 
tion, and supporters of the Provisional Government, took offense at 
the latter language. It seems very difficult for that class of persons to 
understand why they can not be permitted to participate in political 
and military movements on these islands with a guarantee of protection 
from opposing forces by the troops of the United States. 

On the 19th instant I published your dispatch of May 9 in relation 
to my appointment as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipoten- 
tiary of the United States. I believed it calculated to produce an 
impression on the minds of the people claiming to be American citizens 
that under no false pretense of preserving order or protecting American 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



69 



citizens could tliey be allowed to command the services of American 
troops to promote political schemes here. 

I invite your attention to a communication and plat from Admiral 
Skerrett, which I inclose herewith. (Inclosure No. 3.) 

The plat should have shown Music Hall immediately on the corner of 
the block, and the side of Arion Hall next to the Music Hall nearly on 
a line with the front line of the Government building. 

It is easy to see that any attack on the Government building by the 
Queen's troops from the east would have exposed our men to their fire. 
Any attempt to occupy Music Hall and Arion Hall by the Queen's 
troops for the purpose of taking the Government building would have 
encountered the American troops. Any attempt by the Queen's troops 
from the direction of the palace would have exposed our troops to their 
fire. 

In the insurrection of 1889, Music Hall was occupied by sharpshoot- 
ers of the Government, who contributed more to the suppression of the 
insurrection than any other forces. This place Mr. Stevens sought to 
obtain for the United States troops on the 16th of January last, and 
failing in this, selected Arion Hall. 

Admiral Skerrett well says that the place was well chosen if the de- 
sign of Mr. Stevens and Capt. Wiltse was the support of the Provisional 
Government troops. It was certainly suggestive of this design to the 
Queen and her adherents. 
I am, etG. 3 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



[Inclosure 1 in No. 7.] 
Mr. Blount to Mr. Dole. 

Honolulu, H. I., May 10, 189S. 

Hon. Sanford B. Dole, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Honolulu, H. I. 

Sir: Your communication of the 9th instant, in reply to my letter of the same 
date, concerning a reflection upon myself as Commissioner of the United States, is 
acknowledged. 

It gives me pleasure to be assured, of what I had previously believed, that a most 
cordial feeling on the part of your Government existed toward myself as the repre- 
sentative of the Government of the United States, and that the article referred to 
would not be approved of by your Government. 

The disavowal in the Star of yesterday did not at all meet the situation. I shall 
not ask any further action in relation thereto, preferring to content myself with your 
communication rather than to expose my Government to the charge of ungenerous 
action in the present condition of affairs in these Islands, by insisting on further and 
fuller apology on the part of the managers of the Star. 

With assurances of the highest consideration, 
I am, etc. 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



[Inclosure 2 in No. 7— Hawaiian Star, May 16, 1893.] 

Blount's instructions. 

Three mooted points were settled as follows by the text of the instructions given 
Commissioner Blount by Secretary Gresham : 

I. The Commissioner brought with him no authority to restore the ex-Queen, noi 
to interfere in any way with the domestic policy of the Provisional Government. 

II. The power of the United States will be exercised against foreign aggrandize- 
ment upon theae islands. 



70 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



III. The settlement of annexation does not fall within the scope of the Commis- 
sioner's duty, but is especially reserved to the President and Congress. 

As to the announcement made by Commissioner Blount that he will not interfere 
in any struggle that may arise locally for the possession of this Government, except 
to protect American citizens not participating in the conflict, and to keep foreign 
*powers from taking a hand in it, we do not see why it should excite either surprise 
or indignation. It is not the business of the United States, except where the Mon- 
roe doctrine is threatened, to concern itself in the internal quarrels of any foreign 
country. Neither is it considered the right or privilege of any nation to shield its 
citizens who may be in the military or civil service or in the political activities of a 
foreign state from the legal consequences of their acts. America gave no protection 
to Americans who aided the Cuban revolutionists; and during the civil war Great 
Britain never raised a protest if an English-built blockade runner, commanded by a 
subject of the Queen, manned by British sailors, and loaded with Birmingham con- 
signments, was shelled and sunk by the United States blockading fleets. By these 
examples it is easy to see that Mr. Blount merely expresses a principle of interna- 
tional law in the appendix to his instructions; and that the statement of his exact 
position, far from being a superfluous hint to the " abhorrent and forbidden forces" 
in Hawaiian politics to do their worst, was a proper recognition of his duty to his 
own Government and countrymen, serving a useful purpose here, in that it showed 
the annexation party its exact bearings and forewarned it that it might be forearmed. 

By way of side comment, it may be well enough to say that in the remote event of a 
political emeuie on these Islands, there will be no necessity for Commissioner Blount 
to land forces to protect any American's property. No citizen of the United States 
worthy of the name will need to appeal to him for such assistance here. The Gov- 
ernment is in American hands, and so long as the United States is pledged by its 
"consistent and established policy " to keep foreign powers from interfering with 
it, the existing administration may be relied upon to maintain its place against any 
and all comers, and to see that the homes and families of its citizens are held 
inviolate. 



[Extract Hawaiian Daily Bulletin, May 16, 1893.] 

Mr. Blount's instructions. 

"Hon. James H. Blount's instructions from the Secretary of State of the United 
States, which the Bulletin had the honor of presenting for the first time to the 
public, contain nothing contrary to the opinions held, from the first until now, by 
the opponents of the revolutionary scheme of annexation regarding the Special 
Commissioner's mission to these Islands. It was from the opposition side that the 
intimation came, in advance of any mention in the United States press, that a 
commission of investigation was to be sent here by President Cleveland. This 
news was contemptuously denied by the press of the party of violence, but next 
mail steamer brought its definite confirmation. Among other things to be investi- 
gated the instructions denominate "the causes of the revolution by which the 
Queen's Government was overthrown." This certainly includes the question of 
whether or not the United States diplomatic representative and the naval com- 
mander acting with him contributed aid to that revolution. An answer in the 
affirmative to this question returned by the Commissioner as a result of his investi- 
gation would lead inevitably to possibilities of the nature of those that the revo- 
lutionary pres^s is in unwise haste to declare are beyond the scope of the Commis- 
sioner's power. 

" The instructions published are only the original ones, and they inform the Com- 
missioner that he is expected to correspond with the Secretary of State, "commu- 
nicating information or soliciting special instruction on such points as" he "may 
deem necessary." As there will by to-morrow's expected mail have been ample 
time for a reply to voluminous information communicated to Washington, doubtless 
coupled with the solicitation of special instructions based on the facts as reported, 
it is only the usual rashness of the revolutionary press from the beginning which 
seeks to "impress its readers with the view that this, that, or- the other thing is absurd 
and impossible. The fact stands out, more prominent than almost anything else, 
that the United States Government, contrary to the desires and in spite of the 
strenuous efforts of the Provisional Government and its agents, has with all respect 
received the protest of the deposed Queen, and will adjudicate thereupon strictly on 
the merits as well as in accordance with the traditional policy of fairness and 
friendliness toward weak and friendly neighbors which has hitherto been among the 
glories of the great Republic. 

" Mr. Blount's instructions bring out in high relief the policy of his Government in 
regard to the occasions when the landing of troops on Hawaiian territory is justi- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE . HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 71 



liable. There is small comfort in them for those who have been laboring to justify 
the fact and the manner of the investment of Honolulu by United States naval 
troops on the 16th of January. Until the facts on this point, as ascertained by the 
impartial investigation of Mr. Blount, see the light, however, assertion and com- 
ment, beyond what has been given already, would only be in the line of the example 
set by the Government organs, which have tiresomely asserted from the first that 
the Commissioner could find out nothing which had not been reported at Washington 
by the Provisional Government's commissioners, supplemented by the prejudiced 
and well-stuffed communications of newspaper correspondents. More interesting, if 
not more important, than the contents of his instructions from the Secretary of 
State is the terse prescription given by the Commissioner himself, in his communi- 
cation to the Hawaiian people, of the status of American citizens participating in 
any conflict between parties for supremacy on theseTslands. This is in conformity 
with the law of nations in similar cases provided, with which citizens and subjects 
of different powers, who desire to know, were made acquainted at the crisis of 1887. 

"To what extent American citizens who took up arms for overthrowing the Govern- 
ment of this country, friendly to their own, were encouraged to rely on the support 
of their nation's strong arm, and by whom any such encouragement might have 
been proffered, are other questions that may as well be left to Mr. Blount's inquiry 
for solution. In this, as in other respects, the opposition can afford to maintain its 
unvarying coolness and patience, joined with contidence that the United States will 
not uphold wrong committed in her name, and the subsidized and mercenary press 
might, with advantage to its feelings at a later stage, try to imitate the same condi- 
tion of equanimity. Americans who are opposed to filibustering and violence will 
be prouder of their great nation than ever as they read the words in which Presi- 
dent Cleveland's representative assures the law-abiding and peace-loving of his 
fellow- citizens on this foreign strand that they will be protected in any emergency. 

" While I shall refrain from interference between conflicting forces, of whatever 
nationality, for supremacy, I will protect American citizens not participating in 
such conflict." 



[Daily Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Tuesday, May 16, 1893.] 
Political developments. 

"At present it would be useless to speculate as to the causes which have determined 
Commissioner Blount to publish his instructions from the State Department at 
Washington under which he is acting. That he has reached a point in his investiga- 
tions which justifies his action none will doubt. That there is more or less signifi- 
cance in the publication at the present state of affairs must be admitted by all 
accustomed to studying the course of international diplomacy. In any event the 
publication will serve to throw light upon many points doubtful heretofore and 
will dash some of the baseless hopes and wilder theories regarding Commissioner 
Blount's intentions and alleged instructions which have passed current in royalist 
circles from the moment the United States steamer Bush entered the harbor. 

"It is not our purpose to attempt an analysis of Commissioner Blount's instructions. 
They are certainly plain enough to need no commentary, as they are full enough to 
exclude all doubts as to his future action. The fullest inquiry here and report to the 
United States Government will be made. In the meantime the existing treaty of 
annexation will be held in abeyance ; but the United States will, pending investiga- 
tion and settlement, give adequate protection to the life and property of citizens of 
the United States, and, if necessary, will repress any lawless and tumultuous acts 
threatening them. 

"Commissioner Blount's note at the end of his instructions corresponds fully with 
what he stated on his arrival to the Provisional Government, and seems to us the 
act of a wise and cautious diplomat, such as he is rt ported to be. 

" There is one point deserving of notice in the document, and that is while the 
inquiry into Hawaiian affairs in detail is left to the wisdom and sound discretion of 
Commissioner Blount, final decision on the merits of the case is tacitly if not 
diretlye reserved. The instructions, in fact, throw no special light upon the 
subject of annexation. Pending the settlement of the question, however, the docu- 
ment is decisive and outspoken. The United States will adhere to its consistent 
and established policy and will not acquiesce in domestic interference by foreign 
powers. 

As fco the effect which will be produced by the publication of the instructions 
there can be little or no doubt. Both the Provisional Government and Americans 
generally have fully and freely intrusted the annexation cause to Mr. Blount, sub- 
ject to any investigations he might see fit to make under his instructions. At no time 



72 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



have they attempted to anticipate his action or lead him to prejudge the case. 
They have at all times rigidly adhered to the argument of facts and figures, coupled 
with evident national conditions and tendencies hacked hy the moral and political 
forces of the community, which they helieve to be irresistible for the establishment 
of stable government and the future welfare of the Islands. They hopefully retain 
this stand, and the text of Commissioner Blount's instructions now gives them surer 
hope in doing so. 

The publication of Commissioner Blount's instructions is a severe blow to the 
political tactics of the ex-Queen's following. For some time it has been known that 
the royalist cause has been bolstered principally by allegations made upon the Com- 
missioner's power and instructions to restore the monarchy. The whole mainstay 
of the royalist cause consequently- falls to the ground with the publication of the 
document itself. Within the last fortnight the ex-Queen actually told a prominent 
native citizen of Maui to go home and continue to support her cause, as she would 
be restored to the throne by the middle of July. Just so long as the contents of the 
Commissioner's instructions remained unknown the royalists were enabled to hold 
the natives to their cause with hopes and promises which they knew had no foun- 
dation in fact. 

An incident of the raising of the American flag in California, similar to the raising 
of the flag in Honolulu, has been recalled by the early settlers there. In 1842 Com- 
modore Jones of the U. S. Navy, under the impression that the United States were 
at war with Mexico, took forcible possession of Monterey, hoisted the Stars and 
Stripes, and proclaimed California a Territory of the United. States. Discerning his 
mistake the following day he hauled down the flag and made such apology as the 
circumstances would admit. A few years later, however, the flag was raised again 
and remained up." 



[Inclosure 3 in 2so. 7.] 

Admiral SJcerrett to Mr. Blount 

No. 167.] U. S. S. Boston, Flagship of the Pacific Station, 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 20, 1893. 

Sir: I have examined with a view of inspection the premises first occupied by the 
force landed from the U. S. S. Boston, and known as Arion Hall, situated on the 
west side of the Government building. The position of this location is in the rear 
of a large brick building known as Music Hall. The street it faces is comparatively 
a narrow one, the building itself facing the Government building. In my opinion 
it was unadvisable to locate the troops there, if they were landed for the protection 
of the United States citizens, being distantly removed from the business portion of 
the town, and generally far away from the United States legation and consulate- 
general, as well as being distant from the houses and residences of United States 
citizens. It will be seen from the accompanying sketch that had the Provisional 
Government troops been attacked from the east, such attack would have placed them 
in the line of fire. 

Had Music Hall been seized by the Queen's troops, they would have been under 
their fire, had such been their desire. It is for these reasons that I consider the posi- 
tion occupied as illy selected. Naturally, if they were landed with a view to sup- 
port the Provisional Government troops, then occupying the Government building, 
it was a wise choice, as they could enfilade any troops attacking them from the pal- 
ace grounds in front. There is nothing further for me to state with reference to 
this matter, and as has been called by you to my attention — all of which is submit- 
ted for your consideration. 
Very respectfully, 

J. S. Skerrett, 

Bear Admiral U. S. Ifavy, Commanding TJ. S. Naval Force, Pacific Stati&n.^ 

Col. J. H. Blount, 

U. S. Minister Ftenipotentiary mid Envoy Extraordinary, 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



73 



) 



Palace. 



( 



© . 

aw 



Government 
Building. 



NO. 11. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. 

No. 8.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 1, 1893, 

Sir : The population of the Hawaiian Islands can but be studied 
by one unfamiliar with the native tongue from its several census 
reports. A census is taken every six years. The last report is for the 
year 1890. From this it appears that the whole population numbers 
89,990. This number includes natives, or, to use another designation, 
Kanakas, half-castes (persons containing an admixture of other than 
native blood in any proportion with it), Hawaiian-born foreigners of all 
races or nationalities other than natives, Americans, British, G-ermans, 
French, Portuguese, Norwegians, Chinese, Polynesians, and other 
nationalities. 

Americans number 1,928, natives and half-castes, 40,612 ; Chinese, 



74 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



15,301; Japanese, 12,360; Portuguese, 8,602; British, 1,344: Germans, 
1,034; French, 70; Norwegians, 227; Polynesians, 588; and other for- 
eigners 419. 

It is well at this point to say that of the 7,495 Hawaii an -born for- 
eigners 4,117 are Portuguese, 1,701 Chinese and Japanese, 1,617 other 
white foreigners, and 60 of other nationalities. 

There are 58,714 males. Of these 18,364 are pure natives, and 3,085 
are half-castes, making together 21,449. Fourteen thousand five 
hundred and twenty-two are Chinese. The Japanese number 10,079. 
The Portuguese contribute 4,770. These four nationalities furnish 50,820 
of the male population. 



These five nationalities combined furnish 3,170 of the total male pop- 
ulation. 

The first four nationalities, when compared with the last five in male 
population, are nearly sixteenfold the largest in number. 

The Americans are to those of the four aforementioned group of 
nationalities as 39 to 1 — nearly as 40 to 1. 

It is as convenient here as at any other place to give some facts in 
relation to the Portuguese. They have been brought herefrom time to 
time from the Madeira and Cape Verde Islands by the Hawaiian Gov- 
ernment as laborers on plantations, just as has been done in relation 
to Chinese, Japanese, Polynesians, etc. They are the most ignorant of 
all imported laborers and reported to be very thievish. They are not 
pure Europeans, but a commingling of many races, especially the 
negro. They intermarry with the natives and belong to the laboring 
classes. Very few of them can read and write. Their children are 
being taught in the public schools, as all races are. It is wrong to 
class them as Europeans. 

The character of the people of these islands is and must be over- 
whelmingly Asiatic. Let it not be imagined that the Chinese, Japan- 
ese, and Portuguese disappear at the end of their contract term. From 
the report of the inspector in chief of Japanese immigrants on March 
31, 1892, it appears that twenty "lots" of Japanese immigrants have 
been brought here by the Hawaiian Government, numbering 21,110. 
Of these 2,517 have returned to Japan; 8,592, having worked out their 
contract term, remain, and 9,626 are still working out their contract 
term. More than 75 per cent may be said to locate here permanently. 

There are 13,067 Chinamen engaged in various occupations, to wit: 
8,763 laborers, 1,479 farmers, 133 fishermen, 74 drivers and teamsters, 
564 mechanics, 42 planters and ranchers, 776 merchants and traders, 
164 clerks and salesmen, 12 professional men and teachers, and 1,056 
in various other occupations. 

The number of merchants and traders in the entire country is 1,238. 
Of this number 776 are Chinamen and 81 are Americans. 

The largest part of the retail trade seems to be conducted by China- 
men. 

Of 20,536 laborers on sugar plantations only 2,617 are Chinese. Of 
this latter number only 396 are contract laborers. 

The Portuguese population in 1884 amounted to 9,377 and in 1890 to 
8,602 — a loss of 775. These have been leaving in considerable numbers 
for the past eighteen months, making their way generally to the United 



Males. 



The Americans furnish 



1. 298 
'982 
729 
46 
135 



The British.. 
The Germans 
The French.. 



The Norwegians 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



75 



States. In 1890 the males were classified as to occupation thus: 
Laborers, 2,653, farmers, 136, fishermen, 3, mariners, 10, drivers and 
teamsters, 63, mechanics, 167, planters and ranchers, 17, merchants and 
traders, 56, clerks and salesmen, 13, professional men and teachers, 11, 
other occupations, 123 ; total, 3,266. On the cane plantations there are 
of male Portuguese, 277 under contract and 1,651 day laborers. 

Of the population in 1892, 20,536 were laborers on sugar-cane plan- 
tations, 16,723 being Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese. Of the whole 
number 10,991 are contract laborers. The remainder are designated 
as day laborers. The total number of laborers in the islands by the 
census of 1890 was 25,466. 

In 1890 there were 23,863 male laborers. Of this number 18,728 were 
Chinese and Japanese. At this period there were 41,073 persons of all 
occupations. Of this number 24,432 were Chinese and Japanese. 

Of the total number of persons in the various avocations, of European 
and American origin, it appears that 1,106 were Americans, 819 Brit- 
ish, 518 Germans, 45 French, and 200 Norwegians, making a total of 
2,688 persons. 

The natives furnished 8,871 persons and the half-castes 884. 

The Hawaiians, therefore, may be said to have furnished 9,755. 

There are 196 persons designated as planters and ranchers. Of this 
number 18 are Americans, 30 are British, and 6 are Germans. The 
remainder are principally Japanese, Portuguese, Chinese, and Hawaii- 
ans. 

There are 5,181 persons designated as farmers. Of these, 3,392 are 
natives and half-castes, and 1,500 are Chinese. These two furnish 
4,779, leaving a residue of 402 taken from all other nationalities. Of 
these, 26 are Americans. 

For a more minute examination of the avocation of the people, I 
append a tabular statement from the last census year, 1890. (In- 
closure No. 1.) 

It will be interesting, if not pleasing, to examine the number of the 
various sexes by nationalities. 

The grand total of the population is 89,990. The male population is 
58,714; the females are 31,276. 

The natives and half-castes furnish 21,449 males and 19,174 females. 

The Chinese furnish 14,522 males and 779 females. 

The Japanese furnish 10,079 males and 2,281 females. 

The Portuguese furnish 4,770 males and 3,832 females. 

The American males are 1,298, females 630. 

The British males are 982, females 362. 

The German males are 729, females 305. 

This disparity of the sexes applies to all nationalities, save the 
native race. 

The most striking feature is that the Chinese men outnumber the 
women by more than 18 to 1. 

The Japanese men outnumber their women by nearly 5 to 1. In all 
foreign nationalities the males largely exceed the females in numbers. 

The natives and half-castes furnish nearly two-thirds of the women. 

For a moment let us see how far this disparity of sexes in 1884 com- 
pares with that of 1890 : 

In 1884 there were 51,539 males, 29,039 females, and a total popula- 
tion of 80,578. 

In 1890 the males numbered 58,714, the females 31,276, and the total 
number was 89,990. 

The males increased from 1884 to 1890, 7,175. The f tmiales increased 
from 1884 to 1890, 2,237. 



76 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



During this period there appears to have been the following gains 
and losses by nationalities: 

Gains: Half castes, 1,968; Hawaiian-born foreigners (mostly Portu* 
guese), 5,455; British, 62; Japanese, 12, 244. 

Losses: Natives, 5,578; Americans, 138; Germans, 566; French, 122; 
Portuguese, 775; Norwegians, 135; Chinese, 2,638; Polynesians, 368. 

The net gain is 9,412. Had it not been for the large importation of 
Japanese for plantation laborers there would have been a net loss of 
2,832. 

There was a net loss of Europeans and Americans combined number- 
ing 899. 

While the population is increasing in numbers the per cent of females 
is largely decreasing. 

In 1866 the percentage of females was 45.25 per cent; in 1872 it was 
44.37; in 1878 41.19; in 1884 36.04; in 1890 34.75. 

This condition has been reached by the importation of contract labor 
by the Hawaiian Government for the sugar plantations. 

In 1890 there was in the island of Oahu a population of 31,194. Of 
this number 1,239 were Americans. 

There was in the island of Hawaii a population of 26,754. Of this 
number 289 were Americans. 

In the islands of Molokai and Lanai there was a population of 2,826. 
Of this number 23 were Americans. 

In the island of Maui there was a population of 17,357. Of this 
number 211 were Americans. 

In the islands of Kanai and Niihau there was a population of 11,859. 
Of this number 112 were Americans. 

The total population was 89,990. Of this number 1,928 were Ameri- 
cans. 

It appears that in 1890, the period of the last census, that in a popu- 
lation of 89,990 persons 51,610 were unable to read and write. The 
natives and half-castes, numbering 40,622, had 27,901 able to read and 
write. 

The Chinese, with a population of 15,301 persons, had 13,277 unable 
to read and write. 

. The Japanese, with a population of 12,360, had 12,053 persons unable 
to read and write. 

The Portuguese, with a population of 8,602, had 6,276 unable to read 
and write. These are mostly children. 

For more minute examination reference is made to the table inclosed 
herewith, from the census report of 1890. (Inclosure No. 2.) 

The total number of registered voters at this period was 13,593. 

Of these 9,554 were natives and half-castes; 146 Hawaiian-born for- 
eigners, 637 Americans, 505 British, 382 Germans, 22 French, 2,091 
Portuguese, 78 Norwegians, 42 Polynesians, and other nationalities 136. 

From this it appears that the Hawaiians exceeded all other nation- 
alities of voters 4,039. 

The Portuguese of an age to vote generally can not read and write. 
The natives alone had this restriction. Place this upon the Portuguese 
and other nationalities and the natives would have nine-tenths of the 
votes. 

The minister of finance informs me that the taxes paid by Ameri- 
cans andEuropeans amount to $274,516.74; those by natives, $71,386.82; 
half-castes, $26,868.68; Chinese, $87,266.10; Japanese. $67,326.07; other 
nationalities, $729.82. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 77 

A very large proportion of the Americans and Europeans paying 
these taxes are antiannexationists. 

He also informs me that the acreage on which taxes are paid by 
various nationalities is: Europeans and Americans, 1,052,492 acres; 
natives, 257,457 acres,* half-castes, 531,545 acres - Chinese, 12.324 acres* 
Japanese, 200 acres* other nationalities, none. 

The surveyor- general reports the crown lands for 1893 as containing 
915,288 acres. Of these he reports 94,116 acres available for lease. Of 
this latter number only 47,000 acres are reported to be good, arable 
land. He likewise reports the Government land as containing 828,370 
acres. He reports these, estimated in 1890, to be worth $2,128,850. The 
annual income from them is $07,636. Of this income $19,500 is from 
wharfage and $7,800 from rent of land with buildings thereon. 

The cane and arable land is estimated at 35,150 acres. 

It is important here to recall his statement made to the Legislature 
in 1891 in the following language: --Most Government lands at the 
present time consist of mere remnants lelt here and there and of the 
worthless and unsaleable portions remaining after the rest had been 
sold." And in the same communication he declares that between the 
years 1850 and 1860 nearly all of the desirable Government land was 
sold, generally to natives. 

In 1890 the census report discloses that only 4,695 persons owned 
real estate in these Islands. With a population estimated at this 
time at 95,000 the vast number of landless people here is discouraging " 
to the idea of immigrants from the United States being able to find 
encouragement in the matter of obtaining homes in these Islands. 

I shall in a future report endeavor to inform you of the legislation in 
relation to the lands — the distribution of them and such other matters 
as would be interesting in connection therewith in the event they should 
figure in the consideration of future political relations with the United 
States. 

It may be proper here to say that the landless condition of the native 
population grows out of the original distribution thereof by the laws 
of the country and does not come from its shiftlessness. 

On the 30th ultimo the attorney- general and marshal called to see 
me. They informed me that the order of the community was threat- 
ened, according to the reports of their detectives, with a movement on 
the part of the antiannexation whites to take possession of the Gov- 
ernment and rostore the Queen. After some considerable presentation 
of details I was informed that part of the scheme was to drug me. 

It so happened that during the afternoon of the preceding day a 
white man called to ask my opinion as to the propriety of a contem- 
plated meeting on that evening to protest against a movement believed 
to be on foot by the Provisional Government to propose a new form ot 
treaty with the United States. He said that certain white men were 
movers in it and he was debating whether he should advise the natives 
to attend* that he could see no reason for it; that they were awaiting 
the action of the Government of the United States on the various ques- 
tions connected with the formation of the present Government, and 
believed that was the attitude for them to occupy. Of course I declined 
to express any opinion. He left ine saying that he would see the natives 
did not attend. There was no meeting. 

I said to the attorney- general that 1 was satisfied from communica- 
tions made by the natives that they would not cooperate in any disor- 
derly action, preferring, as they say, to submit their cause to the deci- 
sion of the Government of the United States. 



78 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A meeting of half-castes, which seemed to be a part of the cause 
of alarm to the attorney-general and marshal, 1 said to them was, I 
believed, nothing more than an effort to prevent the aforesaid meeting. 

This they accepted as the probable solution of it, and finally assented 
to the idea that there was no ground for a belief that there would be 
any disturbance such as was indicated. 

On the 31st ultimo President Dole called on me and informed me 
that there was a petition signed by fifty persons — British subjects — 
requesting the British minister to prevent the sailing of the English 
war vessel Hyacinth, which has orders to leave here to-morrow. This 
seemed to occasion him some uneasiness. He finally said that the peti- 
tion was being carried around by a man who had been in the military 
service of the Provisional Government, and had left it on account of 
inability to get an office which he desired. 

I informed him that two nights ago the British minister had expressed 
to me his gratification that the vessel was going to leave; that its pres- 
ence here simply furnished the opportunity for some persons to avow 
some unfriendly intention of his Government. 

I further said that I was assured by the British minister on his own 
motion, in a desire to manifest his friendly disposition, that in no event 
would the British troops be used to advance the interests of any politi- 
cal movement here. He seemed to accept this as a relief irom any 
apprehension. 

The Provisional Government officials are excited by many groundless 
rumors, and communicate them very freely to me. I have not indi- 
cated any line of conduct which I should pursue in the event of a conflict 
other than that I have communicated to you. 

A great deal of testimony in relation to the causes of the revolution 
and the circumstances attending it has been taken. 

The physical inability of the stenographer up to the present time to 
transcribe the whole of the mass of notes which has accumulated has 
prevented me from fully considering them and presenting my opinions 
thereon. 

I hope to be able to furnish you with much of interest as soon as 
this difficulty has been overcome. 

I think the condition of the public mind here is just as formerly 
reported. 

The universal feeling towards me so far as I can gather is one of 
kindness and respect. This is due in largest measure to my absten- 
tion from expressing my views on political questions. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 

P. S. — Since closing the foregoing communication the inclosure 
(marked No. 3) has been handed to me by Mr. Samuel Parker, the 
genuineness of which I do not question. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



79 



Table 6. 



[Inclosure 1 in No. S ] 
■Classification of each nationality and sex by occupation. 





Laborers. 


Farmers. 


Fishermen. 


Mariners. 


Drivers and team- 
sters. 


o5 
o 

i 

S3 


Planters and ranch- 
ers. 


Merchants and 
traders. 


Clerks and sales- 
men. 


Professional men 
and teachers. 


Other occupa- 
tions. 


Total returning 
occupations. 


Native males 


2, 213 
40 


3, 211 
68 


656 
12 


332 


237 


663 
103 


51 
2 


129 

3 


58 
1 


173 
12 


831 
76 


8, 554 
'317 


Native females 


Total 






2, 253 

115 
1 


3, 279 


668 
25 


332 


237 


766 


53 
14 


132 

32 


59 

78~ 
1 


185 ! 907 


8, 871 




26 
25 


170 
8 


108 
5 


14 


32 


230 


844 
40 


Half-caste females 


Total 














116 


113 
16 


25 


14 


32 


230 


14 


32 


79 


51 


178 


844 


Hawaiian-born foreign 


20 
1 


2 


7 


39 


9 


19 


70 

3 


26 

23 


33 
1 


241 
28 


Hawaiian-born foreign 




Total 
















21 


16 




2 




39 


9 


19 


73 


49 


34 


269 






36 


26 


2 


36 


59 


369 


17 
1 


81 


127 


114 


161 
15 


1, 028 
78 




5 57 


Total 
















36 


26 


2 


36 


59 


369 


18 


81 


132 171 


176 


1, 106 




24 
3 


15 




28 


34 


328 
6 


30 


42 


85 
3 


60 
14 


139 
8 


785 
34 


British females 




Total 














27 


15 




28 


34 


334 


30 


42 


88 ; 74 


147 


819 


German males 




52 


11 


2 


10 


26 


176 
1 


6 


47 


54 


20 
5 


100 
8 


504 
14 




Total 


















52 


11 


2 


10 


26 


177 


6 


47 


54 


25 i 108 


518 










2 




2 




8 




1 


1 


9 
15 


5 


30 
15 











Total 




















2 2 




2 




8 




1 


1 


24 


5 




Portuguese males 








2, 653 

3 


136 


3 


10 


63 


165 
2 


17 


56 


35 


10 
1 


118 

5 


3, 266 
U 


Portuguese females 

Total 
















2,656 | 136 


3 


10 


63 - 


167 


17 


56 


35 


11 


123 


3 277 




79 


25 




7 


9 


31 


2 


8 


2 




37~ 


200 








Total 


























79 i 25 




7 


9 


31 


2 | 8 


2 




37 


200 








8, 763 
64 


1, 479 
21 


133 




74 


564 


42 


776 
1 


164 


16 

2 


1, 056 
10 


13, 067 
98 






Total 














8,827 


1, 500 


133 




74 


564 


42 


777 


164 


18 


1,066 


13, 165 






9, 565 
1, 404 


36 


3 


2 


4 


42 




27 


20 


23 


115 
14 


9, 837 
1,418 


Japanese females 
























10, 969 


36 


3 


2 


4 


42 




27 


20 


23 


129 


11,255 




269 
85 


5 


2 


3 


2~ 


9~ 




r 






9~ 
1 


300 
86 










Total 




















354 


5 


2 


3 


2 


9 




i 






10 


386 


Othernationalities : 

Males 








72 
2 


17 


3 


18 


8 


66 


5 


14 
1 


9 


6 
1 


56 


274 
4 


Females 


Total 


















74 


17 


3 


18 


8 


66 


5 


15 


9 


7 


56 


278 




23, 863 5, 087 
1, 603 94 


829 
12 


464 


555 


2,690 1 193 
112 3 


1,233 
5 


703 
13 


483 
155 


2,830 
146 


38, 930 
2, 143 










25, 466 |5, 181 


841 


464 


555 


2, 802 


196 


1,238 


716 


638 


2, 976 


41, 073 





80 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



[Inclosure No. 2 in No. 8.] 



Table 7. — Classification of each nationality and sex by social condition, education, 
school attendance, possession of electoral franchise, and ownership of real estate. 





Married. ' 


Unmarried. 


Widows. 


Widowers. 


Divorced. 


Total. 


Attend in g 
school. 


Able to read 
and write. 


Owning real 
estate. 


Kogistored 
voters. 




6, 836 
7,556 


9. 578 
6, 806 




1 89Q 
JL, 04» 


121 


18. 364 


2 980 
2, 322 


13. 756 


2. 504 


8, 777 




1,616 


94 16, 072 


] 0,311 767 








Total 


U. 392 !lfi. 384 


1, 616 


1 829 


215 34,436 


5 302 


24.067 3,271 


8 777 










669 
754 


2, 341 
2.219 




66 


9 

23 


3, 085 
3, 101 


883 
875 


1,914 
1,920 


240 
155 


777 




105 


Total 






1, 423 


4, 560 


105 


66 


32 


6,186 


1. 758 


3, 834 395 


777 


Hawaiian-born males 


21 9 
157 


3, 689 
3, 416 




1 




3,909 
3, 586 


605 
489 


692 
599 


67 

38 


146 


Hawaiian-born foreign females - . . 
Total 


11 


2 






376 


7, 105 




1 


2 


7, 495 


1, 094 


1,291 


105 






528 
324 


699 
251 




64 


7 


1,298 
630 


59 


1,197 

527 


147 
30 


637 




55 


Total 








852 


950 


55 


64 


7 


1,928 




1,724 


177 


637 




433 
193 


498 
116 




44 


7 


982 
362 


30 
33 


897 
308 


143 
26 


OuO 




53 


Total 








626 


614 


53 


44 


7 


1, 344 


63 


1,205 


169 

53~ 
4 


505 




304 
184 


398 
113 




22 


5 


729 
305 


44 


655 
260 


Q09 




g 


Total...... 








488 


511 


g 


22 


5 


1, 034 


118 


915 


57 


3R9 




17 

5 


18 
17 




10 


1 


46 

24 




38 
24 


8 


22 




2 




Total 














22 


35 


9 


10 1 


70 




62 


8 


99 


Portuguese males 




2, 455 
2, 443 


2, 238 
1, 322 




76 


1 

2 


4,770 
3, 832 


von 
550 


1,513 
913 


224 
10 


I, 091 




65 


Total 







4, 898 


3,560 


DO 


76 


3 


8, 602 


1 270 


2,426 


234 


9 AQ1 


Norwegian males 


69 
55 


80 
16 




4 


2 


155 
72 


6 


132 
60 


.» 


7Q 
to 




1 


Total 











124 


96 


1 


4 


2 


227 


25 


192 


10 


78 




2,369 i 12, 049 
559 1 201 




96 


8 


14, 522 
779 


51 
20 


1, 971 
51 


224 
2 






19 




Total 








2,928 ;12,250 


19 


96 


8 


15, 301 


71 


2, 022 


226 








2, 964 
2,101 


7, 059 
148 




50 


6 

3 


10, 079 
2, 281 


21 
12 


270 
37 


4 






29 




Total 








5, 065 


7, 207 


29 


50 


9 


12, 360 


33 


307 


4 








150 
133 


235 
45 




19 




404 
184 


9 
5 


61 
24 


6 


42 




6 




Total 










283 


280 


6 


19 




588 


14 


85 


6 


42 


Other nationalities : 




162 

33 


181 
11 




26 


2 


371 
48 


2 
1 


217 

33 


28 
5 


136 




4 


Total 








195 


192 


4 


26 


2 


419 


3 


250 


33 


136 




17, 175 
14, 497 


39. 063 
14, 681 




2, 307 


169 
124 


58, 714 
31, 276 


5.456 
4, 416 


23, 313 
15, 067 


3, 658 
1, 037 


13, 593 




1, 974 








31, 672 


53, 744 


1, 974 


2,307 


293 


89, 990 


9, 872 


38, 380 


4,695 


13,593 





KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



81 



[Inclosure 3 in No. 8.] 
Queen's ministers to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, May 31, 1893. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of the United States to Hawaii : 

Sir: On Friday afternoon, January 13, about 2 o'clock, we, Samuel Parker, W. H. 
Cornwell, J. F. Colburn, and A. P. Peterson were called by Her Majesty to the palace 
and asked to accept positions in a new cabinet, the Wilcox cabinet having tendered 
their resignations the day previous. We accepted and were handed our commissions, 
and took the oath of office before Chief Justice Judd in the blue room. It was then 
thought advisable that the announcement be made to the Legislature, which was ac- 
cordingly done, after wbich the cabinet went again to the palace to consult with 
Her Majesty as to what bills, having passed the Legislature, should be signed by her. 
Her Majesty asked the advice of the cabinet as to whether she should sign the lot- 
tery bill, the opium bill, and the registration act, which laws were then before her. 
At the same time she expressed a desire to satisfy her lady friends by vetoing the 
opium bill, and also expressed doubts as to the advisability of signing the registra- 
tion act. The cabinet advised that as a majority of the Legislature and the mass of 
the people were in favor of the lottery and opium bills it was the duty of the Sov- 
ereign to sign them, and also that as the registration act was deemed important to 
the planting interests, although opposed very strenuously by a large number of 
people, it would be advisable to sign that also, as no bill of importance had been 
vetoed during the session and it was not advisable to do so. 

The next day, Saturday, the Legislature met at the usual hour and transacted the 
business which remained, and adjourned until 12 o'clock the same day for prorogation. 
Both at the morning session and at the ceremonies attending the prorogation the 
members of the Reform party in the Legislature, to a man, were conspicuous by their 
absence, although occasionally one of their number would show himself and then 
report proceedings down town. Immediately alter the ceremonies the cabinet were 
notified that the foreign representatives desired to meet them, and accordingly a 
meeting was held in the foreign office, all of the foreign representatives being pres- 
ent. Mr. Wodehouse, the English commissioner, stated that they were informed 
that Her Majesty intended to promulgate a new constitution upon that day, and 
asked what the cabinet intended to do about the matter, if this proved correct. Mr. 
Parker replied for the cabinet, and stated that he had heard of the matter and that 
the cabinet had decided to advise Her Majesty against such a course. 

This reply was satisfactory to all the representatives except to Mr. Stevens, the 
American minister, who became excited, and dropping the subject under discussion, 
pounded his cane upon the floor and stated in a loud voice that the United States 
had been insulted, and that the passage of the lottery bill was a direct attack upon 
his Government. The other representatives tried to change the subject, and, finally 
succeeding, the meeting broke up after several of them had disclaimed any appro- 
bation of Mr. Stevens's remarks. The cabinet then went to the palace and met the 
Queen in the blue room, where she stated that at the desire of a large number of 
her subjects she wished to promulgate a new constitution. The cabinet then spoke 
of the meeting just held with the foreign representatives and advised Her Majesty 
not to do it, as they considered the time inopportune and the action inadvisable. The 
Queen, after considerable hesitation, finally yielded to the advice of her ministers, 
and so notified the people who were assembled in the palace and throughout the 
grounds. Early Sunday morning the cabinet met at Mr. Cornwell's residence to con- 
sider the situation. Mr. W. M. Giffard, manager of W. G. Irwin & Co., and of Mr. 
Spreckels's business in Honolulu at that time, notified them that it had been agreed 
between their bank and the bank of Bishop &. Co. that they would render such 
financial assistance as the Government might need. 

It was also reported by Mr. Colburn and Mr. Peterson that an organization known 
as the " Committee of Safety" had been formed the night before at the house of Mr. 
L. A. Thurston, and had made overtures to them as members of the cabinet to assist 
them in dethroning the Queen. That they intended to go ahead and that Mr. 
Stevens assistance, together with that of his Government, had been guaranteed them. 
This statement was from Mr. Thurston himself. It was finally decided to ask a 
number of the most influential merchants and citizens to meet the cabinet and dis- 
cuss the situation. The meeting was set for 1 o'clock in the afternoon, and in the 
meantime the cabinet repaired to the station house to consult with the marshal as 
to the best means of keeping the peace. Everthing was found to be in readiness for 
any disturbance that might arise. At the appointed time the cabinet met in the 
foreign office with Mr. W. M. Giffard, representing Claus Spreckels ; Mr. S. M. Damon 
representing Bishop & Co. ; Mr. J. O. Carter, representing C. Brewer & Co. ; Mr. S. 
C. Allen, representing Allen & Robinson and the Robinson estate j Mr. F. A. Schaefer, 

10518 6 



82 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



of F. A. Scliaefer & Co., and E. C. Macfarlane. The situation was then discussed by 
all present and methods proposed which would relieve it. 

During this discussion Mr. S. M. Damon remarked, the subject having been brought 
up by the information as to the intentions of the committee of safety, that the 
Boston's troops would land whether the Government liked it or not. It was finally 
decided that the best course to allay public feeling, and one whieh must be satis- 
factory to the people at large and the business interests generally, was for the cab- 
inet to procure from Her Majesty a statement that no further attempt would be made 
to promulgate a new constitution. This was accordingly done, and the next day, 
Monday, such statement was sent to the different members of the diplomatic corps, 
as well as printed and circulated throughout the town. Sunday evening Mr. Parker 
and Mr. Peterson reported to the cabinet the result of an interview between Mr. 
Stevens and themselves in which Mr. Stevens had stated that he would not assist 
the Government as long as Mr. C. B. Wilson remained marshal, and a number of 
other statements made by him showing his hostility toward the Government and 
bearing out the information which had previously been received as to his friendly 
attitude toward the committee of safety. On Monday morning, after the assur- 
ance of Her Majesty that no new attempt would be made to promulgate a new con- 
stitution was made public, a feeling of satisfaction was generally manifested and 
an attempt was made by a number of leading citizens to postpone the mass meeting, 
which had been called for that afternoon, as being unnecessary; but Mr. Thurston 
protested and thought the meeting should go ahead and at least express their dis- 
approbation of the course pursued by the Queen. 

After the people attending the two mass meetings had quietly dispersed to their 
homes, and the citjr was as quiet as Sunday, the cabinet were informed, late Monday 
afternoon, that troops, armed with rifles and bringing Gatling guns, were being landed 
from the U. S. S. Boston. They immediately asked Mr. Stevens what this landing of 
troops meant, he not having asked the usual permission from the Government, and 
he, although sending a written reply, did not answer the question, but evaded it. 
The Boston- troops took up a position commanding the Government building and the 
palace, and a position which commanded no American property. Monday evening 
was exceedingly quiet, the only disquietness being caused by the landing of foreign 
troops, which was generally disapproved of. On Tuesday information was received 
that the committee of safety were recruiting troops for the purpose of forming a pro- 
visional government, and were inducing men to enlist with them on the promise 
that the Boston's troops would interfere and assist them without it being necessary 
for them to fire a shot or incur any risk. Shortly after noon Mr. Parker and Mr. Peter- 
son returned from an interview with Mr. Stevens, and reported that he (Mr. Stevens) 
had said that if any number of what he called responsible citizens should take pos- 
session of any building in town and form a provisional government he should recog- 
nize them and assist them to the extent of his power, and that he should refuse any 
assistance to the Queen's Government. The cabinet then made the station house 
their headquarters, as has always been the custom in any troublous times, the Gov- 
ernment building always having been considered untenable. They then sent for a 
number of prominent citizens to consult with them. 

Although being satisfied as to Mr. Stevens's position it was deemed best by the 
cabinet to get something from him in writing, and "accordingly they sent a letter to 
him between 2 and 3 o'clock, asking whether the report was true that he had recog- 
nized the Provisional Government. In a little over half an hour his reply was 
received which stated that he had done so. Shortly after this Mr. S. M. Damon and 
Mr. C. Bolte came to the station house as messengers from the Provisional Govern- 
ment to consult with the Queen's cabinet as to an amicable settlement of the diffi- 
culty without resort to arms. Mr. Damon during the int erview said it would merely 
be a waste of blood to resist, as the Boston and the Boston's troops stood ready to 
assist the Provisional Government. The cabinet gave them no reply but agreed to 
go w T ith them and consult with the executive council of the Provisional Govern- 
ment at the Government building, which they accordingly did. At this meeting 
President Dole stated that it was their desire to have the matter settled without 
any resort to arms, and asked the Queen's cabinet to deliver up to them what Gov- 
ernment property was in their possession. The cabinet replied that before any 
answer could be given it would be necessary to consult with Her Majesty. This 
was agreed upon, and the cabinet, accompanied by Mr. S. M. Damon, proceeded to 
the palace and met the Queen. There were present at that time, besides Her Majesty 
and her ministers, H. A. Widemann, Paul Neumann, E. C. Macfarlane, J. O. Carter, 
and S. M. Damon. 

The question as to the surrender of the Queen was discussed by nearly all present r 
and Mr. Stevens's attitude and letter recognizing the Provisional Government were 
also spoken of. and the unanimous opinion of those present was, that although the 
Queen's Government had possession of the station house, the barracks, and the pal- 
ace, together with the greater part of the arms and ammunition in the Kingdom, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



83 



and all the Gatling guns and field pieces except those under the control of foreign 
nations, and men enough, both foreign and native, to* make them absolutely impreg- 
nable so far as any force which could be brought against them from people resident 
within the Kingdom was concerned, and with force enough to put down any disturb- 
ance and to keep the peace of the country, unless such disturbance was assisted by 
foreign troops. Considering the position taken by the representative of the United 
States it was useless to make Avar against that country, which any resistance on the 
part of the Queen's Government plainly meant, and that the wiser course to pursue 
was to surrender the Government property under a protest to the United States, the 
superior force of that country having brought about the situation. The protest was 
immediately drawn and signed by Her Majesty and her ministers and taken to Presi- 
dent Dole, who indorsed the receipt of it. At a little after 7 o'clock that evening 
the Provisional Government took possession of the station house and other Govern- 
ment buildings and of the arms and ammunition then in possession of the Queen's 
Government. 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Wm. H. Corn well, 

Minister of Finance. 
John F. Colburn, 

Minis ter of Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney-General. 

In view of the facts stated above, which can not be controverted, and in view of 
the fact that your investigations concerning the matter are shortly likely to ter- 
minate, we, Liliuokalani and her cabinet, who formed the Government of the 
Ha waiian Islands on the 17th of January last, having surrendered that Government 
to the superior force of the United States of America, now most respectfully ask 
that you use your good offices in undoing the acts of a representative of your great 
country and place the Government of the Hawaiian Islands as Mr. Stevens found 
' th«m. Believing that the principle of justice which has ever dominated American 
action will prevail in this instance, we remain, 
Yours, respectfully, 

Liliuokalani, R. 
Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Wm. H. Cornwell, 

Minister of Finance. 
John F. Colburn, 

Minister of Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney- General. 



No. 12. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresliam. 

No. 9.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 6, 1893. 

Sir: I have the honor to report that the political conditions of the 
Islands do not import any conflict of arms. The Government is very 
alert in watching every movement which threatens it. Almost any 
trifling assemblage of natives at night is the occasion of alarm. 

The natives are favoring public order, and looking for some action 
on my part favorable to them. Notwithstanding the publication of 
my instructions, and my previous declaration that I had no power to 
restore the Queen, there remains in the native mind a strong faith 
that, owing to the interference of the American minister and the 
American marines, resulting in the surrender to the Provisional Gov- 
ernment by the Queen of her forces, the United States will ultimately 
restore her to power. 

The action of Admiral Thomas, in 1843, in restoring the Hawaiian 
flag is written deeply in the minds of the native people. A public 



84 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



square has been set apart and beautified in honor of bis memory and 
action. This, and the friendly relations between our Governmeut and 
that of these Islands, seems to be the inspiration of buoyant hope in 
their final independence. 

Should this fail them, and they be left free from interference by for- 
eign powers, the peace of to-day may change into warlike action against 
the existing order of things. 

It can not be truthfully stated that the present peace is the result of 
the power of the Provisional Government. 

I deem it proper at this time to indulge in some observations in rela- 
tion to landed property here. 

To understand the present distribution it is necessary to understand 
the ancient system of land tenure as well as the modern. 

And now as to the first: 

Each island was divided into several districts. The next subdivision 
is the Ahupuaa. Typically this is a long narrow strip extending from 
the sea to the mountain, so that its chief may have his share of all the 
various products of the mountain region, the cultivated land, and the 
sea. It was generally, though not always, subdivided into ilis, each 
with its own name and carefully defined boundary. 

There were two kinds of ilis. The first was a mere subdivision of the 
Ahupuaa for the convenience of the chief holding the same, who 
received its revenues from his agent. The other class did not pay tribute 
to a chief. 

The ilis were again subdivided, and many of the larger patches had 
individual names. 

The patches cultivated exclusively for the chief were called Jcoele or 
hakuone. The tenants were obliged to work for him on Fridays. In the 
"principles adopted by the land commission to quiet land titles," 
approved by the legislative council October 26, 1846, it is stated that — 

When the islands were conquered by Kamehameha I, lie followed the example of 
his predecessors, and divided out the lands among his principal warrior chiefs, 
retaining, however, a portion in his own hands to be cultivated or managed by his 
own immediate servants or attendants. Each principal chief divided his iands 
anew and gave them out to an inferior order of chiefs, by whom they were subdivided 
again and again, often passing through the hands of four, five, or six persons from the 
King down to the lowest class of tenants. All these persons were considered to have 
rights in these lands, or the productions of them, the proportions of which rights 
were not clearly defined, although universally acknowledged. All persons pos- 
sessing landed property, whether superior landlords, tenants, or subtenants, owed 
and paid to the King not only a land tax, which he assessed at pleasure, but also 
service, which was called for at discretion, on all the grades, from the highest down. 
They also owed and paid some portion of the productions of the land, in addition 
to the yearly taxes. A failure to render any of these was always considered a just 
cause for which to forfeit the lands. The same rights which the King possessed 
over the superior landlords and all under them, the various grades of landlords pos- 
sessed over their inferiors, so that there was a joint ownership of the land, the King 
really owning the allodium, and the persons in whose hands he placed the land, 
holding it in trust. 

The land taxes were really rents and went to the King as his private 
income. The idea of a nation or government as distinguished from the 
person of the King first began to be recognized in the Constitution of 1840. 
When the labor tax first began to be regulated by law, every tenant 
was required to work one day in every week (Tuesday) for the King, 
and one day (Friday) for the landlord. 

The long reign of Kamehameha evolved greater permanency and 
security in the possession of the lands. 

On the accession of his son Liholiho no general redistribution of 
lands took place. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 85 



The common people were merely tenants at will, liable to be dispos- 
sessed at any time, and even to be stripped of their personal property 
at the will of their chiefs. 

Laws were passed in 1839 and 1840 to prevent evictions without 
cause and the wanton seizure of the property of tenants. 

The King and chiefs resolved to divide and define the shares which 
each held in undivided shares of the. lands of the Kingdom. The fol- 
lowing rules were noted by the privy council December 18, 1847 : 

Whereas it has become necessary to the prosperity of our Kingdom and the proper 
physical, mental, and moral improvement of our people that the undivided rights at 
present existing in the lands of our Kingdom shall be separated and distinctly defined ; 

Therefore, We, Kamehameha 111, King of the Hawaiian Islands, and his chiefs, in 
privy council assembled, do solemnly resolve that we will be guided in such division 
by the following rules : 

1. His Majesty, our most Gracious Lord and King, shall, in accordance with the 
constitution and laws of the land, retain all his private lands as his own indi- 
vidual property, subject only to the rights of the tenants, to have and hold to him, 
his heirs and successors forever. 

2. One-third of the remaining lands of the Kingdom shall be set aside as the prop- 
erty of the Hawaiian Government, subject to the direction and control of His Majesty 
as pointed out by the constitution and laws, one-third to the chiefs and konohikis 
in proportion to their possessions to have and to hold, to them, their heirs and suc- 
cessors forever, and the remaining third to the tenants, the actual possessors and 
cultivators of the soil, to have and to hold, to them, their heirs and successors forever. 

3. The division between the chiefs or the konohikis and their tenants, prescribed 
by rule 2d, shall take place whenever any chief, konohiki, or tenant shall desire such 
division, subject only to confirmation by the King in privy council. 

4. The tenants of His Majesty's private lands shall be entitled to a fee-simple title 
to one-third of the lands possessed and cultivated by them; which shall be set off 
to the said tenants in fee simple whenever His Majesty or any of said tenants shall 
desire such division. 

5. The division prescribed in the foregoing rules shall in no wise interfere with 
any lands that may have been granted by His Majesty or his predecessors in fee 
simple to any Hawaiian subject or foreigner, nor in any way operate to the injury 
of the holders of the unexpired leases. 

6. It shall be optional with any chief or konohiki, holding lands in which the 
Government has a share, in the place of setting aside one-third of the said lands as 
Government property, to pay into the treasury one-third of the unimproved value 
of said lands, which payment shall operate as a total extinguishment of the Govern- 
ment right in said lands. 

7. All the lands of His Majesty shall be recorded in a book entitled "Register of 
the lands belonging to Kamehameha III, King of the Hawaiian Islands," and depos- 
ited with the registry of land titles in the office of the minister of the interior; and 
all lands set aside as the lands of the Hawaiian Government shall be recorded in a 
book entitled " Register of the lands belonging to the Hawaiian Government," and 
fee-simple titles shall be granted to all other allottees upon the award of the board 
of commissioners to quiet land titles. 

The division between the King and his chiefs was settled by a com- 
mittee March 7, 1848. The book containing a record of this division 
also contains releases signed by the several chiefs to the King, of the 
lands they surrendered, and releases by the King to the several chiefs 
of his feudal rights in the land remaining to them as their shares. 

These formal awards were made, after evidence of title, which could 
be converted into allodial title by payment of the consideration provided 
for in rules 6 and 7, above cited. 

On the 8th of March, 1848, the King set apart for the use of the Gov- 
ernment the larger part of his royal domain, specified by name, and 
reserved the residue for himself, his heirs, and successors. On June 7, 
1848, the legislative council passed an act confirming and ratifying 
what had been done by the King. 

In 1850 most of the chiefs ceded a third part of their lands to the 
Government to obtain an allodial title. This was accepted by the privy 
council the same year. 



86 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The Crown lands received their designation from the cession by the 
King of his share, founded on rule 1, above cited, to the GoTernment. 

The Government lands were derived under rule 2 and from cession 
from the chiefs in 1850. 

In all awards of ahupuaas and ilis the rights of tenants are reserved. 
The acts of August 6, 1850, and July 11, 1851, protect the common 
people in the right to take wood, thatch, kileaf, etc. They were also 
guaranteed the right to water and the right of way, but not the right 
of pasturage on the land of the konohiki, or chief. The right of fish- 
ing in the sea appurtenant to the land and to sell the fish caught by 
him was secured to every bona fide resident on land. The fee-simple 
title, free of all commutation, to all native tenants was secured finally 
by the act of August 6, 1850. The right of lords over tenants was thus 
ended. 

Mr. W. D. Alexander, superintendent of Government surveys, 
defines Government lands in this language: 

The great mass of the Government lands consists of those lands which were sur- 
rendered and made over to the Government by the King, Kamehameha III, and which 
are enumerated by name in the act of June 7, 1848. To these must be added the 
lands ceded by the several chiefs in lieu of commutation, those lands purchased by 
the Government at different times, and also all lands forfeited to the Government by 
the neglect of their claimants to present their claims within the period fixed by law. 
By virtue of various statutes, from time to time sales of these lands have taken place. 

The same authority says that between the years 1850 and 1860 nearly 
all the desirable Government lands was sold, generally to natives. The 
total number of grants issued before April 1, 1890, was 3,475. 

In 1850 one-twentieth part of all the lands belonging to the Govern- 
ment was set apart for the purposes of education. Most of these have 
been sold. 

Mr. Alexander says: a The term 'Crown lands' is applied to those 
lands reserved by Kamehameha III, March 8, 1848, for himself, his 
heirs, and successors forever, as his private property." 

Kamehameha III and his successors dealt with these as with their 
private property, selling, leasing, and mortgaging the same, and convey- 
ing good titles. 

The supreme court held that the inheritance to the Crown lands was 
limited to the successors to the throne, and at the same time that the 
possessor might regulate and dispose of the same as his private property. 
Subsequently an act of the legislature made them inalienable and 
declared that they should not be leased for a period to exceed thirty 
years. 

When the division of lands was determined upon the chiefs and tenants 
alike were required to make proofs of the lands they occupied. Failing 
in this, their rights were barred. 

In view of the principles laid down for a division of the land, the infer- 
ence is that the common people received their share of one-third. Now, 
what are the facts ? Before this division many natives lived with chiefs 
and occupied no land. Others occupied small parcels for taro patches, 
and took fish from the waters, and thus obtained their food. These 
patches did not generally exceed 1 acre, and were designated as 
kuleanas in the native tongue. Proof of this occupation of land had to 
be made before the land commission, involving such forms and proofs 
that the ignorant native failed in many instances to comply with the 
regulations, and so lost his property. These little holdings were all 
that they ever obtained. 

The historian of land titles (quoted here as the highest authority) 
omits this great fact. In examining his work with him, he admits what 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 87 



I have asserted in relation to the lands assigned to ;,he common people. 
This is also confirmed to me by the present minister of finance, Mr. 
Damon (formerly vice-president of the advisory council). 

Much is said here of the natives being wasteful, and in consequence 
becoming landless. To my mind, when Japanese, Chinese, and Portu- 
guese cheap labor was substituted for his own and he sought employ- 
ment in other avocations more remunerative and turned from these 
insignificant possessions, he followed only the suggestions which would 
have come to any person of any race. 

Subsequently natives purchased Government land under a law pro-* 
viding for the sale of portions of them to residents in lots from 1 to 50 
acres. To this I shall recur hereafter. 

The lands here are designated as Crown lands. Government lands, 
the Bishop lands, and those owned by private parties. 

The Government lands contain 828,370 acres; the Crown lands, 
915,288 acres; the Bishop lands (a gift from a native, Mrs. C. E. Bishop) 
are devoted to educational purposes and contain 406,829 acres. The 
private lands amount to 1,854,018 acres. Of these Europeans and 
Americans now own 1,052,492; natives, 257,457; half-castes, 531,545; 
Chinese, 12,324 acres; Japanese 200 acres; other nationalities, none. 

The Bishop lands mentioned above are included in the 531,545 acres 
taxed as belonging to half-castes. 

Mr. Albert Loeben stein, of Hilo, Hawaii, in a conversation with me, 
written out and certified by him, says: 

The Crown lands generally are leased to corporations for cane culture and graz- 
ing, at a very low price for a long term of years. Most of the Government lands 
are in the hands of sugar-planters. 

He estimates the award of kuleanas to natives at about 11,000 acres. 
He estimates that the Government has sold 290,000 acres of land to resi- 
dents, and that two-thirds of this was sold to natives, and is now^ 
owned by corporations for cane culture. He thinks the natives sold 
on account of their improvidence in encumbering themselves with debt. 

It appears to me that, with small holdings and no right of pasturage, 
they could find but little opportunity for a good living on them. They 
are certainly engaged in labor in various employments offering a life of 
more comfort. 

if American laborers can not compete with Chinese and Japanese 
contract labor it is not a sign of indolence that the Kanaka should fly 
from its crushing competition. It is still less so when he sees his own 
Government seeking cheap labor for cane-growers and enforcing its 
efficiency by laws intended to compel them to fulfill their contracts. 

Mr. C. E. Bishop tells in his statement the simple story of the land 
division on which the real property of the country rests. He says a 
land commission was created for the purpose of giving title to all the 
people who had claim to lands. The King and chiefs made this divi- 
sion in 1847. It was agreed that the people should have their small 
holdings, which they occupied and cultivated since 1839. That year 
was fixed because it was the year in which the first draft of the con- 
stitution defining the rights of the people was made. 

The principle upon which the lands were divided he states thus: 

The chiefs had been given lands by former kings, by Kamehameha I, especially. 
They could not sell or lease them without the consent of the Kiug and premier. 
There were other lands supposed to be the King's private lands. When the division 
was made these lands, which he claimed were his own. were set apart and called 
crown lands. That was his private estate really, and the others belonged to the Govern- 
ment, the chiefs, and the people. The people got theirs out of the Government land, 



88 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



the King's land, and the chiefs' land. These were called kuleanas. The King's 
lands were called Crown lands, from which he derived his support. The Govern- 
ment lands were for the support of the Government. The King had a right to and 
did sell Crown lands at his pleasure until 1864. 

' In the division of lands the Crown lands were large in amount, the Government 
received a large share, and the largest part of the remainder went to the chiefs. 
The Government lands are nearly sold out. The kuleanas would not average more 
than 2 or 3 acres. A great many natives were seamen, mechanics, fishermen, 
teachers, and followers of chiefs, who received no land. The children of these 
awardees of kuleanas generally have no land. The sugar planters derive their 
/titles from the Government and the chiefs. 

The King and the chiefs were extravagant; got into debt, and then had to pay. 
When they got the title to their lands these debts were paid by many of the chief? 
with lands. During their lifetime they got rid of a great deal of land. The planta- 
tions have come nearly altogether from the Government and the chiefs, and con- 
siderable of the land is leased from Crown lands. 

Mr. Bishop's statement, which will be duly reported, though freed 
from the technicalities and formalities of a trained lawyer, brings out 
all that is practical and vital in the origin and progress of the land 
system of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Attention is here invited to the character of the early surveys and 
surveys of grants from a report made by the Surveyor-General to the 
legislature in 1891 : 

CHARACTER OF THE EARLY SURVEYS. 

First in order are the old surveys made under the direction of the land commis- 
sion, and commonly known as "kuleana" surveys. These had the same defects as 
the first surveys in most new countries. These defects were, in great part, owing to 
the want of any proper supervision. There was no bureau of surveying, and the 
president of the land commission was so overwhelmed with work that he had no 
time to spare for the superintendence of the surveying. As has been truly said, 
there was little money to pay out and little time to wait for the work. Political 
reasons also added to the haste with which the work was pushed through, and barely 
completed before the death of Kamchameha III. 

No uniform rules or instructions were given to the surveyors employed, who were 
practically irresponsible. Few of them could be regarded as thoroughly competent 
surveyors, while some were not only incompetent, but careless and unscrupulous. 
The result was that almost every possible method of measurement was adopted. 
Some used 50-foot chains, and others the 4-pole chain divided into links; some 
attempted to survey by the true meridian, others by the average magnetic meridian, 
while most made no allowance for local variations of the needle. There are some 
surveys recorded which were made with a ship's compass, or even a pocket compass. 
Few of them took much pains to mark corners or to note the topographical features 
of the country. Rarely was one section or district assigned to one man. It is said 
that over a dozen were employed in surveying Waikiki, for instance, not one of 
whom knew what the other surveyors had done or tried to make his surveys agree 
with theirs where they adjoined one another. As might be expected, overlaps and 
gaps are the rule rather than the exception, so that it is generally impossible to put 
these old surveys together correctly on paper without ascertaining their true relative 
positions by actual measurements on the ground. 

The board of commissioners to quiet land titles were empowered by the law of 
August 6, 1850, not only to " define and separate the portions of land belonging to 
different individuals," but "to provide for an equitable exchange of such different 
portions where it can be done, so that each man's (and may he hy itself." This, how- 
ever, was rarely done, and the kuleanas very often consist of several sections or 
"apanas" apiece, scattered here and there in the most irregular manner imaginable. 
No general rules were laid down in regard to the size of kuleanas, though mere 
house lots were limited to one-quarter of an acre by the act just cited, section 5. 
The consequence was that the responsibility was mainly thrown upon the surveyors, 
and there was the greatest variety of practice among them in different districts. 
The act above mentioned provided that fee-simple titles should "be granted to 
native tenants for the lands they occupy and improve." This was differently inter- 
preted by different surveyors, so that in fact the "kuleanas" vary from 1 to 40 
acres in extent. General maps of whole districts, or even ahupuaas, exhibiting the 
exact location of all the different claims contained within them, were scarcely 
thought of, and hardly could have been made with the inferior instruments and 
defective methods used by most of the kuleana surveyors of that time. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 89 



Surveys of grants were of a similar character to those of kuleanas. Formerly it 
was not the policy of the Government to have Government lands surveyed as 
wholes, or to have their boundaries settled. Portions of Government land sold to 
private persons were surveyed at the expense of the purchaser. It was seldom the 
case that an entire u ahupuaa" was sold at once. The pieces sold were of all sizes 
and shapes, sometimes cutting across half a dozen ahupuaas, and were generally 
surveyed without reference to the surveys of adjoining land sales or awards. Hence 
most Government lands at the present time consist of mere remnants left here and 
there, and of the worthless and unsalable portions remaining after the rest had been 
sold. It follows that, even supposing all the outside boundaries of a Government 
land to have been surveyed and duly settled by the commissioner of bounda- 
ries, it would still be necessary to locate on the ground all the grants and awards 
contained within the land in question in order to ascertain how much of it is left. 
Nothing short of a general survey of the country will bring to light all these facts, 
will exhibit the Government lands in their true position in relation to other lauds, 
and enable the minister of the interior as well as applicants for land to judge of 
their actual value. It was considerations like these which induced the then minis- 
ter of the interior, Dr. Hutchinson, to institute the Government survey in 1871. 
An account of that survey, its objects, methods, and results, was published in pam- 
phlet form in 1889. 

W. D. Alexander, 
Superintendent of Government Survey. 

s 

In view of the foregoing observations it appears to me that if a 
humane feeling towards the native population .of these islands is to 
have place in American thought there will arise a conviction that in- 
stead of inviting immigrants from the United States or other countries 
to these islands in the hope of obtaining homes, whatever of lands 
may be used in this way are more tban needed by the native popula- 
tion. They seem morever, to suggest that if the native has not 
advanced in mental and moral culture up to the highest standard it 
can not be denied that the policy of the Hawaiian Government in the 
distribution of its lands has been a great hindrance to him. 

His advancement in the future under the conditions now surrounding 
him are by no means encouraging. If his advancement should reach 
the most desirable stage there will in all probability arise a discontent 
well calculated to unsettle any social fabric which sought to give it 
permanency. 

It has been made to appear in official reports of the Hawaiian Gov- 
ernment, and in magazine and newspaper articles, that the native pop- 
ulation was dying out and would in a few years become extinct. The 
best opinion I can obtain here is that the death rate no longer exceeds 
the birth rate, but that there is a gradual increase in the native popu- 
lation. The extinction of the native, therefore, can no longer afford 
any excuse for any distribution of the land of the country on that 
account. 

Out of a population of 40,622 natives and half-casts, 23,473 are offi- 
cially reported as able to read and write. They are generally allied in 
their religious affiliations with the Protestant and Catholic churches. 

Mr. Sereno E. Bishop, an ardent annexationist, and with an eye 
quick to discern all their faults, in 1888 uses the following language: 

The Hawaiian race is one that is well worth saving. With all their sad frailties, 
they are a noble race of men, physically and morally. They are manly, courageous, 
enterprising, cordial, generous, unselfish. They are highly receptive of good. They 
love to look forward and upward, though very facile to temptations to slide back- 
ward and downward. In an unusual degree they possess a capacity for fine and 
ardent enthusiasm for noble ends. 

Can a Christian civilization doom such a people to annihilation by 
any policy of legislation ? 

I see in the letters from here to the New York World and Sun state- 
ments that I had expressed my own opinions in reference to political 



90 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



questions in these islands, and declaring the opinion of the President 
on the subject of annexation. 

I send you herewith the statement of Mr. Fred. Wundenberg. He 
is a gentleman of excellent sense and character. It touches upon sev- 
eral questions with so much aptness that I have thought it perhaps 
might interest you. 
I am ? etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



[Inclosare 1 in No. 9.] 
Interview of Mr. Wundenberg. 

May 15, 1893. 

Q. Where were you born ? 

A. On the island of Kauai. 

Q. How long have you lived in the Islands? 

A. I was born in 1850 and have lived here ever since. 

Q. What are you engaged in? 

A. At present I am deputy clerk of the supreme court. 

Q. Have you been recently offered the position of collector-general of customs? 
A. I have. 

Q. Did you decline it? 
A. I did. 

Q. I see in the correspondence between the American minister at this point and 
the State Department the allegation that Mr. Wilson is the paramour of the Queen. 
What knowledge have you of the relations between these parties \ 

A. Queen Liliuokalani, before she was Queen was in the habit of providing for a 
number of Hawaiian girls — in some cases educating them at her own expense; 
bringing them into society, and teaching them manners, dancing and all that 
sort of business and providing them with suitable husbands. Miss Townsend, the 
present wife of W T ilson, is one of her beneficiaries, and her marriage with Wilson 
was brought about in the same way. Mrs. Wilson was Emmeline Townsend. She 
was a particular personal friend of Liliuokalani — always attended her — acted as a 
sort of maid of honor, and that relation has existed right up to the present time. 

Wilson, in that way became the intimate acquaintance and friend of Liliuokalani, 
and he also was the personal friend of Dominis. Wilson was fond of horse racing 
and fond of shooting and rowing — and the old governor was a great sportsman. He 
was fond of boats; he had the best boats. He tried to have the best horses; 
prided himself on the best guns. Wilson was an admirer of all that sort of thing, 
and they naturally drifted together in that way. That was prior to Liliuokalani 
being Queen. After she became Queen, Dominis was in ill health, and the revolu- 
tion of 1887 had taken place; the Wilcox riot had taken place, and the woman was 
in constant dread of something of the kind, and Wilson, being near to her person, 
and a reliable friend of hers, and a man of known courage, it was the most natural 
thing in the world that she would want him to be marshal. She insisted upon it. 
Loper at that time was marshal. Loper, as well as most of us, had taken a 
hand in the affair of 1887. She wanted things in shape that she could feel she 
had control of things. The station house was an arsenal. They kept arms there, 
and ordnance; cannon, Gatling guns, etc., had been removed in 1887 down there and 
placed under the charge of Marshal Loper, who was in sympathy and connection 
with the 1887 party. So when she came in power it was one of the first demands 
she made, that some of her friends should be placed in charge of that institution. 
I was postmaster then, and one of the demands made was that I should be removed, 
and I was removed on account of my affiliation with the 1887 party. 

Q. The change from Loper to Wilson gave offense to the other side — the Eeform 
party? 

A. There was a little interregnum in which another man named Hopkins, was put 
in temporary charge before Wilson formally took office, but practically Wilson fol- 
lowed Loper. This little administration of Hopkins did not amount to anything. 

Q. Wilson going in there gave offence to the Reform xiarty ? 

A. No; nothing seemed to be said about it. After they began to find things were 
going against them, and the results of the elections of 1890 — the National Eeform 
party swept the field— then they began iheir old games of attacking through the 
press. They attacked everybody and everything — not only Wilson, but everybody. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



91 



If a chicken thief was caught, Wilson was held up for ridicule. For every drunk, 
robbery, etc., Wilson was blamed. They attacked hira broadcast through the press. 

Q. Any efforts made to impeach him? 

A. I do not think so; not to my knowledge. 

Q. Where was he born ? 

A. Wilson is the son of the English consul at Tahiti, by a Tahitian chieftess. 
Q. Did he come here as a boy? 

A. Yes. He is about the same age I am. I am rather better informed than any- 
body else regarding Wilson. My mother, the daughter of missionaries, was born in 
Tahiti and was well acquainted with ihe Wilson family. 

Q. How idd was he when he came here ? 

A. His father was interested in shipping ventures, and 'among other places of trade, 
I think either owned totally, or in connection with other pai ties* Fannings Island. 
He had interests there, and it was in one of these trading voyages that he was lost. 
Old Capt. English, who is h^re now, took the two boys — the brothers — and carried 
them to Fannings Island. They lived there, and when they were old enough, the old 
man brought them here and put them to school. That was in the early fifties. I 
think they went to school with Captain Smith. 

Q. How old would that make him. 

A. About 43 years old. As was usually the case with half- whites of that class, 
they did not have the best opportunities for education. After they got the ordi- 
nary rudiments they would be put to a trade. He was put to a trade. He learned 
theblacksniith's trade. He was a man of strong character and ability. He dropped 
that and went into Government employ. He was made superintendent of water- 
works and made a good one. 

Q. What sort of marshal did he make? 

A. An exceptionally good one. 

Q. Was that generally the opinion? 

A. I do not think they have ever had a marshal here at any time who could equal 
him, and I think it wouid be a hard matter to get anyone — with this one exception — 
like most of the natives Wilson was careless in money matters. I have to admit 
that Wilson was careless. 

Q. Behind in his accounts? 

A. In his business arrangements he has been careless. When he was superintend- 
ent of waterworks he got behind considerably. I saw his difficulties. There was 
a shortage of something like nine or ten thousand dollars. We advanced the money 
for him, myself and the present Queen. That transaction was open to explanation. 
I think Wilson was made the residuary legatee of a long series of old fossils. It had 
been considered a place of no importance. They kept accounts very badly. They kept 
a system of receipt books with stubs. The investigation was held by Gulick. 
These stubs were added up and Wilson was made to account for it. I can not say 
whether he was responsible for it. 

Q. Did he ever live in the palace with the Queen? 

A. I do not think Wilson ever lived in the palace. Wilson and his wife occupied 
the bungalow. 

Q. How far is that from the palace? 

A. It is located in the corner of Richard and Palace Walk, in the palace yard. 
I know that Wilson and his wife occupied some of the apartments. The other 
apartments were occupied by others of her household, servants and retainers. She 
occupied the palace herself, or lived in her own place, at Washington Place. 

Q. How far is the bungalow from the palace? 

A. Sixty or 100 yards. I used to visit him at times. The palace stands in the 
middle of the square. 

Q. Have you ever heard it stated from any reliable source that Mr. Wilson was 
lodged in the palace? 

A. Never. 

Q. How was the Queen received here in society? 

A. She was always received with the greatest respect. 

Q. Please illustrate what you mean by that? 

A. No entertainment of any importance — reception, ball — was considered com- 
plete without the presence of the Queen. The chiet justice on one occasion gave a 
ball or entertainment of some kind : I think it was a reception to Armstrong. I was 
present. The Queen was there. The chief justice was very attentive to the Queen. 
W. R. Castle gave an entertainment not a great while ago at his residence to some 
children, which the Queen attended. Castle was extremely attentive to her. In 
fact, whenever the so-called missionary party gave any entertainment they were 
always desirous of having the Queen. She received the most marked attention from 
them. 

Q. Were these ladies active in social life about the pnlace? 

A. Yes; whenever the Quee^ would give entertainments these people always 
attended. 



92 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. With as much freedom as other classes of people? 
A. I think so. 

Q. You spoke of the Queen educating Hawaiian girls. At what school? 
A. At a number of schools. The school I am most acquainted with is Kawaiahaa 
Seminary. 
Q. Who were the teachers there? 

A. Miss Bingham was the priucipal. Latterly they have been compelled to send 
abroad to get assistance. The management was always in the hands of the mis- 
sionaries. It is a missionary institution. 

Q. Did she generally prefer that institution for these girls? 

A. I thiuk most of the girls have been educated there. I think she has had sev- 
eral educated at Maui, at Makawaco Seminary, another institution. 
Q. Are you a man of family ? 

A. No, sir; I am not a married man. We are a very large family. Ihave a num- 
ber of sisters living here. 

Q. Did they associate with the Queen without reserve, as other people here? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Did you feel like they were with a reputable person? 

A. Yes; I never felt anything out of the way. In fact, I know that a great many 
people at times would feel slighted if they did not receive invitations to attend enter- 
tainments there. 

Q. Were you one of the active participants in the revolution of 1887? 

A. I was an active participator in the events of 1887. I was not a leader. 

Q. Please tell me the cause of that revolution. 

A. I want to say that the reasons and causes that actuated different participants 
were no doubt numerous. The mainspring was this same Missionary party. They 
were smarting under defeats they had sustained repeatedly from Gibson. They had 
used large amounts of money in attempting to control the elections, but Gibson 
seemed to have a strong influence on the King and defeated them and held his 
power, I think, over a period of six years, and the King, under his direction, was 
allowed to go into all kinds of follies. This ' 1 Kaimiloa " escapade was one. The King 
had the idea in his head for some time previous of causing a confederation of the 
Pacific Islands. I have never heard him say he was ambitious of becoming Emperor 
of the Pacific, as has been attributed to him. Gibson, who was too astute and far- 
seeing to believe in anything of the kind, still felt it was necessary to humor him 
in a number of these projects, of which this was one. That escapade is familiar with 
everybody. They sent Bush down there and it resulted in disaster. That was 
made one of the ostensible reasons. Also the opium scandal. There had always 
been a great deal said regarding the opium business; some thought it should be 
entirely prohibited others thought it was impossible to do so. They favored 
licensing the business. A bill passed the Legislature authorizing licenses. Then 
the Chinese began to bid for these licenses and that resulted in what is known as 
the Ah Ki scandal, in which it is claimed that the King received sixty or seventy 
thousand dollars to let a certain Chinese Arm have the license. That was another 
cause put forward. 

Q. Did they make him pay that back? 

A. Yes ; his estate paid that back, eventually. 

Q. Was it generally believed that he acted corruptly in that matter? 

A. Yes ; those are the ostensible reasons put forward, and general extravagance 
and mismanagement of finances. That led up to this business. 

Q. What do you mean by ostensible reasons; were there any other reasons behind 
these? 

A. I do not know that I would have any right to put forward convictions and 
beliefs which lead from way back. I do not think that these reasons, though they 
were powerful agents at the time, were the only cause. I think it was the persist- 
ent determination of a clique here to get the power again which Gibson had wrested 
from it. 

Q. They had been directing public affairs up to Gibson's time? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And during that time lost control? 

A. Yes. To go back a little farther: The same party had held power in various 
forms and degrees up to about 1853. I think then that the decline of Dr. Judd's 
power began. He held despotic sway under Kamehameha III. In 1853 a committee 
of thirteen, representing people who had become tired of this arbitrary rule of Dr. 
Judd, waited on the King and demanded his removal from power. From that time, 
over a period of twenty years, is where the country received the very best adminis- 
tration it ever got, from men like Robert C. Wiley, Judge Lee, and, in later days, 
Harris and Hutchinson — men of that style. That carried through the reigns oi 
Kamehameha IV and V. The missionaries were out of power. These men would 
not tolerate them at all. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 93 



Q. AVas there extravagance then? 

A. That was the very best period of Hawaiian history. That was the foundation 
of the Hawaiian Islands being received into the family of nations. She took her 
standing under the guidance of Wiley and Harris. At the death of Kamehameha V, 
Lunalilo came in and the missionaries regained their power through him. He was 
the highest chief living, hut an intemperate fellow. He was as good a fellow as 
ever lived. He was a drunkard. Missionaries went into power under him. He 
lived a year, then came Kalakaua. They continued their hold on affairs during the 
early part of Kalakaua's reign, until Gibson came in. He overthrew them, I think, 
in 1880. Gibson reigned supreme in 1880. He was returned to the Legislature in 
1880 and held power to 1887. Kalakaua was extravagant, and Gibson, in order to 
hold his power, had to yield to a good many of the King's foibles in that way. If 
Gibson had received generous support from outside he would have been able to hold 
the King in check, but in order to hold his power he had to yield to the King in 
order to hold his position against opposition. The chamber of commerce, the 
Planters' Labor and Supply Company — everything combined against him. It is a 
marvel how he managed to hold his own against the tremendous odds that were 
used against him. 

While the natives had, as a rule, generally yielded the Government into the hands 
of the whites, still they always felt that they should have some sort of representa- 
tion in the Government, and a native Hawaiian usually occupied one of the cabinet 
positions. In addiiion to the native Hawaiian there was a new element coming on 
the field, which consisted of native born of foreign parents, and somewhere around 
about 1884 we began to feel that we should have representation as well as the foreign- 
ers, and placed the pro? osition before Kalakaua. He recognized the justice of this, 
and C. T. Gulick was made minister of the interior in compliance with the wishes of 
this element. This cabinet was overthrown in 1886 by Mr. Spreckels' influence. Mr. 
Spreckels had advanced large sums of money to the Government, and demanded the 
deeding over of the wharfage, the city front from the Pacific Mail to the Oceanic docks, 
the Honolulu waterworks, and other governmental property in town. This propo- 
sition was acceded to by Gibson, but resisted by Gulick, who succeeded in frus- 
trating the whole scheme, but which resulted in the overthrow of the cabinet 
finally through Spreckels' influence. Spreckels was instrumental in forming a new 
cabinet composed of Gibson, John T. Dare (a lawyer he brought from San Fran- 
cisco), and, I think, Robert Creighton, and they put one Hawaiian in — some old 
dummy, I forget now who he was. This was naturally offensive to the Hawaiian 
element previously alluded to, and we reproached Gibson for his action in the 
matter, and when the events of 1887 turned up, a large majority of the element 
alluded to joined the movement to overthrow Gibson, and of course the other party 
were only too glad to have additions to the strength of their party. I think that 
answers the question why I joined the movement of 1887. 

Q. What was the demand made upon Kalakaua as far as a new constitution went? 

A. They made a demand that he should grant them a new constitution, which he 
agreed to immediately. 

Q. And that is the present constitution? 

A. Yes; that is the present constitution. 

Q. What sort of cabinet did he appoint then? 

A. He appointed a cabinet to their dictation: L. A. Thurston, W. L. Green, C. W. 
Ashford, and Jonathan Austin. 
Q. Is Mr. Thurston native-born? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Educated here? 

A. Yes; most of his education. He went abroad to study law. 

Q. His life has been spent here? 

A. Yes; he is identified with this community. 

Q. Has he been an active member of the Planters' Labor and Supply Company! 

A. He has always been invited to their meetings. He never was a planter. 

Q. Might he not have owned stock? 

A. He may have owned some little stock. 

Q. He is not an American citizen? 

A. No, sir; he is a Hawaiian. 

Q. Where is Mr. Green from? 

A. He is an Englishman. He came here in early days. He is head of the firm of 
Janior, Green & Company. 
Q. Where is Mr. Ashford from? 

A. Ashford is a Canadian. He arrived here in the early part of 1880. 
Q. Was he especially active then in military movements ? 
A. Yes; very active in 1887. 
Q. He commanded troops? 

A. His brother, Volney V. Ashford; he was the man who put it through. 



94 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. What do you mean when you say that he was the man who put it through? 

A. V. V. Ashford was the organizer and guide of the whole of the movement, 
which was expected to have operated in the event of any open resistance having 
occurred. Of course, the Missionary party — Thurston, Smith, Dole, and others — 
were organizers of the movement, but when it came down to actual working V. V. 
Ashford was one. He was colonel of the existing forces — four or five companies of 
Hawaiian rifles, and this riffraff that you find around the Provisional Government 
to-day — that was the crowd that flocked in around them. They were the ones that 
would have been used. Whenever danger was in the way they were scarce, but 
when it came to asking positions, they were there. 

Q. Who was Jonathan Austin? 

A. He was an American — a New Yorker, I think. He was a brother of H. L. 
Austin, of Hawaii. He was a comparatively newcomer. 
Q. None of these were of native blood? 
A. None of them. 

Q. They continued in power how long? 

A. From immediately after the 30th of June, 1887, up to the Legislature of 1890. 
The elections were in February. The house met in April or May, 1890. Shortly 
after the house went into session they passed a vote of want of confidence. 

Q. The reform element had been beaten in elections? 

A. Yes. 

Q. And that brought about an antireform cabinet? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Now in the Legislature of 1892 there was a continual turning out of cabinets; 
was that a straggle for power? 

A. It was a struggle for power. This same reform or missionary element was 
fighting to regain the reins of government. They united with a faction known as 
Liberals. These two elements put together could vote out the other crowd, and 
they voted them out until the G. N. Wilcox cabinet was formed. 

Q. With this cabinet the Reform party was content? 

A. Yes. 

Q. How did the Liberals take it — did thev get offended? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did they make a combination with the National Reform party? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Was the Wilcox cabinet voted out as a result of that combination f 
A. Yes. 

Q. The Wilcox cabinet was voted out on the 13 th of Januarv, 1893? 
A. Yes. 

Q. The Legislature was prorogued on the 14th? 
A. Yes. 

Q. If this cabinet had not been voted out before the prorogation of the Legisla- 
ture the Reform element through this cabinet would have had control of the Gov- 
ernment for two years? 

A. Yes. 

Q. How did they receive the voting out of the Wilcox cabinet? 
A. It was not liked. 

Q. Did they feel like they had lost power? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Were you at Mr. W. O. Smith's office at the meeting on Saturday, January 14, 
1893? 

A. Yes; I was there in the afternoon. 

Q. Was the subject of the dethronement of the Queen discussed? 
A. No. 

Q. Was the subject of annexation discussed? 
A. No. 

Q. What was in the mind of that meeting : anything definite? 

A. No; nothing definite. The idea was that this attempted proclaiming of a new 
constitution was the cause of unsettling affairs, and that there was danger for the 
public safety. This committee of public safety was organized for that purpose. 

Q. An v thing said about landing troops? 

A. No. 

Q. There were subsequent meetings of the committee of safety. Did you attend 
any of them? Were you invited? 

A. I attended one that was held at Henrv Waterhouse's on Mondav evening, the 
16th. 

Q. Did you attend any of any earlier date? 

A. I attended one at Thurston's house on Saturday evening. 

Q. Was the subject of the dethronement of the Queen discussed there? 

A. I would not like to give any information regarding anything that took plaee 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 95 



at Thurston's house that night, as I considered it as confidential. Thurston reposed 
confidence in me, and I should not like to betray it. 
Q. Where was the other meeting? 

A. The only other meeting I attended was the meeting at Waterhouse's. 

Q. Who was present? Any members of the present Provisional Government? 

A. Most of the members of the committee of safety were there. 

Q. Please give the names of such as you can remember. 

A. 'H. E. Cooper, I think, was there; Andrew Brown was there; J. A. McCandless 
was there; T.F. Lansing was there; I think John Emmeluth was there; C. Bolte 
was there; Henry Waterho use was there; F. W. McChesney was there; W. O. 
Smith was there; C. L. Carter was also present. 

Q. Any others connected with the Government? 

A. Mr. Dole was sent for and invited to be present and he attended. 

Q. Was there anything said at that meeting on the subject of aid by the troops of 
the United States and the American minister ? 

A. Yes; the general impression and the general talk all through the business was 
the fact that they would obtain or receive both moral and material assistance from 
the United States minister and from the troops from the Boston. 

Q. Did they expect to fight? 

A. No; I do not think they did. 

Q. Their idea was that the sympathy of the American minister and troops was 
with them ? 

A. Yes ; the people knew if the United States minister, or any vessel in port, moved 
in the matter that would be the end of the matter. If they sent one marine ashore it 
would end the matter. 

Q. Was that the drift of the meeting? 

A. Yes; everybody knew that and felt that. 

Q. Was there any portion of that meeting that went to see the American minister? 

A. Yes. Mr. Loper was offered the position of commander in chief of what forces 
they might get together. He did not see his way clear; he did not want to assume 
any position which was not tangible, and the arguments put to him were about this 
support we would receive. 

Q. What sort of support? 

A. The support from the United States minister and from the Boston. Loper still 
hesitated. He did not feel satisfied with the assurances. It was suggested that he 
go over and see the minister himself, which he did in company with some of the 
others. I think C. L. Oarter was one — I do not know for certain. 

Q. Henry Waterhouse was one ? 

A. I think so, but I do not know. I have an impression that Waterhouse and 
Carter went there. 
Q. Did they come back? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What did they report ? 

A. I understood them to say that Mr. Stevens had told them that if they would 
take possession of the Government building and read their proclamation he would 
immediately recognize them and support them, or, failing to get the Government 
building, any building in Honolulu. They deny that, but I understood any building 
in Honolulu. Anyway, from what Mr. Loper heard he was satisfied and accepted 
the office. 

Q. Was the city quiet when the troops came in ? 

A. Yes ; quiet as Sunday. 

Q. Women and children on the streets ? 

A. Yes ; the public at large did not know what was going on. The band played 
at the hotel. I do not think anyone knew what was going on except the politicians 
and those who were behind the scenes, as you might say. 

Q. How long after the proclamation was read before Mr. Stevens recognized the 
Provisional Government? 

A. That I do not know. The current report around there was that it was between 
3 and 4 o'clock. I understood the United States minister had recognized the Govern- 
ment. 

Q. Who said that? 

A. It is impossible for me to say. It was common talk. 

Q. How long after that before the station house and barracks were surrendered? 

A. Somewhere, 1 should judge, between 6 and 7 o'cL-ck. The lamps were lighted. 
Loper said Wilson had agreed to turn over the station house. He said: " Will you 
go down and take possession?" I said: "No; I have nothing to do with this con- 
cern." He said: "We must have someone to go down there." I said: "Take 
some of your own folks; take McCandless down." He did. He had not been gone 
long before he telephoned up, "I want you; you must come down; McCandless won't 
stop." I think before I started I met McCandless. He said: "Loper wanes you 



96 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



down there." I don't want to stop there. I considered the matter. A number of 
friends of mine wanted me to go. They said: u It is a critical moment. We want 
a Hawaiian who can talk to the natives and prevent any friction between the 
natives and foreigners." I said: "In the interest of law and order I will go down." 
I went down. Most of the force that Wilson had was retiring. This guard of 20 
men that Loper had taken down of this 1 1 German 500," had marched in. I went 
in and was placed in charge. The street lamps were lighted. 

Q. What was the occasion of your separating from the people who were at the 
meeting at Mr. Waterhouse's? 

A. The first proposition was made by Thurston himself. He asked me if I was 
willing to stay in the movement for maintaining law and order, and try to preserve 
the fundamental law of the land? I told him I would. We went over to the 
attorney-general's office and met the cabinet, who had come over from the polls. I 
heard the statements of Parker, Peterson, and Colburn. It was then proposed by 
Thurston and others that we should support the cabinet against the overt acts of 
the Queen, and that meeting at Smith's office was for that purpose. Peterson went 
there. 

Q. You separated from them, then, when it was developed that they meant to 
overthrow the Queen? 

A. Yes. I stopped on Wednesday, when I found it began to develop. I began 
to be suspicious. I simply went to this meeting at Waterhouse's and was a listener. 
I was interested in affairs of the country. 

Q. You took no part in the organization of the Provisional Government? 

A. None whatever. 

Q. How many troops did they have there at the time the proclamation was read? 

A. When the proclamation was read there were two policemen taken off an ammu- 
nition wagon and put at the front door. 

Q. How many troops did they have at the close, of the reading of the proclama- 
tion? 

A. None, excepting those two. 

Q. How long after that before other troops arrived? 

A. Just about 3 o'clock. This Capt. Zeigler, with about 30 men, marched in the 
back way, indifferently armed. 

Q. Then other troops came in afterwards? 

A. After that another body of similar number — 25 to 30 — made up of young fellows 
from around various offices, marched in. That was all there were. It was not until 
it was generally known that the United States minister had recognized the Govern- 
ment that the crowd came flocking in — mostly men discharged from the station 
house by Wilson. They jumped in there with a view of being paid. They enlisted 
after being discharged by Wilson. 

Q. Are those fellows in the service now? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Making part of the Provisional forces at this time? 

A. Yes; and a great many of the citizens, those who compose the Annexation 
Club, when they saw the thing was sure, the United States forces within pistol shot, 
and that Wilson had given up the station house, and that the barracks would be 
surrendered, then they wanted to be on the top side. They came in. 

Q. Before that they had been quiet? 

A. Yes ; then they rushed in. 

Q. Were you at the mass meeting on Monday? 

A. Yes. 

Q. How many people were there ? 

A. I should judge about 700 or 800, possibly 900. 

Q. What nationalities? 

A. Heterogeneous. 

Q. Many Portuguese ? 

A. A great many. 

Q. How is the white population in this city on the subject of annexation! 

A. It is very hard to arrive at an exact statement. You can only get it by mak- 
ing your own views known. You will find out that men who are pretending to be 
in with a party are really at heart opposed to it. 

Q. How many people are not pretending to be with the party in power and are 
opposed to annexation? 

A. I should judge about half and half. 

Q. People who are frank about their views? 

A. Yes. You take the independent Americans who are not under the influence of 
the Missionary faction, they are as a rule opposed to it, as are most of the English 
people and some Germans, and almost all foreigners outside of the particular Ameri- 
can class who are under the influence of the missionaries and. planters. 

Q. What part of the United States is this American element who favor annexa- 
tion from? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 97 



A. The New England States, generally. 

Q. Are they in point of numbers in a majority of the Americans here? 
A. I do not know. I do not think that they are, hut their influence is the largest 
in account of wealth. 
Q. And intelligence? 

A. I won't add intelligence; I beg to he excused from that. 

Q. Do you know whether or not the committee that went up and organized the 
Provisional Government sent anybody to the Government building to see if there 
were any soldiers there or not ? 

A. I can not say that. I remained in my office until I felt something was going 
on, and then I walked out on the street. What they did after leaving Water- 
house's I don't know. 

Q. Was everything quiet at the Government building at the time the proclama- 
tion was read ? 

A. Oh, yes. All the offices were running right along very quietly; nobody knew 
anything. 

Q. None of the officers knew of the movement? 

A. I do not think they did. Everything was going on just the same as usual. 
They knew there were rumors, but I do not think much attention was paid to it. 
The presence of the United States troops was a matter of curiosity and comment. 

Q. Well, then, so far as the reading of that proclamation dethroning the Queen 
was concerned it was known to very few people that it was to be done? 

A. 1 do not think it was known to anybody except themselves. The whole thing 
was a surprise to everyone. Wilson might have had some inkling of it. He was 
trying his best to keep posted, but of course his actions would have been guided 
entirely by what information he got regarding the attitude of the United States 
troops. 

June 5, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. Mr. Wundenberg, I omitted to ask you as to the feeling of the 
natives on the subject of annexation at the former interview. Please tell me now. 

A. To the best of my knowledge and belief— and I am well acquainted with the 
natives — I do not think there is a native in favor of annexation. Many may have 
declared themselves so, but it is my belief that they have done so under pressure — 
that is, their interests were controlled by those who desire annexation; they are 
afraid of offending them and of being deprived of privileges they now possess. 

Q. What sort of privileges? 

A. In a number of cases they have stock' running on lands of large landowners 
who would make them remove them, and that would deprive them of their means of 
livelihood. Some of them hold positions under planters and others. 

Q. Any of them in Government employ? 

A. A good many of them are in Government employ. There is only one that I know 
of who openly comes out and advocates annexation — a young man by the name of 
Notley, who is employed in the waterworks. Others do it in a subdued manner. If 
they advocate the matter at all they do it as a matter of policy. The natives have 
the same love of country as you will find anywhere. The term they use is Aloha 
aina. 

Q. Are there any whites in the islands against annexation? 
A. A great many. 

Q. What proportion of them — I mean Americans and Europeans? 
A. I think if a fair canvass was made that you would find fully one-half opposed 
to it. 

Q. Suppose the question of annexation was submitted to the people of these 
islands, or such of them as were qualified to vote for representatives under the con- 
stitution just abrogated, and with the Australian ballot system which you had 
adopted, what would be the result of the vote ? 

A. It would be overwhelmingly defeated — almost to a man by the native Hawaii- 
ans, and I think a great many of the foreigners who now are supposed to be in favor 
of annexation would vote against it. 

Q. What would be the proportion of annexationists to anti-annexationists ? 

A. All the native voters, with very few exceptions, would vote against it. I 
think most of the native-born of Hawaiian parents would vote against it, with the 
exception possibly of those few that are mixed up in the annexation movement here. 
I think most of the foreign element that are independent and outside of what is 
known as the Missionary party would vote against it, and I think a great many of 
those who are now on the rolls of the Annexation Club would vote against it. Their 
names appear there simply for policy. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and find it to be an accurate report of my in- 
terviews with Mr. Blount. 

F. Wundenberg. 

Honolulu, June 5, 1893. 
10518 7 



98 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 13. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. 

No. 10.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 17, 1893. 

Sir: To-morrow, June 18, the China leaves here for San Francisco. 

Your letter of the 26th ultimo, informing me of a desire for my final 
report, was received. Up to this, time I have devoted myself to the 
study of various questions here and the taking of testimony. The lat- 
ter has been necessarily slow, because Mr. Mills had no aid in tran- 
scribing notes, which occupied a great deal of time. 

I had supposed it was your wish that I should not undertake to pre- 
pare a report until the lapse of two or three months, in order that I 
might assure myself of a correct comprehension of the situation here. 
So little had been said in your correspondence with me that I feared 
to commence too early lest you should suppose I was acting hastily. 

Some recent information has made it well that this delay has taken 
place. I will immediately commence my report and devote myself to 
it continuously until it is completed. 

There is nothing of special importance occurring here now. There 
is no indication of any movement against the Provisional Government. 
There seems to be a universal acquiescence on the part of all parties 
in the idea of awaiting the action of the Government of the United 
States. 

It may be of interest to you to know that in an examination this 
afternoon of Col. Soper, commanding the military forces of the Pro- 
visional Government since the 17th of January last, he stated that at 
a meeting at the house of Henry Waterhouse, on the night of the 16th 
of January, composed of members of the committee of safety, and some 
persons called in, he was offered the command of the military forces; 
that he declined to accept it until the next day; that in this meeting it 
was accepted by all as true that Mr. Stevens had agreed that if the 
persons seeking to dethrone the Queen got possession of the Govern- 
ment building and proclaimed a new government he would recognize 
it as a de facto government, that he (Soper) never accepted the com- 
mand until after he had knowledge of this fact; that he is a citizen of 
the United States and claims allegiance thereto. 

I send you a copy of the oath Col. Soper and other foreigners take in 
order to participate in public affairs in these islands. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



No. . 

Hawaiian Islands, Idand of , District of — , ss: 

I, , aged , a native of , residing at , in said district, 

do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support the consti- 
tution of the Hawaiian Kingdom, promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of 
July, 1887, and the laws of said Kingdom, not hereby renouncing but expressly 
reserving all allegiance and citizenship now owing or held by me. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this day of , A. D. 18 — . 



Inspector of Election. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 99 



No. . 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of , District of , ss: 

I, the undersigned, inspector of election, duly appointed and commissioned, do 

hereby certify that , aged , a native of , residing at , in 

said district, has this clay taken, before me, the oath to support the Constitution of 
the Hawaiian -Kingdom, promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July, 1887, 
and the laws of said Kingdom. 

Inspector of Election. 

— , 18-. 



No. 14. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresliam. 

No. 11.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 

June 28, 1893. 

Sir : On yesterday I found amongst the unfiled papers of the legation 
a document, of which the inclosure sent herewith is a true copy. 

My final report will be completed within the next ten days, probably 
much earlier. It will be forwarded by the first opportunity. 

In my dispatch to the Department of April 26 I said: "Mr. Paul 
Neumann is generally regarded here as a bright, plausible, unscrupu- 
lous person." I desire now to say that so far as the expression " unscrup- 
ulous" is concerned a better knowledge of public opinion satisfies me 
that I was not justified in its use. I deem it my duty to place this on 
the records of the Department. 

Three persons have been arrested for conspiracy to overthrow the 
Government. They are whites of the laboring class. 

I see no reason to think that there is likely to be any movement 
against the Provisional Government or the peace of society at this 
time. 

On the 18th of this month 1,757 Japanese contract laborers were 
landed here for the sugar plantations. Of this number 1,410 were men 
and 347 women. 

I am, etc., James H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of the United States, 



[Inclosure in No. 11.] 

Mr. Dole to Mr. Stevens. 

Government Building, 

Honolulu. January 17, 1S93. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

United States Minister Resident: 
Sir: I acknowledge the receipt of your valued communication of this day, recog- 
nizing the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and express deep appreciation of the 
same. 

We have conferred with the ministers of the late government and have made 
demand upon the marshal to surrender the station house. We are not actually yet 
in possession of the station house, but as night is approaching and our forces may he 
insufficient to maintain order, we request the immediate support of the United 
States forces, and would request that the commander of the United States forces 
take command of our military forces so that they may act together for the protec- 
tion of the city. 

Eespectfully, etc., 

Sanford B. Dole, 
Chairman Executive Council, 
(Note of Mr. Stevens at the end of the above communication: " The above request 
not complied with. — Stevens.") 



100 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 15. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. 

No. 12.] Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands. 

July 7, 1893. 

Sir : The steamer Peru leaves Honolulu for San Francisco to-morrow. 

It will take me three or four days longer to complete my report, which 
will be forwarded to you by the first steamer leaving here after that 
time. 

Becalling to your mind the letter from Mr. Dole to Mr. Stevens (a 
copy of which was sent with my last dispatch) I ask you to examine a 
statement made by the commissioners of the Hawaiian Provisional 
Government on page 41 of Senate Executive Document, No. 76, Fifty- 
second Congress, second session, designated as the "sixth" in the 
statement of facts by them. 

I wrote President Dole a communication asking for a copy of Mr. 
Stevens's reply to this letter, omitting therefrom its reference to his 
recognition. 

Verbally he says he does not recollect writing the letter and has not 
been able to find the reply. I have asked him for his reply in writ- 
ing, which he has promised to give me after making a more thorough 
search. 

The annexation element have endeavored to utilize the celebration 
of the Fourth of July in the advancement of their cause. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



No. 16. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Oresham. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 
No. 13.] July 17, 1893. 

Sir : The report which is forwarded herewith has been delayed, by 
the slowness of movements of persons interested in either party; by 
the difficulty of communication with the several islands, and by a de- 
sire to assure myself of the true import of the facts testified to from 
time to time by a great number of persons. 

Public documents had to be examined, as well as the testimony of a 
great number of witnesses, which was delayed in being transcribed 
from the stenographic notes from lack of clerical aid. This testimony 
will be promptly forwarded. 

Few quotations have been indulged in lest this paper should attain 
inconvenient length. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 101 



No. 17. 

Mr. Bio wit to Mr. Gresham,, 

Honolulu, H. L, July 17, 1893. 
Sir : On the 11th of March, 1893, I was appointed by the President 
of the United States as special commissioner to the Hawaiian Islands. 
At the same time the following instructions were given to me by you: 

Department of State, 
Washington, March 11, 1893. 

Sir: Tlie situation created in the Hawaiian Islands by the recent deposition of 
Queen Liliuokalani and the erection of a Provisional Government demands the full- 
est consideration of the President, and in order to obtain trustworthy information 
on the subject, as well as for the discharge of other duties herein specified, he has 
decided to dispatch you to the Hawaiian Islands as his special commissioner, in 
which capacity you will herewith receive a commission and also a letter whereby 
the President accredits you to the president of the executive and advisory coun- 
cils of the Hawaiian Islands. 

The comprehensive, delicate, and confidential character of your mission can now 
only be briefly outlined, the details of its execution being necessarily left, in great 
measure, to your good judgment and wise discretion. 

You will investigate and fully report to the President all the facts you can learn 
respecting the condition of affairs in the Hawaiian Islands, the causes of the revolu- 
tion by which the Queen's Government was overthrown, the sentiment of the people 
towards existing authority, and, in general, all that can fully enlighten the President 
touching the subjects of your mission. 

To enable you to fulfill this charge, your authority in all matters touching the 
relations of this Government to the existing or other government of the islands, 
and the protection of our citizens therein, is iiarainount, and in you alone, acting 
in cooperation with the commander of the naval forces, is vested full discretion and 
power to determine when such forces should be landed or withdrawn. 

You are, however, authorized to avail yourself of such aid and information as you 
may desire from the present minister of the United States at Honolulu, Mr. John L. 
Stevens, who will continue until further notice to perform the usual functions 
attaching to his office not inconsistent with the powers entrusted to you. An in- 
struction will be sent to Mr. Stevens directing him to facilitate your presentation to 
the head of the Government upon your arrival, and to render you all needed assist- 
ance. 

The withdrawal from the Senate of the recently signed treaty of annexation for 
reexamination by the President leaves its subject-matter in abeyance, and you are 
not charged with any duty in respect thereto. It may be well, however, for you to 
dispel any possible misapprehension which its withdrawal may have excited touch- 
ing the entire friendliness of the President and the Government of the United States 
towards the people of the Hawaiian Islands, or the earnest solicitude here felt for 
their welfare, tranquility, and progress. 

Historical precedents, and the general course of the United States, authorize the 
employment of its armed force in foreign territory for the security of the lives aud 
property of American citizens and for the repression of lawless and tumultuous acts 
threatening them,- and the powers conferred to that end upon the representatives of 
the United States are both necessary and proper, subject always to the exercise of a 
sound discretion in their application. 

In the judgment of the President, your authority as well as that of the commander 
of the naval forces in Hawaiian waters should be and is limited in the use of physi- 
cal f^rce to such measures as are necessary to protect the persons and property of 
our citizens, and while abstaining from any manner of interference with the domes- 
tic concerns of the islands, you should indicate your willingness to intervene with 
your friendly offices in the interests of a peaceful settlement of troubles within the 
limits of sound discretion. 

Should it be necessary to land an armed force upon Hawaiian territory on occa- 
sions of popular disturbance, when the local authority may be unable to give ade- 
quate protection to the life and property of citizens of the United States, the assent 
of such authority should first be obtained if it can be done without prejudice to the 
interests involved. 

Your power in this regard should not, however, be claimed to the exclusion of 
similar measures by the representatives of other powers for the protection of the 
lives and property of their citizens or subjects residing in the islands. 



102 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



While the United States claim no right to interfere in the political or domestic 
affairs or in the internal conflicts of the Hawaiian Islands otherwise than as herein 
stated, or for the purpose of maintaining any treaty or other rights which they 
possess, this Government will adhere to its consistent and estahlished policy in re- 
lation to them, and it will not acquiesce in domestic interference by other powers. 

The foregoing general exposition of the President's views will indicate the safe 
courses within which your action should he shaped and mark the limits of your dis- 
cretion in calling upon the naval commander for cooperation. 

The United States revenue cutter Bush is under orders to await you at San Fran- 
cisco and convey you to Honolulu. 

A stenographic clerk will be detailed to accompany you and remain subject to 
your orders. 

It is expected that you will use all convenient dispatch for the fulfillment of your 
mission, as it is the President's desire to have the results before him at the earliest 
possible day. Besides the connected report you are expected to furnish, you will 
from time to time/ as occasion may offer, correspond with the Secretary of State, 
communicating information or soliciting special instruction on such points as you 
may deem necessary. In case of urgency you may telegraph either in plain text or 
in the cipher of the Navy Department through the kind offices of the admiral com- 
manding, which may be sent to Mr. W. A. Cooper, United States dispatch agent at 
San Francisco, to be transmitted thence. 

Reposing the amplest confidence in your ability and zeal for the realization of the 
trust confided to you, 

I am, sir, your obedient servant, 

W. Q. Gresham. 

Hon. James H. Blount, etc. 

On the 29th of the same month I reached the city of Honolulu. The 
American minister, Hon. John L. Stevens, accompanied by a commit- 
tee from the Annexation Club, came on board the vessel which had 
brought me. He informed me that this club had rented an elegant 
house, well furnished, and provided servants aud a carriage and horses 
for my use ; that I could pay for this accommodation just what I chose, 
from nothing up. He urged me very earnestly to accept the offer. I 
declined it, and informed him that I should go to a hotel. 

The committee soon after this renewed the offer, which I again 
declined. 

Soon afterwards the ex-Queen, through her chamberlain, tendered 
her carriage to convey me to my hotel. This I courteously declined. 

I located myself at the Hawaiian Hotel. For several days I was 
engaged receiving calls from persons of all classes and of various polit- 
ical views. I soon became conscious of the fact that all minds were 
quietly and anxiously looking to see what action the Government of 
the United States would take. 

The troops from the Boston were doing military duty for the Provi- 
sional Government. The American flag was floating over the govern- 
ment building. Within it the Provisional Government conducted its 
business under an American protectorate, to be continued, according 
to the avowed purpose of the American minister, during negotiations 
with the United States for annexation. 

My instructions directed me to make inquiries which in the interest 
of candor and truth could not be done when the minds of thousands of 
Hawaiian citizens were full of uncertainty as to what the presence of 
American troops, the American flag, and the American protectorate im- 
plied. It seemed necessary that ail these influences must be withdrawn 
before those inquiries could be prosecuted in a manner befitting the 
dignity and power of the United States. 

Inspired with such feelings and confident no disorder would ensue, 
I directed the removal of the flag of the United States from the gov- 
^nment building and the return of the American troops to their ves- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 1 03 



sels. This was accomplished without any demonstration of joy or grief 
on the part of the populace. 

The afternoon before, in an interview with President Dole, in response 
to my inquiry, he said that the Provisional Government was now able 
to preserve order, although it could not have done so for several weeks 
after .the proclamation establishing it. 

In the evening of this same day the American minister called on me 
with a Mr. Walter G. Smith, who, he said, desired to make am impor- 
tant communication to me, and whom he knew to be very intelligent 
and reliable. Thereupon Mr. Smith, with intense gravity, informed 
me that he knew beyond doubt that it had been arrranged between 
the Queen and the Japanese commissioner that if the American flag 
and troops were removed the troops from the Japanese man of war 
N~aniica would land and reinstate the Queen. 

Mr. Smith, was the editor of the Hawaiian Star, established by the 
Annexation Club for the purpose of advocating annexation. 

The American minister expressed his belief in the statement of Mr. 
Smith and urged the importance of the American troops remaining on 
shore until I could communicate with you and you could have the 
opportunity to communicate with the Japanese Government and obtain 
from it assurances that Japanese troops would not be landed to enforce 
any policy on the Government or people of the Hawaiian Islands. 

I was not impressed much with these statements. 

When the Japanese commissioner learned that the presence of the 
Japanese man of war was giving currency to suggestions that his Gov- 
ernment intended to interfere with domestic affairs here, he wrote to 
his Government asking that the vessel be ordered away, which was 
done. He expressed to me his deep regret that any one should charge 
that the Empire of Japan, having so-many reasons to value the friend- 
ship of the Government of the United States, would consent to offend 
that Government by interfering in the political conflicts in these 
islands, to which it was averse. 

In the light of subsequent events, I trust the correctness of my action 
will be the more fully justified. 

The Provisional Government left to its own preservation, the people 
freed from any fear of free intercourse with me in so far as my action 
could accomplish it, the disposition of the minds of all people to peace 
pending the consideration by the Government of the United States as 
to what should be its action in connection with affairs here, cleared 
the way for me to commence the investigation with which I was 
charged. 

The causes of the revolution culminating in the dethronment of the 
Queen and the establishment of the Provisional Government, January 
17, 1893, are remote and proximate. A brief presentation of the former 
will aid in a fuller apprehension of the latter. 

On June 14, 1852, a constitution was granted by Kamehameha III, 
by and with the advice and consent of the nobles and representatives 
in legislative council. This instrument provided for a house of nobles, 
holding their seats for life, and that the number should not exceed 
thirty, and a house of representatives composed of not less than twenty- 
four nor more than forty members. Every male subject, whether native 
or naturalized, and every denizen of the Kingdom who had paid his 
taxes, attained the age of twenty-one years, and had resided in the 
Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the time of election was 
entitled to vote for the representative or representatives of the district 
in which he may have resided three months next preceding the day of 
election. 



104 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



For convenience the following extracts from that instrument are 
inserted here : 

Art. 32. He has the power, by and with the advice of his cabinet, and the 
approval of his privy council, to appoint and remove at his pleasure any of the 
several heads of the executive departments. ;md he may require information in 
writing from any of the officers in the executive departments, upon any subject 
relating - to the duties of their respective offices. 

Art. 35. The person of the King is inviolable and sacred; his ministers are 
responsible; to the King belongs the executive power; all laws that have passed 
both houses of the legislature, f>r their validity, shall be signed by His Majesty 
and the Kuhina Nui; all his other official acts shall be approved by the privy 
council, countersigned by the Kuhina Nui, and by the minister to whose depart- 
ment such act may belong. 

Art. 51. The ministers of the King are appointed and commissioned by him, and 
hold their offices during His Majesty's pleasure, subject to impeachment. 

Art. 72. The King appoints the members of the house of nobles, avLlo hold their 
seats during life, subject to the provision of article 67; but their number shall not 
exceed thirty. 

Art. 75. The house of representatives shall be composed of not less than twenty- 
four nor more than forty members, who shall be elected annually. 

Art. 78. Every male subject of His Majesty, whether native or naturalized, and 
every denizen of the Kingdom who shall have paid his taxes who shall have attained 
the full age of 20 years, and who shall have resided in the Kingdom for one year 
immediately preceding the time of election, shall be entitled to one vote for the 
representative or representatives of the district in which he may have resided three 
months next preceding the day of election; provided that no insane person, nor any 
person who shall at any time have been convicted of any infamous crime within the 
Kingdom, unless he shall have been pardoned by the King, and by the terms of such 
pardon been restored to all the rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote. 

Art. 105. Any amendment or amendments to this Constitution may be proposed 
in either branch of the legislature, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority 
of the members of each house such proposed amendment or amendments shall be 
entered on their journals, with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred to the 
next legislature; which proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for 
three months previous to the election of the next house of representatives. And 
if, in the next legislature, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed 
to by two-thirds of all the members of each house, and be approved by the King, 
such amendment or amendments shall become part of the Constitution of this King- 
dom. 

In November, 1863, Kamehaineha V was proclaimed King, on the 
death of Kainehameha IV. He issued a proclamation for the election 
of delegates to a constitutional convention to be held June 13, 1804. 
The convention was composed of sixteen nobles and twenty-seven 
elected delegates, presided over by the King in person. That body 
decided it had a right to proceed to make a new constitution. Not 
being in accord with the King on the question of a property qualifica- 
tion for voters, on the 13th day of August, 1861, he declared the consti- 
tution of 1852 abrogated and prorogued the convention. On the 
20th of August following he proclaimed a new constitution upon his own 
authority, which continued in force twenty-three years. 

From this the following extracts are made : 

Art. 45. The legislative power of the three estates of this Kingdom is vested in 
the King and the legislative assembly, which assembly shall consist of the nobles 
appointed by the King and of the representatives of the people, sitting together. 

Art. 57. The King appoints the nobles, who shall hold their appointments during 
life, subject to the provisions of article 53; but their number shall not exceed twenty. 

Art. 61. No person shall be eligible for a representative of the people who is insane 
or an idiot; nor unless he be a male subject of the Kingdom, who shall have arrived 
at the full age of twenty-one years, who shall know how to read and write, who 
shall understand accounts, and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for at least 
three years, the last of which shall be the year immediately preceding his election, 
and who shall own real estate within the Kingdom of a clear value, over and above 
all incumbrances, of at least five hundred dollars, or wno shall have an annual in- 
come of at least two hundred and fifty dollars derived from any property or .some 
law ful empl m ent . 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 105 



Art. 62. Every male subject of the Kingdom, who shall have paid his taxes, who 
shall have attained the age of twenty years, and shall have been domiciled in the 
Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and shall repossessed of 
real property in this Kingdom to the value over and above all incumbrances of 
one hundred and fifty dollars * — or of a leasehold property on which the rent is 
twenty-five dollars per year — or of an income of not less than seventy-five dollars 
per year, derived from any property or some lawful employment and shall know how 
to read and write, if born since the year 1840 and shall have caused his name to be 
entered on the list of voters of his district as may be provided by law, shall be en- 
titled to one vote for the representative or representatives of that district; pro- 
vided, however, that no insane or idiotic person, nor any person who shall have been 
convicted of any infamous crime within this Kingdom, unless he shall have been 
pardoned by the King, and by the. terms of such pardon have been restored to all 
the rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote. 

Art. 80. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be proposed in 
the legislative assembly, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of the 
members thereof, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on its 
journal, with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred to the next legislature ; 
which proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for three months pre- 
vious to the next election of representatives; and if in the next legislature such 
proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by two-thirds of all the mem- 
bers of the legislative assembly, and be approved by the King, such amendment or 
amendments shall become part of the constitution of this country. 

. On the .18tli of February, 1874, David Kalakaua was proclaimed 
King. In 1875 a treaty of commercial reciprocity between the United 
States and the Hawaiian Islands was ratified, and the laws necessary 
to carry it into operation were enacted in 1876. It provided, as you 
are aware, for the free importation into the United States of several 
articles, amongst which was muscavado, brown, and all other unrefined 
sugars, sirups of sugar cane, melada, and molasses, produced in the Ha- 
waiian Islands. 

From it there came to the islands an intoxicating increase of wealth, 
a new labor system, an Asiatic population, an alienation between the 
native and white races, an impoverishment of the former, an enrich- 
ment of the latter, and the many so-called revolutions, which are the 
foundation for the opinion that stable government can not be main- 
tained. 

(The deaths in all these revolutions were seven. There were also 
seven wounded.) 

The sugar export in 1870 was 26,072,429 pounds ; in 1887 it was 
212,763,647. The total value of all domestic exports was in 1876, 
$1,994,833.55, and in 1887, $9,435,204. The bounty paid on sugar by 
the United States to the sugar planters in the remission of customs on 
sugar before the McKinley bill was passed, is estimated by competent 
persons as reaching $5,000,000 annually. 

The government and crown lands were bought and leased and oper- 
ated by whites of American, English, and German origin, and the 
sugar industry went into the hands of corporations. 

From 1852 to 1876 there had been imported 2,625 Chinese, 148 Jap- 
anese, and 7 South Sea Islanders, making a total of 2,780. From 1876 
to 1887 there were imported 23,268 Chinese, 2,777 Japanese, 10,216 
Portuguese, 615 Norwegians, 1,052 Germans, 1,998 South Sea 
Islanders, making a total for this one decade of 39,926 immigrants. 
The Government expended from 1876 to 1887 $1,026,212.30 in aid of 
the importation of labor for the planters, who for the same period ex- 
pended $565, 547.74. It negotiated with various governments treaties 
under which labor was imported for a term of years to work at a very 
low figure, and under which the laborer was to be compelled by fines 



* The property qualification was removed by an amendment. 



106 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and imprisonment to labor faithfully and to remain with his employer 
to the end of the contract term. 

Of 14,439 laborers on plantations in 1885, 2,136 were natives and the 
remainder imported labor. Generally, tlie rule has obtained of bringing 
twenty-five women for every one hundred men. The immigrants were 
of the poor and ignorant classes. The Portuguese especially, as a rule, 
could not read or write and were remarkably thievish. The women of 
Japanese and Chinese origin were grossly unchaste. 

The price of all property advanced. The price of labor was de- 
pressed by enormous importations and by the efficiency accruing from 
compulsory performance of the contract by the Government. 

In the year 1845, under the influence of white residents, the lands 
were so distributed between the crown, the Government, the chiefs, and 
the people as to leave the latter with an insignificant interest in lauds — 
27,830 acres. * «* 

The story of this division is discreditable to King, chiefs, and white 
residents, but would be tedious here. The chiefs became largely indebted 
to the whites, and thus the foundation for the large holdings of the latter 
was laid. 

Prior to 1876 the kings were controlled largely by such men as Dr.* 
Judd, Mr. Wyllie, and other leading white citizens holding positions in 
their cabinets. 

A king rarely changed his cabinet. The important offices were held 
by white men. A feeling of amity existed between the native and 
foreign races unmarred by hostile conflict. It should be noted that at 
this period the native generally knew how to read and write his native 
tongue, into which the Bible and a few English works were translated. 
To this, native newspapers of extensive circulation contributed to the 
awakening of his intellect. He also generally read and wrote English. 

From 1820 to 1866 missionaries of various nationalities, especially 
American, with unselfishness, toil, patience, and piety, li ad devoted 
themselves to the improvement of the native. They gave them a lan- 
guage, a religion, and an immense movement on the lines of civilization. 
In process of time the descendants of these good men grew up in secu- 
lar pursuits. Superior by nature, education, and other opportunities, 
they acquired wealth. They sought to succeed to the political control 
exercised by their fathers. The revered missionary disappeared. In 
his stead there came the Anglo-Saxon in the person of his son, ambi- 
tious to acquire wealth and to continue that political control reverently 
conceded to his pious ancestor. Hence, in satire, the native designated 
him a " missionary," which has become a campaign phrase of wonderful 
potency. Other white foreigners came into the country, especially 
Americans, English, and Germans. These, as a rule, did not become 
naturalized and participate in the voting franchise. Business and race 
affiliation occasioned sympathy and cooperation between these two 
classes of persons of foreign extraction. 

Does this narration of facts portray a situation in a government in 
whole or in part representative favorable to the ambition of a leader 
who will espouse the native cause'? Would it be strange for him to 
stir the native heart by picturing a system of political control under 
which the foreigner had wickedly become possessed of the soil, de- 
graded free labor by an uncivilized system of coolie labor, prostituted 
society by injecting into it a people hostile to Christianity and the 
civilization of the nineteenth century, exposed their own daughters to 
the evil influences of anoverwhelming male population of a degraded 
type, implanted Japanese and Chinese women almost insensible to 
feelings of chastity, and then loudly boasted of their Christianity? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 107 



On the other hand, was it not natural for the white race to vaunt 
their wealth arid intelligence, their Christian success in rescuing the 
native from barbarism, their gift of a Government regal in name but 
containing many of the principles of freedom $ to find in the natives de- 
fective intelligence, tendencies to idolatry, to race prejudice, and a dis- 
position under the influence of white and halt- white leaders to exercise 
political domination; to speak of their thriftlessness in private life and 
susceptibility to bribes in legislative action; to proclaim the unchaste- 
ness of native women, and to take at all hazards the direction of public 
affairs from the native! 

With such a powerful tendency to divergence and political strife, 
with its attendant bitterness and exaggerations, we must enter upon 
the field of inquiry pointed out in your instructions. 

It is not my purpose to take up this racial controversy at its birth, 
but when it had reached striking proportions and powerfully acted in 
the evolution of grave political events culminating in the present 
status. Nor shall I relate all the minute details of political contro- 
versy at any given period, but only such and to such extent as may 
illustrate the" purpose just indicated. 

It has already appeared that under the constitution of 1852 the leg- 
islature consisted of two bodies — one elected by the people and the 
other chosen by the King — and that no property qualifications hindered 
the right of suffrage. The King and people through the two bodies 
held a check on each other. It has also been shown that in 1864 by a 
royal proclamation a new constitution, sanctioned by a cabinet of 
prominent white men, was established, restricting the right of suffrage 
and combining the representative and nobles into one body. This lat- 
ter provision was designed to strengthen the power of the Crown by 
removing a body distinctly representative. This instrument remained 
in force twenty -three years. The Crown appointed the nobles generally 
from white men of property and intelligence. In like manner the King - 
selected his cabinet. These remained in office for a long series of years 
and directed the general conduct of public affairs. 

Chief Justice Judd, of the supreme court of the Hawaiian Islands, 
in a formal statement uses this language: 

Under every constitution prior to 1887 the ministers were appointed by the King 
and removed by him ; but until Kalakaua's reign it was a very rare thing that any 
King changed his ministry. They had a pretty long lease of political life. My 
father was minister for seven or ten years and Mr. Wyllie for a longer period. It 
was a very rare political occurrence and made a great sensation when a change was 
made. Under Kalakaua things were different. I think we had twenty-six different 
cabinets during his reign. 

The record discloses thirteen cabinets. Two of these were directly 
forced on him by the reformers. Of the others, six were in sympathy 
with the reformers and eminent in their confidence. The great stir in 
cabinet changes commenced with the Gibson cabinet in 1882. He was 
a man of large information, free from all suspicion of bribery, politi- 
cally ambitious, and led the natives and some whites. 

It may not be amiss to present some of the criticisms against Kala- 
kaua and his party formally filed with me by Prof. W. D. Alexander, a 
representative reformer. 

On the 12th of February, 1874, Kalakaua was elected King by the 
legislature. The popular choice lay between him and the Queen Dow- 
ager. 

» In regard to this, Mr. Alexander says that "the cabinet and the 
American party used all their influence in favor of the former, while 
the English favored Queen Emma, who was devoted to their interest." 



108 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Notwithstanding there were objections to Kalakaua's character, he 
says : u It was believed, however, that if Queen Emma should be elecl ed 
there would be no hope of our obtaining a reciprocity treat v with the 
United States." 

He gives an account of various obnoxious measures advocated by the 
King which were defeated. 

In 1882 he says the race issue was raised by Mr. Gibson, and only two 
white men were elected to the legislature on the islands. 

A bill prohibiting the sale of intoxicating liquors to natives was re- 
pealed at this session. 

A $10,000,000 loan bill was again introduced, but was shelved in 
committee. The appropriation bill was swelled to double the estimated 
receipts of the Government, including $30,000 for coronation expenses, 
besides large sums for military expenses, foreign embassies, etc. 

A bill was reported giving the King power to appoint district 
justices, which had formerly been done by the justices of the supreme 
court. 

A million of dollars of silver was coined by the King, worth 84 cents 
to the dolhir, which was intended to be exchanged for gold bonds at 
par, under the loan act of 1882. This proceeding was enjoined by the 
court. The privy council declared the coin to be of the legal value 
expressed on their face, subject to the legal-tender act, and they 
were gradually put into circulation. A profit of $150,000 is said to 
have been made on this transaction. 

In 1884 a reform legislature was elected. A lottery bill, an opium 
license bill, and an $8,000,000 loan bill were defeated. 

In the election for the legislature of 1886 it is alleged that by the 
use of gin, chiefly furnished by the King, and by the use of his patron- 
age, it was carried against the reform party; that out of twenty-eight 
candidates, twenty-six were office-holders — one a tax assessor and one 
the Queen's secretary. There was only one white man on the Govern- 
ment ticket — Gibson's son-in-law. Only ten reform candidates were 
elected. In this legislature an opium bill was passed providing for a 
license for four years, to be granted by the minister of the interior with 
the consent of the King, for $30,000 per annum. 

Another act was passed to create a Hawaiian board of health, con- 
sisting of five native doctors, appointed by the King, with power to 
issue certificates to native kahunas (doctors) to practice medicine. 

A $2,000,000-loan bill was passed, which was used largely in taking 
up bonds on a former loan. 

It is claimed that in granting the lottery franchise the King fraud- 
ulently obtained $75,000 for the franchise and then sold it to another 
person, and that subsequently the King was compelled to refund the 
same. 

These are the principal allegations on which the revolution of 1887 is 
justified. 

None of the legislation complained of would have been considered a 
cause for revolution in any one of the United States, but would have 
been used in the elections to expel the authors from power. The alleged 
corrupt action of the King could have been avoided by more careful 
legislation and would have been a complete remedy for the future. 

The rate of taxation on real or personal property never exceeded 1 
per cent. 

To all this the answer comes from the reformers : "The native is unfit 
for government and his power must be curtailed." 
The general belief that the King had accepted what is termed the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 109 



opium bribe and the failure of his efforts zo unite the Sainoan Islands 
with his own Kingdom had a depressing- influence on his friends, and 
his opponents used it with all the effect they could. 

The last cabinet prior to the revolution of 1887 was anti-reform. 
Three of its members were half castes ; two of them were and are 
recognized as lawyers of ability by ali. 

At this point I invite attention to the following extract from a formal 
colloquy between Chief Justice Judd and myself touching the means 
adopted to extort the constitution of 1887, and the fundamental changes 
wrought through that instrument: 

Q. Will you be kind enough to state how this new constitution was established ? 

A. The two events which brought this matter to a culminating point were (1) 
the opium steal of $71,000 by which a Chinaman' named Aki was made by the 
King to pay him a bribe of $71,000 of hard coin in order to obtain the exclusive fran- 
chise for selling opium, and (2) the expense of the expedition to Samoa in the 
u Kaiinilea." A secret league was formed all over the islands, the result of which was 
the King was asked to promulgate a new constitution containing those provisions 
that I have before alluded to. It was very adroitly managed by the Ashfords, and 
more especially by V. V. Ashford, who obtained the confidence of the King and Mr. 
Gibson. He was the colonel of the Rifles, and he assured them that if he was paid 
a certain sum of money and made minister to Canada that he would arrange it so 
that the movement would be futile. 

Q. How was he to do that ? 

A. By preventing the use of the military, I suppose ; and he arranged with the 
military authorities and Capt. Haley that they should be called out to preserve 
public order, although it was this large and well-drilled force which made the King 
fear that if he didn't yield things would be very critical for him. 

Q. Was that a Government force ? 

A. It was organized under the laws. 

Q. A volunteer organization? 

A. Yes. 

Q. So that the men in sympathy with the movement of this secret league went 
into it and constituted it under form of law. 

A. Of course I do not know what was told the King privately, but I knew that 
he felt it would be very dangerous to refuse to promulgate the new constitution. I 
have no doubt that a great many things were circulated which came to his ears in 
the way of threats that was unfounded. 

Q. What was the outside manifestation ? 

A. One great feature of it was its secrecy. The King was frightened at this 
secrecy. It was very well managed. The judges of the supreme court were not 
told of it until just before the event took place. I think it was the 2d or 3d of 
July, 1887. 

Q. Was there then a mass meeting ? 

A. There was a large mass meeting held and a set of resolutions was presented to 
the King requiring that a new ministry be formed by Mr. W. L. Green and one other 
person, whose name I have forgotten. 

Q. Was there any display of force? 

A. The Honolulu Eifles were in detachments marched about in different portions 
of the town, having been called out by the legal military authorities. 
Q. Who were the legal military authorities? 

A. The governor of the island, Dominis, and Capt. H. Burrill Haley, the adjutant- 
general. 

Q. Were they in sympathy with the movement? 

A. No, sir; the officers of the corps were in sympathy with the movement. 
Q ■ Who were they ? 

A. Ashford andHebbard. I do not remember all. 

Q. Did the governor order them out, not knowing of this state of things? 
A. I think he did. I think he knew it, but it was to prevent, as I believe, some- 
thing worse happening. As I said, there were threats made. 
Q. Of what sort? 

A. I understood that at one time there was a very strong feeling that the King 
should be forced to abdicate altogether, and it was only the more conservative men 
born here who said that the King and the Hawaiians should have another oppor- 
tunity. 

Q. Were there not two elements in that movement, one for a republic and the 
other for restraining the power of the King? 
A. Yes. 



110 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. Were there not two forces in this movement cooperating together up to a cer- 
tain point, to wit, those who were in favor of restraining the King by virtue of the 
provisions of the constitution of 18*7 and those who were in favor of dethroning the 
King and establishing a republic ! 

A. i understand that there were, and that the more conservative view prevailed. 

Q. And the men who were in favor of a republic were discontented at the outcome? 

A. They were, and they didn't want the Hawaiians to vote at all; and the reason 
that the Portuguese were allowed to vote was to balance the native vote. 

Q. Whose idea was that — was that the idea of the men who made the new consti- 
tution ? 

A. Of the men who made the new constitution. 

Q. It was to balance the native vote with the Portuguese vote? 

A. That was the idea. 

Q. And that would throw the political power into the hands of the intelligence 
and wealth of the country ? 
A. That was the aim. 
Q. How was this military used? 
A. It was put about in squads over the city. 

Q. The officers of the corps were really in favor of the movement for the new 
constitution and were called out by Governor Dominis to preserve order? 

A. Yes. After the affair was over he was thanked by a military order from head- 
quarters. 

Q. Do you suppose that he was gratified with thanks under the circumstances? 

A. Haley said to me when he showed me the order: "It is a little funny to thank 
a man who kicked you out. but I suppose I've got to do it." 

Q. The King acceded to the demand for a new constitution and of a cabinet of 
given character ? 

A. In the first place he acceded to the proposition to make a new cabinet named 
by Mr. Green. The former cabinet, consisting of Mr. Gibson and three Hawaiians, 
had just resigned a day or two before. In three or four days the cabinet waited 
upon him with the constitution. 

Q. "What cabinet? 

A. The cabinet consisting of Mr. Green, minister of foreign affairs; Mr. Thurs- 
ton, minister of the interior; Mr. C. W. Ashford, attorney-general; and Mr. God- 
frey Brown, minister of finance. I was sent for in the afternoon of July 5 to 
fewear the King to the constitution. When 1 reached the palace they were all 
there, and the King asked me in Hawaiian whether he had better sign it or not. 
1 said, " You must follow the advice of your responsible ministers." He signed it. 

Q. This ministry had been appointed as the result of the demand of the mass 
meeting? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. And then having been appointed, they presented him with the constitution of 
1887? 
A. Yes. sir. 
Q. And he signed it? 
A. He did. 

Q. Was that constitution ever submitted to a popular vote for ratification? 

A. No: it was not. There was no direct vote ratifying the constitution, but its 
provisions requiring that no one should vote unless he had taken an oath to support 
it, and a large number voted at that first election, was considered a virtual ratifica- 
tion of the constitution. 

Q. If they voted at all they were considered as accepting it? 

A. Yes, sir. I do not think any large number refused to take the oath to it. 

Q. It was not contemplated by the mass meeting, nor the cabinet, nor anybody in 
power to submit the matter of ratification at all? 

A. No, it was not. It was considered a revolution. It was a successful revolu- 
tionary act. 

Q. And, therefore, was not submitted to a popular vote for ratification ! 

A. Yes, sir. It bad mischievous effects in encouraging the Wilcox revolution of 
1889, which was unsuccessful. I think it was a bad precedent, only the exigencies 
of the occasion seemed to demand it. 

Without adding other testimony on the mode of extorting the new- 
constitution or accepting this statement as full and unbiased, it is 
enough that it brings me to a point at which I may present important 
changes in the Hawaiian constitution and their application to the social 
and political conditions of the time. Your attention is now invited to 
the following amendments in the constitution of 18S7: 

Art. 41. The cabinet shall consist of the minister of foreign affairs, the minister 
of the interior, the minister of finance, and the attorney-general, and they shall 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. Ill 



"be His Majesty's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom: and tbej 
shall be ex officio members of His Majesty's privy council of state. They shall be 
appointed and commissioned by the King, and shall be removed by him only upon 
a vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the elective members of the 
legislature, or upon conviction of felony, and shall be subject to impeachment. No 
act of the King shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a member of the 
cabinet, who, by that signature, mates himself responsible. 

Art. 42. Each member of the cabinet shall keep an office at the seat of Govern- 
ment, and shall be accountable for the conduct of his deputies and clerks. The 
cabinet hold seats ex officio in the legislature, with the right to vote, except on a 
question of want of confidence in them. 

Art. 47. The legislature has full power and authority to amend the constitution 
as hereinafter provided, and from time to time to make all manner of wholesome 
laws, not repugnant to the constitution. 

Art. 56. A noble shall be a subject of the Kingdom, who shall have attained the 
age of twenty-five years, and resided in the Kingdom three years, and shall be the 
owner of taxable property in this Kingdom of the value of three thousand dollars 
over and above all encumbrances, or in receipt of an income of not less than $600 
per annum. 

Art. 58. Twenty-four nobles shall be elected as follows: Six from the Island of 
Hawaii: six from the Islands of Maui. Molokai. and Lanai; nine from the Island of 
Oahu; and three from the islands of Kauai and Niihau. At the first election held 
under this Constitution, the nobles shall be elected to serve until the general election 
to the legislature for the year of our Lord 1890, at which election, and thereafter, 
the nobles shall be elected at the same time and places as the representatives. At 
the election for the year of our Lord 1890, one-third of the nobles from each of the 
divisions aforesaid shall be elected for two years, and one-third for four years, and 
one-third for six years, and the electors shall ballot for them for such terms, respect- 
ively: and at all subsequent general elections they shall be elected for six years, 
The' nobles shall serve without pay. 

Art. 59. Every male resident of the Hawaiian Islands, of Hawaiian. American, or 
European birth or descent, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and 
shall have paid his taxes, and shall have caused his name to be entered on the list 
of voters for nobles of his district, shall be an elector of nobles, and shall be 
entitled to vote at any election of nobles, provided: 

First. That he shall have resided in the country not less than three years, and in 
the district in which he offers to vote not less than three months immediately pre- 
ceding the election at which he offers to vote : 

Second. That he shall own and be possessed, in his own right, of taxable property 
in this country of the value of not less than $3,000 over and above all incumbrances, 
or shall have actually received an income of not less than $600 during the year next 
preceding his registration for such election: 

Third. That he shall be aide to read and comprehend an ordinary newspaper 
printed in either the Hawaiian, English, or some European language : 

Fourth. That he shall have taken an oath to support the constitution and laws, 
such oath to be administered by any person authorized to administer oaths, or by 
any insjtector of elections : 

Provided, however, That the requirements of a three years' residence and of ability 
to read and conrprehend an ordinary newspaper, printed either in the Hawaiian,, 
English, or some European language, shall not apply to persons residing in the 
Kingdom at the time of the promulgation of this constitution, if they shall register 
and vote at the first election which shall be held under this constitution. 

Art. 60. There shall be twenty-four representatives of the people elected bien- 
nially, except those first elected under this constitution, who shall serve until the 
general election for the year of our Lord 1890. The representation shall be based 
upon the principles of equality and shall be regulated and apportioned by the leg- 
islature according to the population to be ascertained from time to time by the offi- 
cial census. But until such apportionment by the legislature, the apportionment 
now established bylaw shall remain in force, with the following exceptions, namely : 
There shall be but two representatives for the districts of Hilo and Puna on the 
island of Hawaii, but one for the districts of Lahaina and Kaanapali on the island 
of Maui, and but one for the districts of Koolauloa and Waialua on the island of Oahu. 

Art. 61. No person shall be eligible as a representative of the people unless he be 
a male subject of the Kingdom, who shall have arrived at the full age of twenty-one 
years ; who shall know how to read and write either the Hawaiian. English, or some 
European language: who shall understand accounts; who shall have been domiciled 
in the Kingdom for at least three years, the last of which shall be the year imme- 
diately preceding his election; and. who shall own real estate within the Kingdom 
of a clear value, over and above all encumbrances, of at least $500; or who shall 
have an annual income of at least $250, derived from any property or some lawful 
employment. 



112 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Art. 62. Every male resident of the Kingdom, of Hawaiian, American, or Euro- 
pean birth or descent, who shall have taken an oath to support the constitution ;in<J 
laws in the manner provided for electors of nobles; who snail have paid liis taxes, 
who shall have attained the age of twenty years; and shall have been domiciled in 
the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding the election, and shall know how 
to read and write either the Hawaiian. English, or some European language (if 
born since the year 1810), and shall have caused his name to be entered on the list 
of voters of his district as may be provided by law, shall be entitled to one vote for 
the representative or representatives of that district, provided, however, that the 
requirements of being domiciled in the Kingdom for one year immediately preceding 
the election, and of knowing how to read and write either the Hawaiian. English, 
or some European language, shall not apply to persons residing in this Kingdom ' 
the time of the promulgation of this constitution, if they shall register and vote at 
the first election which shall be held under this constitution. 

Art 63. No person shall sit as a noble or representative in the legislature unless 
elected under and in conformity with the provisions of this constitution. The 
property of income qualification of representatives, of nobles, and of eleetors of 
nobles may be increased by law, and a property or income qualification of electors 
of representatives may be created and altered by law. 

Art. 80. The cabinet shall have power to make and publish all necessary rales 
and regulations for the holding of any election or elections under this constitution 
prior to the passage by the legislature of appropriate laws for such purpose, and to 
provide for administering to officials, subjects, and residents the oath to support this 
constitution. The first election hereunder shall be held within ninety days after 
the promulgation of this constitution, and the legislature then elected may he con- 
vened at Honolulu, upon the call of the cabinet council in extraordinary session at 
such time as the cabinet council may deem necessary, thirty days' notice thereof 
being previously given. 

Art. 82. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution may be proposed 
in the legislature, and if the same shall be agreed to by a majority of the members 
thereof, such proposed amendment or amendments shall be entered on its journal, 
with the yeas and nays taken thereon, and referred to the next legislature: which 
proposed amendment or amendments shall be published for three months previous to 
the next election of representatives and nobles; and if in the next legislature such 
proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by two-thirds of all the 
members of the legislature, such amendment or amendments shall become part of 
the constitution of this Kingdom. 

These sections disclose: 

First. A purpose to take froin the King the power to appoint nobles 
and to vest it in persons having -93,000 worth of unincumbered prop- 
erty or an annual income above the expense of living of §000. This 
gave to the whites three-fourths of the vote for nobles and one-fourth 
to the natives. 

The provisos to the fourth section of article 59 and article 62 have 
this significant application. Between the years 1878 and 1880 the 
Hawaiian Government imported from Madeira and the Azores Islands 
10,216 contract laborers, men. women, and children. Assume, for con- 
venience of argument, that 2.000 of these were males of twenty years 
and upward. Yery few of them could read and write. Only three of 
them were naturalized up to 1888, and since then only five more have 
become so. The remainder are subjects of Portugal. These were 
admitted to vote on taking the following oath and receiving the accom- 
panying certificate : 

No. . 

Hawaiian Islands, 

Island of , district of , 88. 

I, , aged , a native of , residing at , in said district, do 

solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support the constitu- 
tion of the Hawaiian Kingdom promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July, 
1887, and the laws of said Kingdom. Not hereby renouncing, but expressly reserving, 
all allegiance and citizenship now owing or held by me. 



Subscribed and sworn to before me this day of , A. D. 18 — . 



Inspector of Election. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 113 



N . . 

Hawaiian Islands, 

Island of , District of , ss. 

I, the undersigned, inspector of election, duly appointed and commissioned, do 

hereby certify that , aged , a native of , residing at , in said 

district, has this day taken before me the oath to support the constitution of the 
Hawaiian Kingdom promulgated and proclaimed on the 7th day of July, and the 
laws of said Kingdom. 

Inspector of Election. 

18—. 

These ignorant laborers were taken before the election from the cane 
fields in large numbers by the overseer before the proper officer to 
administer the oath and then carried to the polls and voted according 
to the will of the plantation manager. Why was this done? In the 
language of the Chief Justice Judd, "to balance the native vote with 
the Portuguese vote." This same purpose is admitted by all persons 
here. Again, large numbers of Americans, Germans, English, and 
other foreigners unnaturalized were permitted to vote under the fore- 
going form. 

Two-thirds of this number were never naturalized, but voted under 
the above form of oath and certificate. They were citizens of the United 
States, Germany, and Great Britain, invited to vote under this consti- 
tution to neutralize further the native voting strength. This same 
action was taken in connection with other European populations. 

For the first time in the history of the country the number of nobles 
is made equal to the number of representatives. This furnished a veto 
power over the representatives of the popular vote to the nobles, who 
were selected by persons mostly holding foreign allegiance, and not 
subjects of the Kingdom. The election of a single representative by 
the foreign element gave to it the legislature. 

The power of appointing a cabinet was left with the King. His power 
to remove one was taken away. The removal could only be accom- 
plished by a vote of want of confidence by a majority of all the elective 
members of the legislature. The tenure of office of a cabinet minister 
henceforth depends on the pleasure of the legislature, or, to speak prac- 
tically, on the favor of certain foreigners, Americans and Europeans. 

Then it is declared that no act of the King shall have any effect 
unless it be countersigned by a member of the cabinet, who by that sig- 
nature makes himself responsible. Power is taken from the King in 
the selection of nobles, not to be given to the masses but to the wealthy 
classes, a large majority of whom are not subjects of the Kingdom. Power 
to remove a cabinet is taken away from him, not to be conferred on a 
popular body but on one designed to be ruled by foreign subjects. 
Power to do any act was taken from the King unless countersigned by 
a member of the cabinet. This instrument was never submitted to the 
people for approval or rejection, nor was it ever contemplated by its 
friends and promoters, and of this no man will make issue. 

Prior to this revolution large quantities of arms had been brought 
by a secret league from San Francisco and placed amongst its members. 
The first election under this constitution took place with the foreign 
population well armed and the troops hostile to the crown and people. 
The result was the election of what was termed a reform legislature. 
The mind of an observer of these events notes henceforth a division of 
the people by the terms native and foreigner. It does not import race 
hostility simply. It is founded rather upon the attempted control of 
the country by a population of foreign origin and zealously holding all©- 
10518 8 



114 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



giance to foreign powers. It had an alliance with natives of foreign 
parentage, some of whom were the descendants of missionary ancestors. 
Hence the terras u foreigner" and " missionary" in Hawaiian politics 
have their peculiar significance. 

Foreign ships of great powers lying in the port of Honolulu to pro- 
tect the persons and property of their citizens, and these same citizens 
left by their Governments without reproof for participation in such 
events as I have related, must have restrained the native mind or 
indeed any mind from a resort to physical force. Its means of resis- 
tance was naturally what was left of political power. 

In 1890 a legislature was elected in favor of a new constitution. 
The calculation of the reformers to elect all the nobles failed, owing to 
a defection of whites, especially amongst the intelligent laboring 
classes in the city of Honolulu, who were qualified to vote for nobles 
under the income clause. The cabinet installed by the revolution was 
voted out. A new cabinet, in harmony with the popular will, was 
appointed and remained in power until the death of the King in 1891. 

In 1892 another legislature was elected. Thrum's Handbook of 
Information for 1893, whose author, a reformer and annexationist, is 
intelligent and in the employ of the Provisional Government, and 
whose work is highly valued by all persons, says, concerning this elec- 
tion : 

The result brought to the legislature three rather evenly balanced parties. This, 
with an admixture of self-interest in certain quarters, has been the means of much 
delay in the progress of the session, during which there have been no less than 
three new cabinets on " want of confidence" resolutions. 

Judge Wideinann, of the national reform party, divides the legis- 
lature up thus: " Three parties and some independents. The national 
reform, reform, and liberal." There were nine members of the national 
reform party, fourteen members of the reform, twenty-one liberals, 
and four independents." 

The liberals favored the old mode of selecting nobles ; the national 
reform party was in favor of a new constitution reducing the qualifi- 
cation of voters for nobles, and the reform party was in opposition to 
both these ideas. 

There were a number of members of all these factions aspiring to be 
cabinet officers. This made certain individuals ignore party lines and 
form combinations to advance personal interests. The reform party 
seized upon the situation and made such combinations as voted out 
cabinet after cabinet until finally what was termed the Wilcox cabinet 
was appointed. This was made up entirely of reformers. Those mem- 
bers of the national reform and liberal parties who had been acting 
with the reform party to this point, and expecting representation in 
the cabinet, being disappointed, set to work to vote out this cabinet, 
which was finally accomplished. 

There was never a time when the reform party had any approach to 
a majority of members of the legislature. 

Let it be borne in mind that the time now was near at hand when 
the legislature would probably be prorogued. Whatever cabinet was 
in power at the time of the prorogation had control of public affairs 
until a new legislature should assemble two years afterwards and 
longer unless expelled by a vote of want of confidence. 

An anti-reform cabinet was appointed by the Queen. Some faint 
struggle was made towards organizing to vote out this cabinet, but it 
was abandoned. The legislature was prorogued. The reform mem- 



RErORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 115 



bers absented themselves from the session of that day in manifestation 
of their disappointment in the loss of power through the cabinet for 
the ensuing two years. 

The letters of the American minister and naval officers stationed at 
Honolulu in 1892 indicate that any failure to appoint a ministry of the 
reform party would produce a political crisis. The voting out of the 
Wilcox cabinet produced a discontent amongst the reformers verging 
very closely towards one, and had more to do with the revolution than 
the Queen's proclamation. The first was the foundation — the latter 
the opportunity. 

In the legislatures of 1890 and 1892 many petitions were filed asking 
for a new constitution. Many were presented to the King and Queen. 
The discontent with the constitution of 1887 and eagerness to escape 
from it, controlled the elections against the party which had established 
it. Divisions on the mode of changing the constitution, whether by 
legislative action or by constitutional convention, and the necessity 
for a two- thirds vote of the legislature to effect amendments, prevented 
relief by either method. Such was the situation at the prorogation of 
the legislature of 1892. 

This was followed by the usual ceremonies at the palace on the day 
of prorogation — the presence of the cabinet, supreme court judges, 
diplomatic corps, and troops. 

The Queen informed her cabinet of her purpose to proclaim a new 
constitution, and requested them to sign it. 

From the best information I can obtain the changes to the consti 
tution of 1887 were as follows : 

Art. 20. By adding to exceptions: Members of the privy council, notary public, 
agents to take acknowledgments. 

Aht. 22. By adding Princes Kawananakoa and Kalanianaoleas heirs to the throne. 

Art. 46. Changing the session of the legislature to the month of April. 

Art. 49. That the Queen shall sign and approve all bills and resolutions, even 
to those that are voted when passed over her veto. 

Art. 56. Pay of representatives raised to $500 instead of $250 for biennial term. 

Art. 57. The Queen shall appoint the nobles, not to exceed twenty-four. 

Art. 60. The representatives may be increased from twenty four, as at present, 
to forty-eight. 

Art. 62. Only subjects shall vote. 

Art. 65. The term of appointment of the supreme court judges, not for life, as 
before, but for six years. 
Art. 75. The appointment of governors of each island for four-years term. 

Her ministers declined to sign, and two of them communicated to lead- 
ing reformers (Mr. L. A. Thurston, Mr. W. O. Smith, and others) the 
Queen's purpose and the position of the cabinet. Finding herself 
thwarted by the position of the cabinet, she declared to the crowd 
around the palace that she could not give them a new constitution at 
that time on account of the action of her ministers, and that she would 
do so at some future time. This was construed by some to mean that 
she would do so at an early day when some undefined, favorable oppor- 
tunity should occur, and by others when a new legislature should 
assemble and a new cabinet might favor her policy, or some other than 
an extreme and revolutionary course could be resorted to. 

It seems that the members of the Queen's cabinet, after much 
urging, prevailed upon her to abandon the idea of proclaiming a new 
constitution. The cooperation of the cabinet appears to have been, 
in the mind of the Queen, necessary to give effect to her proclamation. 
This method had been adopted by Kamehameha Y in proclaiming the 
constitution of 18G4. The constitution of 1887 preserved this same 



116 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



form, in having the King proclaim that constitution on the recoup 
mendation of the cabinet, which he had been prevailed upon by a com- 
mittee from the mass meeting to appoint. 

The leaders of the movement urged the members of "the Qaeen's cab- 
inet not to resign, feeling assured that until they had done so the Queen 
would not feel that the power rested in her alone to proclaim a new 
constitution. In order to give further evidence of her purpose to al >an- 
don the design of proclaiming it, a proclamation was published on the 
morning of the 16th of January, signed by herself and her ministers, 
pledging her not to do so, and was communicated to Minister Stevens 
that morning. 

The following papers were among the files of the legation when 
turned over to me : 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 

Honolulu, H. I., January 16, 1803. 
Sir: I have the honor to inclose to your excellency a copy of a " By Authority" 
Notice issued this morning by Her Majesty's ministers under Her Majesty's sanction 
and approval. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, your excellency's obedient servant, 

I Samuel Parker, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

To His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

United States Envoi/ Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. 

By Authority. 

Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and 
order which have prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are 
authorized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promul- 
gation of a new constitution was under stress of her native subjects. 

Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental 
law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself. 

Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty 
in the same spirit in which it is given. 

LlLIUOKALANI. 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

W. H. Corn well, 
Minister of Finance. 

John F. Colburn, 
Minister of the Interior. 

A. P. Peterson, 
Attorney-General. 

On the same day a mass meeting of between fifteen hundred and 
two thousand people assembled, attended by the leading men in the 
liberal and national reform parties, and adopted resolutions as follows: 

Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty the Queen contained in this day's 
proclamation is accepted by the people as a satisfactory guaranty that the Govern- 
ment does not and will not seek any modification of the constitution by any other 
means than those provided in the organic law. 

Resolved, That accepting this assurance, the citizens here assembled will give their 
cordial support to the administration, and indorse them in sustaining that policy. 

To the communication inclosing the Queen's proclamation just cited, 
there appears to have been no response. On the next day, as if to 
give further assurance, the following paper was sent to Mr. Stevens : 

Sir : The assurances conveyed by a royal proclamation by myself and ministers 
yesterday having been received by my native subjects, and by them ratified at amass 
meeting, was received in a different spirit by the meeting representing the foreign 
population and interests in my Kingdom. It is now my desire to give to your ex- 
cellency, as the diplomatic representative of the United States of America at my 
court, the solemn assurance that the present constitution Avill be upheld and main- 
tained by me and ray ministers, and no changes will be made except by the methods 
therein provided. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 117 



I desire to express to your excellency this assurance in the spirit of that friend- 
ship which has ever existed hetween my Kingdom and that of the Government of 
the United States of America, and which I trust will long continue. 

LlLIUOKALANI R. 

By the Queen : 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Wm, H. Cornwell, 

Minister of Finance. 
John P. Colts urn, 

Minister of the Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney-General,. 

Iolani Palace, 

Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 
His Excellency John L. Stevens, • 

United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. 

On the back of the first page of this communication written in pencil 
is the word " Declined." Immediately under the signature of the at- 
torney-general, also in pencil, is written " 1.30 to 1.45," and at the end 
of the second and last page this sentence, written in ink, appears : 
" Eeceived at the U.*S. Legation about 2 p. m." 

The cabinet itself could not be removed for two years, and the views 
of its members were well known to be against establishing a new con- 
stitution by proclamation of the Queen and cabinet. 

Nearly all of the arms on the island of Oahu, in which Honolulu is 
situated, were in the possession of the Queen's government. A military 
force, organized and drilled, occupied the station house, the barracks, 
and the palace — the only points of any strategic significance in the 
event of a conflict. 

The great body of the people moved in their usual course. Women 
and children passed to and fro through the streets, seemingly uncon- 
scious of any impending danger, and yet there were secret conferences 
held by a small body of men, some of whom were Germans, some 
Americans, and some native-born subjects of foreign origin. 

On Saturday evening, the 14th of January, they took up the subject 
of dethroning the Queen and proclaiming a new Government with a. 
view of annexation to the United States. 

The first and most momentous question with them was to devise 
some plan to have the United States troops landed. Mr. Thurston, 
who appears to have been the leading spirit, on Sunday sought two 
members of the Queen's cabinet and urged them to head a movement 
against the Queen, and to ask Minister Stevens to land the troops, as- 
suring them that in such an event Mr. Stevens would do so. Failing 
to enlist any of the Queen's cabinet in the cause, it was necessary to 
devise some other mode to accomplish this purpose. A committee of 
safety, consisting of thirteen members, had been formed from a little 
body of men assembled in W. O. Smith's office. A deputation of these, 
informing Mr. Stevens of their plans, arranged with him to land the 
troops if they would ask it "for the purpose of protecting life and prop- 
erty." It was further agreed between him and them that in the event 
they should occupy the government building and proclaim a new gov- 
ernment he would recognize it. The two leading members of the com- 
mittee, Messrs. Thurston and Smith, growing uneasy as to the safety 
of their persons, went to him to know if he would protect them in the 
event of their arrest by the authorities, to which he gave his assent. 

At the mass meeting, called by the committee of safety on the 10th 
of January, there was no communication to the crowd of any purpose 
to dethrone the Queen or to change the form of government, but. only 



118 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN INLANDS. 



to authorize the committee to take steps to prevent a consummation of 
the Queen's purposes and to have guarantees of public safety. The 
committee on public safety had kept their purposes from the public 
view at this mass meeting and at their small gatherings for fear of pro- 
ceedings against them by the government of the Queen. 

After the mass meeting had closed a call on the American minister 
for troops was made in the following terms, and signed indiscriminately 
by Germans, by Americans, and by Hawaiian subjects of foreign 
extraction : 

Hawaiian Islands, 
Honolulu, January 16, 1893 , 

To His Excellency John L. Stevens. 

American Minister Resident: 

Sir: We, the undersigned, citizens and residents of Honolulu, respectfully repra 
sent that, in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, culminating" in the 
revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Saturday last, the public safe ry is 
menaced and lives and property are in peril, and we appeal to you and the UiiIumI 
States forces at your command for assistance. 

The Queen, with the aid of armed force and accompanied by threats of violence 
and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, attempted to proclaim a new 
constitution; and while prevented for the time from accomplishing her object, de- 
clared publicly that she would only defer her action. 

This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circumstances which 
have created general alarm and terror. 

We are unable to protect ourselves without aid. and, therefore, pray for the pro- 
tection of the United States forces. 

Henry E. Cooper, 
F. W. McChesney. 
W. C. Wilder . 

C. BOLTE, 

A. Brown, 
William O, Smith, 
Henry Waterhouse, 
Theo. F. Lansing, 
Ed. Suhr, 
L. A. Thurston, 
Johx Emmeluth, 
W.m. R. Castle. 
J. A. McCandless, 

Citizen's Committee of Safety. 

The response to that call does not appear in the files or on the rec- 
ords of the American legation. It, therefore, can not speak for itself. 
The request of the committee of safety was, however, consented to by 
the American minister. The troops were landed. 

On that very night the committee assembled at the house of Henry 
Waterhouse, one of its members, living the next door to Mr. Stevens, 
and finally determined on the dethronement of the Queen : selected 
its officers, civil and military, and adjourned to meet the next morning. 

Col. J. H. Soper, an American citizen, was selected to command the 
military forces. At this Waterhouse meeting it was assented to by 
all that Mr. Stevens had agreed with the committee of safety that in 
the event it occupied the Government building and proclaimed a Pro- 
visional Government he would recognize it as a de facto government. 

When the troops were landed on Monday evening. January 10. about 
5 o'clock, and began their march through the streets with their small 
arms, artillery, etc., a great surprise burst upon the community. To 
but few was it understood. Xot much time elapsed before it was given 
out by members of the committee of safety that they were designed to 
support them. At the palace, with the cabinet, amongst the leaders 
of the Queen's military forces, and the great body of the people who 
were loyal to the Queen, the apprehension came that it was a move- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 119 

ment hostile to tlie existing Government. Protests were filed by the 
minister of foreign affairs and by the governor of the island against 
the lauding of the troops. 

Messrs. Parker and Peterson testify that on Tuesday at>l o'clock 
they called on Mr. Stevens, and by him Avere informed that in the event 
the Queen's forces assailed the insurrectionary forces he would inter- 
vene. 

At 2:30 o'clock of the same day the members of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment proceeded to the Government building in squads and read their 
proclamation. They had separated in their march to the Government 
building for fear of observation and arrest. There was no sign of an 
insurrectionary soldier on the street. The committee of safety sent to 
the Government building a Mr. A. S. Wilcox to see who was there, and, 
on being informed that there were no Government forces on the grounds, 
proceeded in the manner I have related and read their proclamation. 
Just before concluding the reading of this instrument fifteen volunteer 
troops appeared. Within a half hour afterward some thirty or forty 
made their appearance. 

A part of the Queen's forces, numbering 221, were located at tbe 
station house, about one-third of a mile from the Government building. 
The Queen, with a body of 50 troops, was located at the palace, north 
of the Government building about 100 yards. A little northeast of 
the palace and some 200 yards from it, at the barracks, was another 
body of 272 troops. These forces had 14 pieces of artillery, 386 rifles, 
and 16 revolvers. West of the Government building and across a nar- 
row street were posted Capt. Wiltse and his troops, these likewise hav- 
ing artillery and small-arms. 

The Government building is in a quadrangular-shaped piece of 
ground surrounded by streets. The American troops were so posted 
as to be in front of any movement of troops which should approach 
the Government building on three sides, the fourth being occupied by 
themselves. Any attack on the Government building from the east 
side would expose the American troops to the direct fire of the attack- 
ing force. Any movement of troops from the palace toward the Gov- 
ernment building in the event of a conflict between the military forces 
would have exposed them to the fire of the Queen's troops. In fact, it 
would have been impossible for a struggle between the Queen's forces 
and the forces of the committee of safety to have taken place without 
exposing them to the shots of the Queen's forces. To use the language 
of Admiral Skerrett, the American troops were well located if 
designed to promote the movement for the Provisional Goverruic nt and 
very improperly located if only intended to protect American citizens 
in person and property. 

They were doubtless so located to suggest to the Queen and her coun- 
sellors that they were in cooperation with the insurrectionary move- 
ment, and would when the emergency arose manifest it by active sup- 
port. 

It did doubtless suggest to the men who read the proclamation that 
they were having the support of the American minister and naval 
commander and were safe from personal harm. 

Why had the American minister located the troops in such a situa- 
tion and then assured the members of the committee of safety that on 
their occupation of the Government building he would recognize it as a 
government de facto, and as such give it support 1 Why was the 
Government building designated to them as the place which, when 
their proclamation was announced therefrom, would be followed by his 



120 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



recognition. It was not a point of any strategic consequence. It did 
not involve the employment of a single soldier. 

A building was chosen where there were no troops stationed, where 
there was no struggle to be made to obtain access, with an American 
force immediately contiguous, with the mass of the population im- 
pressed with its unfriendly attitude. Aye, more than this — before any 
demand for surrender had even been made on the Queen or on the 
commander or any officer of any of her military forces at any of the 
points where her troops were located, the American minister had 
recognized the Provisional Government and was ready to give it the 
support of the United States troops ! 

Mr. Damon, the vice-president of the Provisional Government and a 
member of the advisory council, first went to the station house, which 
was in command of Marshal Wilson. The cabinet was there located. 
The vice-president importuned the cabinet and the military commander 
to yield up the military forces on the ground that the American minis- 
ter had recognized the Provisional Government and that there ought to 
be no blood shed. 

After considerable conference between Mr. Damon and the ministers 
he and they went to the government building. 

The cabinet then and there was prevailed upon to go with the vice- 
president and some other friends to the Queen and urge her to acqui- 
esce in the situation. It was pressed upon her by the ministers and 
other persons at that conference that it was useless for her to make 
any contest, because it was one with the United States ; that she could 
file her protest against what had taken place and would be entitled to 
a hearing in the city of Washington. Alter consideration of more 
than an hour she finally concluded, under the advice of her cabinet 
and friends, to order the delivery up of her military forces to the Pro- 
visional Government under protest. That paper is in the following 
form: 

I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against 
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain 
persons claiming to have established a provisional government of and for this King- ' 
dom. 

That I yield to the superior force of the United' States of America, whose minister 
plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to 
be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said provisional gov- 
ernment. 

Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do, under 
this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as the 
Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo 
the action of its representatives and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as 
the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 

LlLIUOKALANI, K. 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign J fairs. 
Wm. H. Corn well, 

Minister of Finance. 
Jno. F. Colburn, 

Minister of the Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney-General. 

All this was accomplished without the firing of a gun, without a de- 
mand for surrender on the part of the insurrectionary forces until they 
had been converted into a de facto government by the recognition of 
the American minister with American troops, then ready to interfere 
in the event of an attack. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 1M 



111 pursuance of a prearranged plan, the Government thus estab- 
lished hastened off commissioners to Washington to make a treaty for 
the purpose of annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. 

During the progress of the movement the committee of safety, 
alarmed at the fact that the insurrectionists had no troops and no 
organization, despatched to Mr. Stevens three persons, to wit, Messrs. 
L. A. Thurston, W. C. Wilder, and H. P. Glade, "to inform him of the 
situation and ascertain from him what if any protection or assistance 
could be afforded by the United States forces for the protection of life 
and property, the unanimous sentiment and feeling being that life and 
property were in danger.' 7 Mr. Thurston is a native-born subject 5 Mr. 
Wilder is of American origin, but has absolved his allegiance to the 
United States and is a naturalized subject; Mr. Glade is a German 
subject. 

The declaration as to the purposes of the Queen contained in the 
formal request for the appointment of a committee of safety in view 
of the facts which have been recited, to wit, the action of the Queen 
and her cabinet, the action of the Eoyalist mass meeting, and the peace- 
ful movement of her followers, indicating assurances of their abandon- 
ment, seem strained in so far as any situation then requiring the land- 
ing of troops might exact. 

The request was made, too, by men avowedly intending to overthrow 
the existing government and substitute a provisional government there- 
for, and who, with such purpose in progress of being effected, could 
not proceed therewith, but fearing arrest and imprisonment and with- 
out any thought of abandoning that purpose, sought the aid of the 
American troops in this situation to prevent any harm to their persons 
and property. To consent to an application for such a purpose without 
any suggestion dissuading the applicants from it on the part of the 
American minister, with naval forces under his command, could not 
otherwise be construed than as complicity with their plans. 

The committee, to use their own language, say: "We are unable to 
protect ourselves without aid, and, therefore, pray for the protection 
of the United States forces." 

In less than thirty hours the petitioners have overturned the throne, 
established a new government, and obtained the recognition of foreign 
powers. 

Let us see wSether any of these petitioners are American citizens, 
and if so whether they were entitled to protection, and if entitled to 
protection at this point whether or not subsequently thereto their 
conduct was such as could be sanctioned as proper on the part of 
American citizens in a foreign country. 

Mr. Henry E. Cooper is an American citizen; was a member of the 
the committee of safety; was a participant from the beginning in , 
their schemes to overthrow the Queen, establish a Provisional Govern- 
mentj and visited Oapt. Wiltse's vessel, with a view of securing the 
aid of American troops, and made an encouraging report thereon. He, 
an American citizen, read the proclamation dethroning the Queen and 
tablishing the Provisional Government. 

Mr. F. W. McChesney is an American citizen; was cooperating in 
the revolutionary movement, and had been a member of the advisory 
council from its inception. 

Mr. W. 0. Wilder is a naturalized citizen of the Hawaiian Islands, 
owing no allegiance to any other country. He was one of the original 
members of the advisory council, and one of the orators in the mass 
meeting on the morning of January 16. 



122 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Mr. C. Bolte is of German origin, but a regularly naturalized citizen 
of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Mr. A. Brown is a Scotchman and has never been naturalized. 

Mr. W. O. Smith is a native of foreign origin and a subject of the 
Islands. 

Mr. Henry Waterhouse, originally from Tasmania, is a naturalized 
citizen- of the islands. 

Mr. Theo. F. Lansing is a citizen of the United States, owing and 
claiming allegiance thereto. He has never been naturalized in this 
country. 

Mr. Ed. Suhr is a German subject. 

Mr. L. A. Thurston is a native-born subject of the Hawaiian Islands, 
of foreign origin. 

Mr. John Emmeluth is an American citizen. 

Mr. W. R. Castle is a Hawaiian of foreign parentage. 

Mr. J. A. MeOandless is a citizen of the United States — never hav- 
ing been naturalized here. 

Six are Hawaiians subjects; five are American citizens; one Eng- 
lish, and one German. A majority are foreign subjects. 

It will be observed that they sign as " Citizens' committee of 
safety." 

This is the first time American troops were ever landed on these 
islands at the instance of a committee of safety without notice to the 
existing government. 

It is to be observed that they claim to be a citizens' committee of 
safety and that they are not simply applicants for the protection of the 
property and lives of American citizens. 

The chief actors in this movement were Messrs. L. A. Thurston and 
W. O. Smith. 

Alluding to the meeting of the committee of safety held at Mr. W. 
E. Castle's on Sunday afternoon, January 15, Mr. W. O. Smith says : 

After we adjourned Mr. Thurston and I called upon the American minister again 
and informed him of what was being done. Among other things we talked over 
with him what had better be done in case of our being arrested, or extreme or vio- 
lent measures being taken by the monarchy in regard to us. We did not know what 
steps would be taken, and there was a feeling of great unrest and sense of danger 
in the community. Mr. Stevens gave assurance of his earnest purpose to afford all 
the protection that was in his power to protect life and property. He emphasized 
the fact that while he would call for the United States troops to protect life and 
property, he could not recognize any government until actually established. 

Mr. Damon, the vice-president of the Provisional Government, return- 
ing from the country on the evening of the 16th, and seeing the troops 
in the streets, inquired of Mr. Henry Waterhouse, "Henry, what 
does all this mean 1 " To which he says, if he " remembers rightly," 
Mr. Waterhouse replied, "It is all up!" On being questioned by 
me as to his understanding of the expression, "It is all up," he said he 
understood from it that the American troops had taken possession of 
the island. 

Mr. 0. L. Carter, at the government house, assured Mr. Damon that 
the United States troops would protect them. Mr. Damon was aston- 
ished when they were not immediately marched over from Arion Hall 
to the government building and became uneasy. He only saw protec- 
tion in the bodily presence of the American troops in this building. 
The committee of safety, with its frequent interviews with Mr. Stevens, 
saw it in the significance of the position occupied by the United States 
troops and in the assurance of Mr. Stevens that he would interfere for 
the purpose of protecting life and property, and that when they should 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 123 



Lave occupied the government building and read their proclamation 
dethroning the Queen and establishing the Provisional Government he 
would recognize it. 

The committee of safety, recognizing the fact that the landing of 
the troops under existing circumstances could, according to all law 
and precedent, be done only on the request of the existing Government, 
having failed in utilizing the Queen's cabinet, resorted to the new 
device of a committee of safety, made up of Germans, British, Ameri- 
cans, and natives of foreign origin, led and directed by two native 
subjects of the Hawaiian Islands. 

With these leaders, subjects of the Hawaiian Islands, the American 
minister consulted freely as to the revolutionary movement and gave 
them assurance of protection from danger at the hands of the royal 
Government and forces. 

On January 17 the following communication, prepared at the station 
house, which is one- third of a mile from the Government building 
and two-thirds of a mile from the residence of the American minister, 
was sent to him : 

Department op Foreign Affairs, 

Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, etc. : 
Sir: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government, having been informed that certain per- 
sons to them unknown, have issued proclamation declaring a Provisional Government 
to exist in opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pretended to depose 
the Queen, her cabinet and marshal, and that certain treasonable persons at present 
occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and pretending 
that your excellency, on behalf of the United States of America, has recognized such 
Provisional Government, Her Majesty's cabinet asks respectfully, has your excellency 
recognized said Provisional Government, and, if not, Her Majesty's Government under 
the above existing circumstances respectfully requests the assistance of your Govern- 
ment in preserving the peace of the country. 
We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants, 

Samuel Parker, 

Minister Foreign Affairs. 
Wm. H. Corn well, 

Minister of Finance. 
John F. Colburn, 

Minister of the Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney-General. 

In it will be observed the declaration that the Provisional Govern- 
ment is claiming to have had his recognition. The reply of Mr. Stevens 
is not to be found in the records or hies of the legation, but on those 
records appears the following entry: 

United States Legation, 

Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 
About 4 to 5 p. m. of this date — am not certain of the precise rime — the note on 
file from the four ministers of the deposed Qneen, inquiring if I had recognized the 
Provisional Government, came to my hands while I was lying sick on the couch. 
Not far from 5 p. m. — I did not think to look at my watch — I addressed a short note 
to Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Wm. H. Corn well, Hon. John F. Colburn, and Hon. A. 
P. Peterson, no longer regarding them as ministers, informing them that I had rec- 
ognized the Provisional Government. 

John L. Stevens, 
United States Minister. 

This communication was received at the station house and read by 
all of the ministers and by a number of other persons. 

After this Mr. Samuel M. Damon, the vice-president of the Provi- 
sional Government, and Mr. Bolte, a member of the advisory council, 
came to the station house and gave information of the proclamation 



i24 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and asked for the delivery up of the station house, the former urging 
that the government had been recognized by the American minister, 
and that any struggle would cause useless bloodshed. 

The marshal declared that he was able to coi^ with the forces of the 
Provisional Government and those of the United States successfully, 
if the latter interfered, and that he would not surrender except by the 
written order of the Queen. 

After considerable conference, the cabinet went with Messrs. Damon 
and Bolte to the Government building and met the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, and there indicated a disposition to yield, but said that they 
must first consult with the Queen. 

The members of the Queen's cabinet, accompanied by Mr. Damon, 
preceded by the police, and met the Queen. There were also present 
Messrs. H. A. Widemann, Paul Neumann, E. 0. Macfarlane, J. O. 
Carter, and others. 

As to what occurred there I invite your attention to the following- 
statement, made by the vice-president of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, and certified by him to be correct: 

Q. In that conversation yon asked for a surrender of the forces and the ministers 
advised it ? 

A. The different ones spoke and they all recommended it. Each one spoke. At 
first Judge Widemann was opposed to it, hut he finally changed his mind on the 
advice of Mr. Neumann. Mr. Neumann advised yielding. Each one advised it. 

Q. Was the advice of Neumann and the cabinet based on the idea that the 
Queen would have to contend with the United States forces as well as the forces of 
the Provisional Government 1 ? 

A. It was the Queen's idea that she could surrender pending a settlement at Wash- 
ington, and it was on that condition that she gave up. If I remember right I spoke 
to her also. I said she could surrender or abdicate under protest. 

Q. And that the protest would be considered at a later period at Washington? 

A. At a later period. 

# * * * * * * 

I knew it was the Queen's idea that Mr. Stevens was in sympathy with this move- 
ment. 

Q. But I am asking now as to what reasons the ministers gave for her acqui- 
escence ? 

A. It was their idea that it was useless to carry on; that it would be provocative 
of bloodshed and trouble if she persisted in the matter longer; that it was wiser for 
her to abdicate under protest and have a hearing at a later time; that the forces 
against her were too strong. 

Q. Did they indicate the United States forces in any way? 

A. I do not remember their doing so. 

Q. Do you know whether or not at that time they were under the impression that 
the United States forces were in sympathy with the revolution? 
A. Beyond an impression I know nothing definite. 

Q. What was the result of this conference with the Queen? What was agreed on ? 
A. She signed a document surrendering her rights to the Provisional Government 
under protest. 

* * * # 

She was reluctant to agree to this, but was advised that the whole sul^ect would 
come up for final consideration at Washington. 

I did tell her that she would have a perfect right to be heard at a later period. 
Q. By the United States Government? 
A. Yes. 

» 

All the persons present except Mr. Damon formally state and certify 
that in this discussion it was conceded by all that Mr. Stevens had 
recognized the Provisional Government. This Mr. Damon says be does 
not clearly recollect, but that he is under the impression that at that 
time the Provisional Government had been recognized. Save Mr. 
Damon, these witnesses testify to the impression made on their minds 
and on that of the Queen that the American minister and the American 
naval commander were cooperatiug in the insurrectionary movement r 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 125 

As a result of tlie conference, there was then and. there prepared the 
protest which has been cited. 

The time occupied in this conference is indicated in the following Ian- 
guage by Mr. Damon : 

We went over (to the Palace) between 4 and 5 and remained until 6 discussing the 
situation. 

Mr. Damon and the cabinet returned to the Provisional Government, 
presented the protest, and President Dole indorsed on the same : 

Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 

Sanford B. Dole, 
Chairman of the Executive Council of Provisional Government. 

After this protest the Queen ordered the delivery up of the station 
house, where was an important portion of the military forces, and the 
barracks, where was another force. 

The statements of many witnesses at the station house and at the 
conference with the Queen, that the reply of Mr. Stevens to the cabinet 
on the subject of recognition had been received when Mr. Damon and 
Mr. Bolte called there, and also the statements at the conference with 
the Queen that the recognition had taken place, are not contradicted 
by Mr. Damon- but when inquired of touching these matters, he uses 
such expressions as u I can not remember; It might have been so." 

Mr. Damon says that he is under the impression that he knew when 
he went to this conference with the Queen that the recognition had 
taken place. 

Mr. Bolte, another member of the Provisional Government, in a formal 
statement made and certified to by him, shows very much confusion of 
memory, but says: u I can not say what time in the day Mr. Stevens 
sent his recognition.' 7 He thinks it was after sunset. 

Mr. Henry Waterhouse, another member of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, says: "We had taken possession of the barracks and station 
house before the recognition took place." 

It will be observed that I have taken the communication of the 
Queen's ministers and the memorandum of Mr. Stevens as to his reply 
and the time thereof, to wit: "Not far from 5 p. m. I did not think 
to look at my watch." 

This information was then transmitted to the station house, a dis- 
tance of two-thirds of a mile, and before the arrival of Messrs. Damon 
and Bolte. This fact is supported by nine persons present at the inter- 
view with Mr. Damon and Mr. Bolte. Then another period of time 
intervenes beween the departure of Mr. Damon and the cabinet, pass 
ing over a distance of one-third of a mile to the Government building. 
Then some further time is consumed in a conference with the Provisional 
Government before the departure of Mr. Damon and the cabinet to the 
palace, where was the Queen. The testimony of all persons present 
proves that the recognition by Mr. Stevens had then taken place. 
Subsequent to the signing of the protest occurred the turning over of 
the military to the Provisional Government. 

Inquiry as to the credibility of all these witnesses satisfies me as to 
their character for veracity, save one person, Mr. Colburn. He is a 
merchant, and it is said he makes misstatements in business trans- 
actions. jSTo man can reasonably doubt the truth of the statements of 
the witnesses that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional Govern- 
ment before Messrs. Damon and Bolte went to the station house. 

.Recurring to Mr. Stevens's statement as to the time of his reply to the 



126 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



letter of the cabinet, it does not appear how long before this reply he 
had recognized the Provisional Government. Some witnesses fix it at 
three and some at half-past three. According to Mr. Damon he went 
over with the cabinet to meet the Queen between four and five. and. 
taking into account the periods of time as indicated by the several 
events antecedent to this visit to the palace, it is quite probable that 
the recognition took place in the neighborhood of 3 o'clock. This 
would be within one-half hour from tlie time that Mr. Cooper com- 
menced to read the proclamation establishing that Government, and, 
allowing twenty minutes for its reading, in ten minutes thereafter the 
recognition must have taken place. 

Assuming that the recognition took place at half-past 3, there was 
not at the Government building with the ProvisioDal Government 
exceeding 60 raw soldiers. 

In conversation with me Mr. Stevens said that he knew the barracks 
and station-house had not been delivered up when he recognized the 
Provisional Government; that he did not care anything about that, 
for 25 men, well armed, could have run the whole crowd. 

There appears on the files of the legation this communication: 

Government Building, 
Honolulu, January 17, 1S93. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

United States Minister Resident: 

Sir: I acknowledge receipt of your valued communication of this day, recognizing 
the Hawaiian Provisional Government, and express deep appreciation of the same. 

We have conferred with the ministers of the late government, and have made 
demand upon the marshal to surrender the station-house. "We are not actually yet 
in possession of the station-house; but as night is approaching and our forces may 
be insufficient to maintain order, we request the immediate support of the United 
States forces, and would request that the commander of the U. S. forces take com- 
mand of our military forces, so that they may act together for the protection of 
the city. 

Respectfully yours, 

Sanford B. Dole, 
Chairman Executive Council. 

After the recognition by Mr. Stevens, Mr. Dole thus informs him ot 
his having seen the Queen's Cabinet and demaded the surrender of the 
forces at the station-house. This paper contains the evidence that 
before Mr. Dole had ever had any conference with the Queen's minis- 
ters, or made any demand for the surrender of her military forces, the 
Provisional Government had been recognized by Mr. Stevens. 

On this paper is written the following : 

The above request not complied with. — Stevens. 

This is the only reference to it to be found on the records or among 
the files of the legation. 

This memorandum is not dated. 

With the Provisional Government audits forces in a two-acre lot, and 
the Queen's forces undisturbed by their presence, this formal, digni- 
fied declaration on the part of the President of the Provisional Govern- 
ment to the American minister, after first thanking him for his recog- 
nition, informing him of his meeting with the Queen's cabinet and 
admitting that the station-house had not been surrendered, and stat- 
ing that his forces may not be sufficient to maintain order, and asking 
that the American commander unite the forces of the United States 
with those of the Provisional Government to protect the city, is in ludi- 
crous contrast with the declaration of the American minister in his 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 127 



previous letter of recognition that tlie Provisional Government was in 
full possession of the Government buildings, the archives, the treasury, 
and in control of the Hawaiian capital. 

In Mr. Stevens's dispatch to Mr. Foster, No. 79, January 18, 1893, is 
this paragraph : 

As soon as practicable a Provisional Government was constituted, composed of 
four highly respectable men, with Judge Dole at the head, he having resigned his 
place on the supreme bench to assume this responsibility. He was born in Hono- 
lulu, of American parentage, educated here and in the United States, and is of the 
highest reputation among all citizens, both natives and whites. P. C. Jones is a 
native of Boston, Mass., wealthy, possessing property interests in the island, and a 
resident here for many years. The other two members are of the highest respecta- 
bility. The committee of public safety forthwith took possession of the Government 
buildings, archives, and treasury, and installed the Provisional Government at the 
heads of the respective departments. This being an accomplished fact, I promptly rec- 
ognized the Provisional Government as the de facto government of the Hawaiian Islands. 
The English minister, the Portugese charge d'affaires, the French and the Japanese 
commissioners promptly did the same ; these, with myself, being the only members 
of the diplomatic corps residing here. 

Eead in the light of what has immediately preceded, it is clear that 
he recognized the Provisional Government very soon after the proclama- 
tion of it was made. This proclamation announced the organization 
of the Government, its form and officials. The quick recognition was 
the performance of his pledge to the committee of safety. The recog- 
nition by foreign powers, as herein stated, is incorrect. They are dated 
on the 18th, the day following that of Mr. Stevens. 

On the day of the revolution neither the Portuguese charge d'af- 
faires nor the French commissioner had any communication, written 
or oral, with the Provisional Government until after dark, when they 
went to the Government building to understand the situation of 
affairs. They did not then announce their recognition. 

The British minister, several hours after Mr. Stevens's recognition, 
believing that the Provisional Government was sustained by the Amer- 
ican minister and naval forces, and that the Queen's troops could not 
and ought not to enter into a struggle with the United States forces, 
and having so previously informed the Queen's cabinet, did go to the 
Provisional Government and indicate his purpose to recognize it. 

I can not assure myself about the action of the Japanese commis- 
sioner. Mr. Stevens was at his home sick, and some one evidently 
misinformed him as to the three first. 

In a letter of the Hawaiian commissioners to Mr. Poster, dated Feb- 
ruary 11, is this paragraph : 

Sixth. At the time the Provisional Government took possession of the Government 
buildings no American troops or officers were present or took part in such proceed- 
ings in any manner whatever. ]S T o public recognition was accorded the Provisional 
Government by the American minister until they were in possession of the Govern- 
ment buildings, the archives, and the treasury, supported by several hundred armed 
men and after the abdication by the Queen and the surrender to the Provisional Government 
of her forces. 

Mark the words, " and after the abdication by the Queen and the 
surrender to the Provisional Government of her forces." It is signed 
L. A. Thurston, W. 0. Wilder, William E. Castle, J. Marsden, and 
Charles L. Carter. 

Did the spirit of annexation mislead these gentlemen. If not, what 
malign influence tempted President Dole to a contrary statement in 
his cited letter to the American minister? 

The Government building is a tasteful structure, with ample space 
for the wants of a city government of 20,000 people. It is near the 



128 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



center of a 2-acre lot. In it the legislature and supreme court bald 
their sessions and the cabinet ministers have tlieir offices. 

In one corner of this lot in the rear is an ordinary two story structure 
containing eight rooms. This building was used by the tax assessor, 
the superintendent of waterworks, and the Government survey office. 
In another corner is a small wooden structure containing two rooms 
used by the board of health. 

These constitute what is termed in the correspondence between the 
Provisional Government and the American minister and the Govern- 
ment of the United States " government departmental buildings." 

Whatever lack of harmony of statement as to time may appear in 
the evidence, the statements in documents and the consecutive order 
of events in which the witnesses agree, all do force us to but one con- 
clusion — that the American minister recognized the Provisional Gov- 
ernment on the simple fact that it had entered a house designated 
sometimes as the Government building and sometimes as Aliiolani 
Hale( sic), which had never been regarded as tenable in military opera- 
tions and was not so regarded by the Queen's officers in the disposi- 
tion of their military forces, these being at the station house, at the 
palace, and at the barracks. 

Mr. Stevens consulted freely with the leaders of the revolutionary 
movement from the evening of the 14th. These disclosed to him all 
their plans. They feared arrest and punishment. He promised them 
protection. They needed the troops on shore to overawe the Queen's 
supporters and Government. This he agreed to and did furnish. They 
had few arms and no trained soldiers. They did not mean to fight. 
It was arranged between them and the American minister that the 
proclamation dethroning the Queen and organizing a provisional gov- 
ernment should be read from the Government building and he would 
follow it with a speedy recognition. All this was to be done with 
American troops provided with small-arms and artillery across a nar- 
row street within a stone's throw. This was done. 

Then commenced arguments and importunities to the military com- 
mander and the Queen that the United States had recognized the 
Provisional Government and would support it; that for them to per- 
sist involved useless bloodshed. 

No soldier of the Provisional Government ever left the 2-acre lot. 

The Queen finally surrendered, not to these soldiers and their leaders 
but to the Provisional Government on the conviction that the Ameri- 
can minister and the American troops were promoters and supporters 
of the revolution, and that she could only appeal to the Government of 
the United States to render justice to her. 

The leaders of the revolutionary movement would not have under- 
taken itbutforMr. Stevens's promise to protect them against any danger 
from the Government. But for this their mass meeting would not have 
been held. But for this no request to land the troops would have been 
made. Had the troops not been landed no measures for the organiza- 
tion of a new Government would have been taken. 

The American minister and the revolutionary leaders had determined 
on annexation to the United States, and had agreed on the part each 
was to act to the very end. 

Prior to 1887 two-thirds of the foreigners did not become natural- 
ized. The. Americans, British, and Germans especially would not give 
up the protection of those strong governments and rely upon that of 
the Hawaiian Islands. To such persons the constitution of 188*7 



"REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 129 

declared: u We need your vote to overcome that of our own native 
subjects. Take the oath to support the Hawaiian Government, with a 
distinct reservation of allegiance to your own." Two thirds of the 
Europeans and Americans now voting were thus induced to vote m a 
strange country with the pledge that such act did not affect their citi- 
zenship to their native country. The purport and form of this affida- 
vit appear in the citations from the constitution of 1887 and the form 
of oath of a foreign voter. See page 12. 

The list of registered voters of American and European origin, in- 
cluding Portuguese, discloses 3,715; 2,091 of this number are Portu- 
guese. Ouly eight of these imported Portuguese have ever been nat- 
uralized in these islands. To this should be added 106 persons, mostly 
negroes, from the Cape Verde Islands, who came here voluntarily sev- 
eral years prior to the period of state importation of laborers. 

The commander of the military forces of the Provisional Government 
on the day of the dethroning of the Queen and up to this hour has 
never given up his American citizenship, but expressly reserved the 
same in the form of oath already disclosed and by a continuous asser- 
tion of the same. 

The advisory council of the Provisional Government, as established 
by the proclamation, consisted of John Emmeluth, an American, not 
naturalized; Andrew Brown, a Scotchnian, not naturalized; C. Bolte, 
naturalized; James F.Morgan, naturalized; Henry Waterhouse, nat- 
uralized; S. M. Damon, native; W. G. Ashley, an American, not 
naturalized; E. D. Tenney, an American, not naturalized; F. W. Mc- 
Chesney, an American, not naturalized; W. 0. Wilder, naturalized; 
J. A. McOandless, an American, not naturalized; W. R. Castle, a 
native; Lorrina A. Thurston, a native; F. J. Wilhelm, an American, 
not naturalized, 

One-half of this body, then, was made up of persons owing allegiance 
to the United States and Great Britain. 

The annexation mass meeting of the 16th of January was made up 
in this same manner. 

On the 25th of February, 1843, under pressure of British naval 
forces, the King ceded the country to Lord George Panlet, u subject to 
the decision of the British Government after full information." That 
Government restored their independence. It made a deep impression 
on the native mind. 

This national experience was recalled by Judge Widemann, a German 
of character and wealth, to the Queen to satisfy her that the establish- 
ment of the Provisional Government, through the action of Capt. Wiltse 
and Mr. Stevens, would be repudiated by the United States Govern- 
ment, and that she could appeal to it. Mr. Damon urged upon her 
that she would be entitled to such a hearing. He was the representative 
of the Provisional Government, and accepted her protest and turned it 
over to President Dole. This was followed by large expenditures from 
her private purse to present her cause and to invoke her restoration. 

That a deep wrong has been done the Queen and the native race by 
American officials pervades the native mind and that of the Queen, as 
well as a hope for redress from the United States, there can be no doubt. 

In this connection it is important to note the inability of the Ha- 
waiian people to cope with any great powers, and their recognition of it 
by never offering resistance to their encroachments. 

The suddenness of the landing of the United States troops, the read- 
ing of the proclamation of the Provisional Government almost in their 
10518 9 



130 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



presence, aud the quick recognition by Mr. Stevens, easily prepared 
her for the suggestion that the President of the United States had no 
knowledge of these occurrences and must know of and approve or dis- 
approve of what had occurred at a future time. This, too, must have 
contributed to her disposition to accept the suggestions of Judge Wide- 
man n and Mr. Damon. Indeed, who could have supposed that the 
circumstances surrounding her could have been foreseen and sanctioned 
deliberately by the President of the United States. 

Her uniform conduct and the prevailing sentiment amongst the na- 
tives point to her belief as well as theirs that the spirit of justice on the 
part of the President would restore her crown. 

Attention is now invited to the following table, showing the census 
of the Hawaiian Islands by districts and islands in 1890: 

Latest official census of the Hawaiian Islands, taken December 28, 1890, by districts and 

islands. 

HAWAII. 



Hilo.... 9,935 

Puna . 834 

Kau '. 2,577 

North Kona 1,753 

South Kona 1,812 

North Kohala 4,303 

South Kohala 538 

Haniakua 5, 002 



26, 754 



MAUI. 

Lahaina 2, 113 

Wailuku 6,708 

Haua 3,270 

Makawoo 5,266 



17, 357 

Molokai 2, 632 

Lanai 174 



OAHU. 

Honolulu 22, 907 

Ewa 2,155 

Waiauae 903 

Waialua 1,286 

Koolauloa 1, 444 

Koolaupoko 2, 499 



31, 194 



KAUAI. 

Waimea 2, 523 

Noihau 216 

Koloa 1,755 

Kawaihau >. 2, 101 

Hanalei 2,472 

Lihue 2, 792 



11, 859 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 131 



Total population, 1890, 89,990. Total population, 1884, 80,578. 

The island of Oahu, on which Honolulu is situated, appears, then, to 
have had a population of 31,194. The total population was 89,970. 
This total has been increased since by adding several thousand Japa- 
nese contract laborers. Fifty-eight thousand seven hundred and ninety- 
six, a majority of the people, lived on the other islands. 

.Nothing was known of the revolutionary movement at Honolulu in 
the other islands until several days after its accomplishment, and no 
opportunity to consider and approve or reject it has been permitted. 

Lieut. Fox, of Admiral Skerrett's staff, furnishes me the following 
information, in the shape of a memorandum, showing the movements 
of American troops to and from American vessels in Honolulu: 

Account of the forces landed from the U. S. S. Boston at Honolulu, January 16, 1893, 
together with those landed from and returned to the ship at different times : 



Landed at 4:30 or 5 p. m., January 16 — 

Three companies of blue jackets, 36 each 108 

One company marines and two musicians 32 

Musicians for battalion 12 

Officers — 9 naval, 1 marine 10 

162 

Extra men landed — 

January 24 for Camp Boston 2 

February 16 for Camp Boston 1 

March 15 for marine guard 1 

March 17 for Camp Boston 14 

18 

Total number of men and officers landed for service 180 

Returned on board : 

January 27, men 2 

January 30, men 1' 

February 3, Lieut. Young's company 35 

February 3, officers 2 

February 23, men 2 

February 27, men 2 

February 28, one marine and one blue jacket , 2 

March 1, men 1 

March 13, men 1 

March 15, men 2 

March 18, men 1 

March 20, Lieut. Coffnian's company 36 

March 20, officers 1 

March 22, men 1 

89 

Total number of men and officers returned before April 1 89 

Total number of men and officers landed before April 1 180 

Total number left on shore March 20, 1893 91 



On February 15 Lieut. Young's company landed for the admiral's review aud 
returned after the review the same day. There were 36 men in the company and 



2 officers. 

The total number of men at Camp Boston. — 

April 1, men 52 

April 1, officers 6 

April 1, marines at Government building 33 

April 1, officers 1 

Total force withdrawn from shore April 1, 1893 92 



The United States troops, it thus appears, were doing military duty 
for the Provisional Government before the protectorate was assumed, 
just as afterwards. The condition of the community at the time of the 
assumption of the protectorate was one of quiet and acquiescence, 



132 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



pending negotiations with the United States, so far as I have been 
able to learn. 

A few days before my arrival here news of the withdrawal by the 
President from the Senate of the treaty of annexation and his purpose 
to send a commissioner to inquire into the revolution was received. 

Au organization known as the Annexation Club commenced to obtain 
signatures to a petition in favor of annexation. This work has been 
continued ever since. 

The result is reported on July 9, 1893, thus: 

Headquarters Annexation Club, 

Honolulu, H. I., July 9, 1S93. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

U. S. E. E. <f M. P. 

In answer to your communication of May T would say that the names on our 
great register to date are 5,500 and that we are advised of 190 odd on rolls not yet 
entered on the other islands. 

Of those which are entered I would estimate that 1,218 are Americans, being 
90 odd per cent of the total number of Americans on the islands aud 20 odd per 
cent of those on the club rolls. 

English 251, being 26 per cent of those on the islands and 4 per cent of club rolls. 

One thousand aud twenty-two Hawaiians, being 11 per cent of those on islands 
and 18 per cent of club rolls. 

Two thousand two hundred and sixty-one Portuguese, beiug 73 per cent of Portu- 
guese on islands and 11 per cent of club rolls. 

Sixty-nine Norwegians, being 50 per cent of those on islands and 1 per cent of 
club rolls. 

Three hundred and fifty-one Germans, being 53 per cent of those on islands and 
6 per cent on club rolls. 
Others, 328, unclassified. 

I have the honor to be your obedient servant, 

J. W. Jones, 
Secretary Annexation Club. 

Compare this with the exhibit in the following table : 



The census of 1S90, by age and nationality, shoicing number of registered voters. 



Nationality. 


Under 15 
years. 


15 to 30 
years. 


30 to 45 
years. 


Over 45 
years. 


Total. 


Register- 
ed, voters. 


Hawaiian-Lorn foreigners 


10, 240 
3, 427 
6. 797 

~76 

:i5 


9. 329 
1, 744 
471 
554 
375 
293 
12 
2,862 
68 
5. 951 
7. or 9 

244 
116 


6, 716 
742 
143 
662 
515 
392 
22 

2, 426 
102 

6. 919 

5, 073 
233 
192 


8. 151 
273 
84 
487 
378 
204 
36 
1.CJ1 
30 
2, 170 
125 
86 
102 


34. 436 
6,186 

7. 495 
1,928 
1,344 
1.034 

70 

8. 602 
227 

15. 301 
12, 360 
588 
419 


- 

8, 777 

146 
637 
505 
382 

22 
2, 091 

78 




2, 233 

261 
63 
25 
9 


Other nationalities 

Total 


42 
136 


23. 51S 


29, 118 


24, 137 


13,217 ! S9,990 13,593 



Denominations, as shown bv the census of 1884, were: Protestants. 29,685; Roman 
Catholics, 20,072; and unreported, 30,821. Of this latter 17,639 were Chinese and 
116 were Japanese. At the recent census this feature of the work was omitted. 

This shows the number of registered voters and the looseness of the 
method of the Annexation Club. 

After my arrival the adherents of the Queen commenced to obtain 
signatures amongst the natives against annexation, under attacks from 
the press and annexationists of treasonable purposes. They report 
7,000 signatures. In addition to this, petition against annexation by 
whites, little circulated, contains 249 signatures. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 133 



The Portuguese ha ve generally signed tbe annexation rolls. These, 
as I have already stated, are nearly all Portuguese subjects. A major- 
ity of the whites of American and European birth who have signed the 
same roll are not Hawaiian subjects and are not entitled to vote under 
any laws of the Kingdom. 

The testimony of leading annexationists is that if the question of 
annexation was submitted to a popular vote, excluding all persons who 
could not read and write except foreigners (under the Australian bal- 
lot system, which is the law of the land), that annexation would be de- 
feated. 

From a careful inquiry I am satisfied that it would be defeated by a 
vote of at least two to one. If the votes of persons claiming allegiance 
to foreign countries were excluded, it would be defeated by more than S 
five to one. 

The undoubted sentiment of the people is for the Queen, against the 
Provisional Government and against annexation. A majority of the 
whites, especially Americans, are for annexation. 

The native registered vote in 1890 was 9,700; the foreign vote was 
3,893. This native vote is generally aligned against the annexation 
whites. No relief is hoped for from admitting to the right of suffrage 
the overwhelming Asiatic population. In this situation the annexation 
whites declare that good government is unattainable. 

The controlling element in the white population is connected with the 
sugar industry. In its interests the Government here has negotiated 
treaties from time to time for the purpose of securing contract laborers 
for terms of years for the plantations, and paid out large sums for their 
transportation and for building plantation wharves, etc. 

These contracts provide for compelling the laborer to work faithfully 
by fines and damage suits brought by the planters against them, with 
the right on the part of the planter to deduct the damages and cost of 
suit out of the laborer's wages. They also provide for compelling the 
laborer to remain with the planter during the contract term. They are 
sanctioned by law and enforced by civil remedies and penal laws. The 
general belief amongst the planters at the so-called revolution was that, 
notwithstanding the laws against importing labor into the United 
States in the event of their annexation to that Government, these laws 
would not be made operative in the Hawaiian Islands on account of 
their peculiar conditions. Their faith in the building of a cable 
between Honolulu and San Francisco, and large expenditures at Pearl 
Harbor in the event of annexation have also as much to do with the 
desire for it. 

In addition to these was the hope of escape from duties on rice and 
fruits and receiving the sugar-bounty, either by general or special law. 

The repeal of the duty on sugar in the McKinley act was regarded \ 
a severe blow ty> their interests, and the great idea of statesman- 
ship has been to do something in the shape of treaties with the United 
States, reducing their duties on agricultural products of the Hawaiian 
Islands, out of which profit might be derived. Annexation has for its 
charm the complete abolition of all duties on their exports to the United 
States. 

The annexationists expect the United States to govern the islands 
by so abridging the right of suffrage as to place them in control of the 
whites. 

The Americans, of what is sometimes termed the better class, in point 
of intelligence, refinement, and good morals, are fully up to the best 
standard in American social life. Their homes are tasteful and distin- 



134 EE PORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLAXI S. 

guished for a generous hospitality. Education and religion receive at 
their hands zealous support. The remainder of them contain good 
people of the laboring class and the vicious characters of a seaport 
city. These general observations can be applied to the English and 
German population. 

The native population, numbering in 1890 40,622 persons, contained 
27,901 able to read and write. No country in Europe, except per- 
haps Germany and England, can make such a showing. While the 
native generally reads and writes in native and English, he usually 
speaks the Kanaka language. Foreigners generally acquire it. The 
Chinese and Japanese learn to use it and know very little English. 

Among the natives there is not a superior class, indicated by great 
wealth, enterprise, and culture, directing the race, as with the whites. 
This comes from several causes. 

In the distribution of lands most of it was assigned to the King, chiefs, 
some whites, and to the Government for its support. Of the masses 
11.132 persons received 27,830 acres — about two and a half acres to an 
individual — called Kuleanas. The majority received nothing. The 
foreigners soon traded the chiefs out of a large portion of their shares, 
and later purchased from the Government government lands and 
obtained long leases on the crown lands. Avoiding details it must be 
said that the native never held much of the land. It is well known 
that it has been about seventy years since he commenced to emerge 
from idolatry and the simplicity of thought and habits and immoralities 
belonging to it. National tradition has done little for him. and before 
the whites led him to education its influence was not operative. Until 
within the last twenty years white leaders were generally accepted and 
preferred by the King in his selections of cabinets, nobles, and judges, 
and native leadership was not wanted. 

Their religious affiliations are with the Protestant and Catholic 
/churches. They are over-generous, hospitable, almost free from re- 
venge, very courteous — especially to females. Their talent for oratory 
and the higher branches of mathematics is unusually marked. In per- 
son they have large physique, good features, and the complexion of the 
brown races. They have been greatly advanced by civilization, but 
have done little towards its advancement. The small amount of thiev- 
ing and absence of beggary are more marked than amongst the best races 
of the world. What they are capable of under fair conditions is an 
^unsolved problem. 

Idols and idol worship have long since disappeared. 

The following observations in relation to population are presented, 
though some repetition will be observed: 

The population of the Hawaiian Islands can best be studied, by one 
unfamiliar with the native tongue, from its several census reports. A 
census is taken every six years. The last report is for the year 1890. 
From this it appears that the whole population numbers 89,990. This 
number includes natives or, to use another designation, Kanakas, 
half-castes (persons containing an admixture of other than native 
blood in any proportion with it), Hawaiian-born foreigners of all races 
or nationalities other than natives, Americans, British, Germans, 
French, Portuguese, Norwegians, Chinese, Polynesians, and other 
nationalities. 

(In all the official documents of the Hawaiian Islands, whether in 
relation to population, ownership of property, taxation, or any other 
question, the designation "American," u Briton," "German," or ottier 
foreign nationality does not discriminate between the naturalized citi- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 135 



zens of the Hawaiian Islands and those owing allegiance to foreign 
countries.) 

Americans number 1,928; natives and half-castes, 40,612; Chinese, 
15,301; Japanese, 12,360; Portuguese, 8,602: British. 1,344; Germans, 
1,034; French, 70; Norwegians, 227; Polynesians, 588, and other for- 
eigners, 419. 

It is well at this point to say that of the 7,495 Hawaiian-born foreign- 
ers 4.117 are Portuguese, 1,701 Chinese and Japanese, 1,617 other white 
foreigners, and 60 of other nationalities. 

There are 58.714 males. Of these 18,364 are pure natives and 3,085 
are half-castes, making together 21.449. Fourteen thousand five 
hundred and twenty-two (14,522) are Chinese. The Japanese number 
10.079. The Portuguese contribute 4,770. These four nationalities 
furnish 50,820 of the male population. 

Males. 



The Americans 1, 298 

The British 982 

The Germans : „ 729 

The French 46 

The Norwegians 135 



These five nationalities combined furnish 3,170 of the total male pop- 
ulation. 

The first four nationalities when compared with the last five in male 
population are nearly sixteenfold the largest in number. 

The Americans are to those of the four aforementioned group of 
nationalities as 1 to 39 — nearly as 1 to 40. 

Portuguese have been brought here from time to time from the 
Madeira and Azores islands by the Hawaiian Government as laborers, 
on plantations, just as has been done in relation to Chinese, Japanese, 
Polynesians, etc. They are the most ignorant of all imported laborers, 
and reported to be very thievish. They are not pure Europeans, but a 
commingling of many races, especially the negro. They intermarry with 
the natives and belong to the laboring classes. Very few of them can 
read and write. Their children are being taught in the public schools, 
as all races are. It is wrong to class them as Europeans. 

The character of the people of these islands is and must be over- 
whelmingly Asiatic. Let it not be imagined that the Chinese, Japan- 
ese, and Portuguese disappear at the end of their contract term. From 
the report of the inspector-in-chief of Japanese immigrants on March 
31, 1892, it appears that twenty "lots" of Japanese immigrants have 
been brought here by the Hawaiian Government, numbering 21,110. 
Of these, 2,517 have returned to Japan; 8.592, having worked out their 
contract term, remain, and 9,626 are still working out their contract 
term. More than 75 per cent may be said to locate here permanently. 

There are 13,067 Chinamen engaged in various occupations, to wit: 
8,763 laborers, 1,479 farmers, 133 fishermen, 74 drivers and teamsters, 
564 mechanics, 42 planters and ranchers, 776 merchants and traders, 
164 clerks and salesmen. 12 professional men and teachers, and 1,056 
in various other occupations. 

The number of merchants and traders in the entire country is 1,238. 
Of this number 776 are Chinamen and 81 are Americans. 

The largest part of the retail trade seems to be conducted by Chi- 
namen. 

Of 20,536 laborers on sugar plantations only 2,617 are Chinese. Of 
this latter number only 396 are contract laborers. 

The Portuguese population in 1884 amounted to 9,377 and in 1890 to 
8,602, a loss of 776. These have been leaving in considerable numbers 



136 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

for the past eighteen mouths, making their way generally to the United 
States. In 1800 the males were classified as to occupation thus: La- 
borers, 2,653; farmers, 136; fishermen, 3; mariners, 10; drivers and 
teamsters, 03; mechanics, 167; planters and ranchers, 17; merchants 
and traders, 56: clerks and salesmen, 13; professional men and teach- 
ers, 11; other occupations, 123; total, 3,266. On the cane plantations 
there are of male Portuguese 277 under contract and 1,651 day labor- 
ers. 

Of the population in 1892, 20,536 were laborers on sugar-cane plan- 
tations, 16,723 being Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese. Of the whole 
number, 10,991 are contract laborers. The remainder are designated 
as day laborers. The total number of laborers in the islands by the 
census of 1890 was 25,466. 

In 1890 there were 23,863 male laborers. Of this number, 18,728 
were Chinese and Japanese. At this period there were 41,073 persons 
of all occupations. Of this number, 24,432 were Chinese and Japanese. 

Of the total number of persons of European and American origin 
in the various avocations, it appears that 1,106 were Americans, 819 
British, 518 Germans, 45 French, and 200 Norwegians, making a total 
of 2,688 persons. 

The natives furnished 8,871 persons and the half-castes 884. 

The Hawaiians, therefore, may be said to have furnished 9,755. 

There are 196 persons designated as planters and ranchers. Of this 
number, 18 are Americans, 30 are British, and 6 are Germans. The 
remainder are principally Japanese, Portuguese, Chinese, and Hawai- 
ians. 

There are 5,181 persons designated as farmers. Of these 3,392 are 
natives and half-castes and 1,500 are Chinese. These two furnish 4,779, 
leaving a residue of 402 taken from all other nationalities. Of these, 26 
are Americans. 

It will be interesting if not pleasing to examine the number of the 
sexes by nationalities. 

The grand total of the population is 89,990. The male population is 
56,714, the females are 31,276. 

The natives and half-castes furnish 21,449 males and 19,174 females. 

The Chinese furnish 14,522 males and 779 females. 

The Japanese furnish 10,079 males and 2,281 females. 

The Portuguese furnish 4,770 males and 3,832 females. 

The American males are 1,298, females 630. 

The British males are 982, females 362. 

The German males are 729, females 305. 

This disparity of the sexes applies to all nationalities save the native 
race. 

The most striking feature is that the Chinese men outnumber their 
women by more than 18 to 1. 

The Japanese men outnumber their women by nearly five to one. 

In all foreign nationalities the males largely exceed the females in 
numbers. 

The natives and half-castes furnish nearly two-thirds of the women. 

For a moment let us see how far this disparity of sexes in 1884 com- 
pares with that of 1890 : 

In 18M there were 51,539 males, 29,039 females, and a total popula- 
tion of 80,578. 

In 1890 the males numbered 58,714, the females 31,276, and the total 
number was 89,990. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 137 

The males increased from 1884 to 1890,. 7,175; the females increased 
from 1884 to 1890, 2,237. 

During this period there appears to have been the following gains 
and losses by nationalities: 

Gains : Half-castes 1,968 ; Hawaiian-born foreigners (mostly Portu- 
guese), 5,455; British, 62; Japanese, 12,244. 

Losses: Natives, 5,578; Americans, 138; Germans, 566; French, 122; 
Portuguese, 775; Norwegians, 135; Chinese, 2,638; Polynesians, 368. 

The net gain is 9,412. Had it not been for the large importation of 
Japanese for plantation laborers there would have been a net ioss of 
2,832. 

There was a net loss of Europeans and Americans combined num- 
bering 899. 

While the population is increasing in numbers the per cent of 
females is largely decreasing. 

In 1866 the percentage of females was 45.25; in 1872 it was 44.37 ; in 
1878, 41.19; in 1884, 36.04; in 1890, 34.75. 

This condition has been reached by the importation of contract labor 
by the Hawaiian Government for the sugar plantations. 

In 1890 there was in the island of Oahu a population of 31,194. Of 
this number 1,239 were Americans. 

There was in the island of Hawaii a population of 26,754. Of this 
number 289 were Americans. 

In the islands of Molokai and Lanai there was a population of 2,826. 
Of this number 23 were Americans. 

In the island of Maui there was a population of 17,357. Of this num- 
ber 211 were Americans*. 

In the islands of Kauai and Mihau there was a population of 11,859. 
Of this ndmber 112 were Americans. 

The total population was 89,990. Of this number 1,928 were Amer- 
icans. 

It appears that in 1890, the period of the last census, in a population 
of 89,990 persons 51,610 were uuable to read and write. The natives 
and half-castes, numbering 40,622, had 27,901 able to read and write. 

The Chinese, with a population of 15,301 persons, had 13,277 unable 
to read and write. 

The Japanese, with a population of 12,360, had 12,053 persons unable 
to read and write. 

The Portuguese, with a population of 8,602, had 6,276 unable to read 
and write. 

The minister of finance informs me that the taxes paid by Americans 
and Europeans amount to $274,516.74; those by natives, $71,386.82; 
half-castes, $26,868.68; Chinese, $87,266.10; J apanese, $67,326.07 : other 
nationalities, $729.82. 

He also informs me that the acreage on which taxes are paid by 
various nationalities is : 

Europeans and Americans, 1,052,492 acres; natives, 257,457 acres; 
half-castes, 531,545 acres; Chinese, 12,324 acres; Japanese, 200 acres; 
other nationalities, none. 

The surveyor- general reports the Crown lands for 1893 as contain- 
ing 915,288 acres. Of these he reports 94,116 acres available for lease. 
Of this latter number only 47,000 acres are reported to be good arable 
land. He likewise reports the Government land as containing 828,370 
acres. He reports these estimated in 1890 to be worth $2,128,850. 
The annual income from them is $67,636. Of this income, $19,500 is 
from wharfage and $7,800 from rent of land with buildings thereon. 



138 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The cane and arable land is estimated at 35,150 acres. 
It is important here to recall his statement made to the legislature 
in 1891, in the following language : 

Most Government lands at the present time consist of mere remnants left here 
and there, and of the worthless and unsalable portions remaining after the rest had 
been sold. 

And in the same communication he declares that between the years 
1850 and I860 nearly all the desirable Government land was sold, gen- 
erally to natives. 

In 1890 the census report discloses that only 4,695 persons owned 
real estate in these islands. With a population estimated at this time 
at 95,000, the vast number of landless people here is discouraging to 
the idea of immigrants from the United States being able to find 
encouragement in the matter of obtaining homes in these islands. 

The landless condition of the native population grows out of the 
original distribution and not from shiftlessness. To them homesteads 
should be offered rather than to strangers. 

The census reports of the Hawaiian Islands pretend to give the 
native population from the period when Capt. Cook was here until 
1890. These show a rapid diminution in numbers, which, it is claimed, 
indicate the final extinction of the race. Very many of these reports 
are entirely conjectural and others are carelessly prepared. That of 
1884 is believed by many intelligent persons here to overstate the native 
strength and, of course, to discredit any comparison with that of 1890. 

All deductions from such comparisons are discredited by an omission 
to consider loss from emigration. Jarvis, in his history of the Hawaiian 
Islands, published in 1847, says : 

Great numbers of healthy Hawaiian youth have left in whale ship's and other 
vessels and never returned. 

The number annually afloat is computed at 3,000. At one time 400 
were counted at Tahiti, 500 in Oregon, 50 at Paita, Peru,, besides 
unknown numbers in Europe and the United States. 

In 1850 a law was passed to prohibit natives from leaving the islands. 
The reason for it is stated in the following preamble : 

Whereas, by the census of the islands taken in 1849, the population decreased at 
the rate of 8 per cent in 1848, and by the census taken in 1850 the population de- 
creased at the rate of 5 f per cent in 1849; whereas the want of labor is severely 
felt by planters and other agriculturists, whereby the price of provisions and other 
produce has been unprecedentedly enhanced, to the great prejudice of the islands ; 
whereas, many natives have emigrated to California and there died, in great 
misery : and, whereas, it is desirable to prevent such loss to the nation and such 
wretchedness to individuals, etc. 

This act remained in force until 1887., How effective it was when it 
existed there is no means of ascertaining. How much emigration of 
the native race has taken place since its repeal does not appear to 
have been inquired into by the Hawaiian Government. Assuming 
that there has been none and that the census tables are correct, except 
that of 1884, the best opinion is that the decrease in the native popula- 
tion is slight now and constantly less. Its final extinction, except by 
amalgamation with Americans, Europeans, and Asiatics, may be dis- 
pensed with in all future calculations. 

My opinion, derived from official data and the judgment of intelligent 
persons, is that it is not decreasing now and will soon increase. 

The foregoing pages are respectfully submitted as the connected 
report indicated m your instructions. It is based upon the statements 



EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 139 



of individuals and the examination of public documents. Most of chese 
are hereto annexed. 

The partisan feeling naturally attaching to witnesses made it neces- 
sary for me to take time for forming a correct judgment as to their 
character. All this had to be done without the counsel of any other 
person. 

Mindful of my liability to error in some matters of detail, but be- 
lieving in the general correctness of the information reported and con- 
clusions reached, I can only await the judgment of others. 
I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



Ko. 18. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. GresJiam. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 
No. 14.] July 19, 1893. 

Sir : On the 28th ultimo I sent through Mr. Mills a communication 
to President Dole, a copy of which is inclosed herewith. 

Mr. Mills reported that President Dole said he did not remember the 
letter to Mr. Stevens: that he would examine his papers and see if a 
reply to such communication could be found. He asked if such a paper 
was in the legation. 

A copy of the letter in question was sent to you with my No. 11 of 
the 28th ultimo. 

The omission of a reference to the admission of Mr. Stevens's recog- 
nition was done to avoid informing him of my knowledge of this fact. 

A great effort has been continuously made to suppress such informa- 
tion. Absolute falsehoods have in some instances been iesorted to by 
men of whom better conduct would have been expected. 

Since Mr. Mills's conversation with President Dole I called on him in 
person and asked him if he would not give me a reply to my letter. He 
said he desired to talk with Mr. Damon, who had charge of some of their 
private papers, which he had locked up in his bank, before he answered 
me. 

This was several days ago and I presume I shall hear nothing fur- 
ther from him on the subject. 

Mr. W. O. Smith said to me on one occasion that he thought Mr. 
Stevens had given to President Dole the letter of recognition of the 
Provisional Government to be used on the happening of some event. 
He represented that the matter was in his mind vaguely. This was 
repeated on another occasion. It is quite possible that this reply may 
in some way bring out other facts, and for that reason it is not desired 
to furnish it. 

There is a habit of mind amongst all people here, no matter how 
careful of their conduct in other respects, to exaggerate and mislead in 
political questions, and especially in relation to the present condition 
of affairs. 

Some of the papers from the United States arriving here contain a 
letter of ex-Queen Liliuokalani to Mr. Stevens, dated January 17, 



140 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLAND'S. 



1893, published as part of his speech in Augusta, Me., on the 29th 
ultimo. 

It was a legation paper, and I can not understand by what means 
he acquired permission to make it public, and so have deemed it my 
duty to call your attention to it. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



[Inclosure in No. 14.] 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Dole. 

Legation of the United States, 

Honolulu, June 28, 1893. 
Sir: Please be kind enough to send me a copy of Mr. Stevens's reply to a letter 
addressed to him by you as chairman of the executive council on the 17th of January 
last, in which you request the immediate support of the United States forces, and 
that the commander of those forces take command of your military forces so that 
they may act together for the protection of the city. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United State*. 
His Excellency Sanford B. Dole, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



No. 19. 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham, 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 
No. 15.] ■ July 26, 1893. 

Sir: On the 28th ultimo 1 forwarded to you a copy of a % letter from 
President Dole to Mr. Stevens. On it was the entry, "The above 
request not complied with. Stevens." 

On the same day I addressed a communication to Mr. Dole, asking 
for Mr. Stevens's reply to this letter. 

On the 20th instant Mr. Dole inclosed me the communication annexed 
hereto, (Inclosure No. 1). 

This reply of Mr. Stevens is nowhere to be found in the legation 
records or files. 

I inclose also a communication (Inclosure No. 2) containing infor- 
mation from the archives of the Hawaiian Islands, sent me by Mr. 
W. D. Alexander, at my request, thinking it might be of some histori- 
cal value. 

The public in the United States has been led to believe that Mr. Marcy 
had shown great individuality and sagacity as secretary of state in 
his well-nigh consummated treaty of annexation of these islands. 

These Hawaiian papers disclose that the project originated with the 
King of the Hawaiian Islands from fears of the loss of their indepen- 
dence through various causes. 
I am, etc., 

James H. Blount, 
Special Commissioner of the United States. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 141 



[Inclosure 1 in No. 15.] 

Mr. Dole to Mr. Blount. 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 
Honolulu. Hawaiian Islands, July 20, 1893. 
Sir: Your communication of June 28, requesting a copy of Mr. Stevens's reply 
to a letter addressed to him by me, as chairman of the executive council, on the 
17th of January last, in which I request the immediate support of the United 
States forces and that the commander of these forces take command of our forces, 
so that they may act together for the protection of the city has been received. My 
delay in replying nas been in consequence of my failure to find the letter mentioned 
and my hope of eventually procuring it. To-day I have succeeded in finding this 
letter and herevrith forward you a copy thereof. 
I have, etc., 

Sanford B. Dole, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

His Excellency James H. Blount, 

United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenijmtentiary, Honolulu, 



[Inclosure in inclosure 1 in No. 15.] 

Mr. Stevens to Mr. Dole. 

United States Legation, 

Honolulu. January 17, 1893. 
Think Capt. Wiltse will endeavor to maintain order and protect life and property, 
but do not think he would take command of the men of the Provisional Government. 

Will have him come to the legation soon as possible and take his opinion and 
inform you as soon as possible. 
Yours, truly, 

John L. Stevens. 



[Inclosure 2 to No. 15.] 
W. D. Alexander to Mr. Blount. 

Sir: I have the honor to submit to you the following account of the circumstances 
attending the uncompleted treaty of annexation, negotiated in 1854 between Hon. 
D. L. Gregg, representing the United States, and his excellency, R. C. Wyllie, repre- 
senting the King of the Hawaiian Islands. 

I will first briefly mention some of the causes which led to the application made 
a j Kamehanieha III and his cabinet in 1854 for annexation to the United States. 

the application for a protectorate in 1851. 

The subject of annexation to the United States was first seriously considered in 
the islands in 1851. M. Em. Perrin had been sent to Honolulu as commissioner of 
France, in the corvel je Serieuse, which arrived at Honolulu December 13, 1850, and 
remained in port three months without exchanging salutes with the fort. 

He persisted in pressing again the famous ten demands, presented by Admiral De 
TTomelin in 1849, and his attitude was so menacing that the King and privy council 
were finally driven to seek protection from the United States. 

As is stated in my "Brief History of the Hawaiian People," p. 270, they passed a 
proclamation, March 10, 1851, placing the islands provisionally under the protec- 
tion of the United States. 

On the next day a conditional deed of cession of the Kingdom to the United 
States was drawn up, signed, and delivered in a sealed envelope to Hon. L. Sever- 
ance, the commissioner of the United States, by two of the King's ministers. This 
was to be opened and acted upon only in case of an emergency, the signal of which 
was to be the raising of the flag of the United States above' that of Hawaii over 
the fort. In that case the sovereignty of the islands was to be ceded to the United 
States, to be held in trust until a settlement of their relations with France, " com- 
patible with the King's rights as an independent sovereign/' could be made, and if 
this should be found to be impracticable the said protectorate was to be declared 
perpetual. 



142 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The U. S. S. Vandalia, Capt. Gardner, was in port at the time. The deed of 
cession Avas accepted by Mr. Severance provisionally, and referred to his Govern- 
ment. Mr. W. C. Park, the marshal, was directed to have the Hawaiian and 
American flags sewed together, and kept in readiness to be hoisted at a moment's 
notice. He remained in the fort night and day, on the watch, during the 15th and 
16th of March. By some means, the British consul-general learned of what had been 
done, and informed M. Perrin, who thereupon withdrew the most obnoxious of his 
demands; and a joint declaration, comprising four articles, was signed by both 
parties March 25. 

It appears, however, that M. Perrin used language in his later dispatches which 
threatened to reopen questions that had been supposed to be closed. An appeal to 
the President of the United States was therefore drawn up and presented to Mr. 
Severance, which was taken to Washington by Hon. E. H. Allen, then United States 
consul, who sailed on this mission April 4. M. Perrin left for Paris May 24 to obtain 
fresh instructions, and did not return until January 8, 1853. Nothing more was ever 
heard of the rest of the ten demands. Mr. Webster, the United States Secretary of 
State, made strong representations to the French Government on the subject, but 
directed Mr. Severance to return to the Hawaiian Government the deed of cession, 
which had been placed in his keeping. 

A joint resolution was passed by both houses of the Hawaiian Legislature June 
21, 1851, confirming the action of the privy council, and empoweriug the King 
and privy council to pla ce the Kingdom under the protection of some friendly power, 
if necessary, "to shield it from insult and oppression." 

In the following year, in framing the new constitution, a clause was inserted in 
Article 39, which empowered the King, by and with the approval of his cabinet and 
privy council, to even alienate his Kingdom "if indispensable to free it from the 
insult and oppression of any foreign power." This shows that the apprehension of 
some impending danger was still present to the minds of the King and his advisers. 

FILIBUSTERS. 

The discovery of gold in California in 1848, which led to the speedy settlement of 
that State and to the opening of new routes across the American continent, ushered 
in a new era in the history of the Hawaiian Islands. It opened a new market for 
their productions, and brought them into closer commercial relations with the 
United States. Communication became frequent between them and California, and 
American capital began to be largely invested here. 

At that time California was resorted to by numerous lawless adventurers, who 
planned a number of raids or filibustering expeditions into the neighboring coun- 
tries. The notorious Gen. Walker headed a raid of this kind into Lower California 
in 1853, and others into Nicaragua in 1855 and in 1861, in the last of which he was 
taken prisoner and shot. 

The Hawaiian Government received many warnings in the fall of 1851 that a band 
of filibusters was being organized to invade this Kingdom. At the request of the 
cabinet the U. S. S. Vandalia, Capt. Gardner, was kept at Honolulu ready to 
seize any suspicious vessel, and a body of 100 native troops was drilled for several 
months by Lieut. Read of the Vandalia. 

About 25 suspicious characters, headed by Sam Brannan, came down from Sa» Fran- 
cisco in November 1851, in the ship Game Cock. During the voyage the mail bag 
was rifled by members of the party and the letters thrown overboard. They were 
under the false impression that this country was ripe for revolution, and that the 
King was ready to sell his Kingdom and to retire from the cares of state. But they 
soon found that they had been deceived in regard to the feeling of the natives, and 
that the officers and men of the whaling fleet were also hostile to them. They were 
closely watched; the King declined to see them, and the expedition ended in a 
fiasco. 

During the years 1853-54 the country was disquieted by frequent rumors of fili- 
bustering expeditions being fitted out, and British and American ships of war were 
kept in port much of the time as a safeguard. Mr. Wyllie strongly advocated the 
plan of organizing a force of 5,000 militia, to consist of natives armed with pikes, 
and a small contingent of cavalry, together with 100 regular troops, for defense 
against filibusters, but it was rejected by the privy council. 

THE POLITICAL AGITATION OF 1853. 

During the years 1851-54 a considerable immigration from California took place. 
It embraced many restless, ambitious spirits, some of whom came for the purpose of 
exciting revolution. They found the foreign community already split into factions, 
between which bitter feuds existed of long standing. Many of the newcomers 
naturally joined the opposition party, which claimed to be the liberal and progress- 
ive element in the country. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 143 



The plan of the leaders of the new movement seems to have been to reconstruct 
the Government; and then to tnrn it over to the United States. A secret committee 
of thirteen was appointed to carry out their designs. Their first object was to bring 
about the removal of two of the ministers, viz: Messrs. Armstrong and Judd. The 
unsuccessful attempt to make political capital out of the smallpox epidemic of 1853 
was disgraceful to all engaged in it. At the same time an active agitation was com* 
menced in favor of annexation, and the two obnoxious ministers were accused of 
being an obstacle in the way of it. 

Threats were freely used to intimidate the King and chiefs into dismissing them. 

In August a memorial in favor of annexation was presented to the King, which 
was signed by seventeen respectable residents, who were supporters of the cabinet. 
This called out a card, published September 10, signed by Revs. E. W. Clark and 
P. J. Gulick, declaring that "the Protestant missionaries at the islands have never 
engaged in any scheme of annexation. It has been their cherished wish that the 
Government may remain independent under the present constitution and rulers. 
Whatever may have been done by merchants, planters, and others, the Protestant 
clergymen at the islands have neither advised nor signed any memorial to the King 
touching annexation." In a letter published in August, 1864, Mr. Clark stated that at 
the annual convocation in May, 1853, he had frequent conversations with other mis- 
sionaries on this engrossing subject. " Not one of them expressed an opinion in its 
favor, but on the contrary, they did express doubts as to its expediency, and grave 
apprehensions of disaster to the natives from the influx of lawless and unprincipled 
foreigners." With this agreed the known views of the French Catholic priests. 

The memorial created no little excitement among the British and French resi- 
dents. The representatives of Great Britain and France solicited an audience with 
the King and privy council, which was granted September 1, when they presented 
a joint address to the King, protesting against any attempt to annex the islands to 
any foreign power as in contravention of existing treaties, as well as unconstitu- 
tional. This was replied to in an able dispatch addressed to the minister of for- 
eign affairs by the United States commissioner, September 3. 

A few days later the whole Cabinet resigned, but were all reappointed, with the 
exception of Dr. Judd, who was succeeded by Hon. E. H. Allen, whose appointment 
gave general satisfaction, and caused no change in the policy of the cabinet. The 
result was a virtual defeat of the schemes of the "thirteen." 

GROWTH OF ANNEXATION SENTIMENT, 1854. 

Hon. L. Severance, the United States commissioner, returned to the United States 
in December, 1853, and was succeeded by Hon. D. L. Gregg, of Illinois, who arrived 
in Honolulu January 6, 1854. 

Meanwhile the sentiment in favor of annexation seems to have been growing in 
strength. There were strong commercial reasons in its favor. Three-fourths of 
the business was in the hands of Americans, and the chief market of the islands was 
then, as now, the Pacific coast of the United States. The hope of it stimulated 
speculation, and led to new enterprises, some of which were afterwards abandoned. 

The fearful decrease of the native population (several thousands of whom had 
been carried off by the fatal epidemic of 1853), the rapid extinction of the order of 
chiefs, who were the natural -leaders of their race, the relapse of the King into 
habits of gross intemperance, and the perils from without overhanging the feeble 
Government disheartened many true friends of the nation and led them to favor the 
preliminary steps then taken towards annexation. The objections of the mission- 
aries to that measure have already been stated. They feared that the rights of the 
natives might be trampled upon and their interests sacrificed. A new and liberal 
constitution had just been adopted (in 1852) and they fondly hoped that the natives 
would soon learn how to use their newly-granted lands and political rights. 

The ministry, as a whole, favored annexation, but Mr. Wyllie acquiesced in it 
unwillingly and only as a last resort in the case of an emergency. During the two 
following reigns he developed a decided antipathy to American influence and Ameri- 
can ideas. 

The King, however, strongly favored annexation. He had long been harassed by 
the threats of foreign powers; he had once been dethroned by a British naval force; 
he had repeatedly been compelled to make humiliating concessions at the cannon's 
mouth ; he had recently seen his fort dismantled and his beautiful yacht carried off, 
and his difficulties with France still remained unsettled. At the same time he was 
kept in a state of alarm by rumors of filibusters from abroad and threats of con- 
spirators at home to overturn his Government. He was deeply grateful for the 
constant and generous friendship of the United States and for the benefits which 
his people had received from American citizens. Besides, he had reason to expect 
for himself and his chiefs a sum equal to the revenue of his Kingdom and for his 
people all the rights of a free State in the Union. As far as is known, most of 
the high chiefs agreed with him. 



144 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The heir opjarent, Prince Alexander Liholiho, however, was at heart opposed to 
the treaty, and interposed every possible delay to its completion. It is said that he 
and his brother, Lot Kamehanieha. never forgave some incivility whi» h they had 
experienced on account of their color when traveling in America. He was also 
moved by a laudable pride of country, a natural desire to reign, and a partiality to 
England and her institutions. 

The mass of the native population was never consulted, and was indifferent on 
the subject. Race antagonism had not yet been developed to any extent. A news- 
paper in the Hawaiian language, called the Nulion, edited by a Mr. Marsh, was 
started in February, 1854, to prepare the native mind for annexation, and was con- 
tinued for six months. Another memorial on the subject, numerously signed, was 
presented to the King in January. 1854. It is singular that hardly an allusion to the 
subject can be found in the Honolulu papers of the time, and none in any of the 
official reports of the minister of foreign affairs. 

NEGOTIATION OF THE TREATY. 

In February, 1854. the matter took a more definite shape. On the 6th of that 
month, in view of danger from filibusters and conspirators, the King commanded 
Mr. Wyllie to ascertain on what terms a treaty of annexation could be negotiated to 
be used as a safeguard to meet any sudden danger that might arise. Every proposi- 
tion was to be considered by the cabinet and Prince Liholiho, and the treaty as a 
whole was to be submitted to His Majesty for his approval, modification, or rejection. 

The negotiations were carried on between Mr. Wyllie and Mr. Gregg with the 
utmost secrecy. At the second meeting. February 11, Mr. Gregg agreed to pro- 
ceed with 'a negotiation ad referendum, and wrote to the United States Secretary of 
State for instructions. 

A basis for negotiations, framed by Judge Lee and approved by the King and his 
ministers, was afterwards presented to Mr. GTegg, guarantying to Hawaiian sub- 
jects all the rights of American citizens, providing for the admission of the Hawaiian 
Islands as a State into the Union, for a due compensation to the King and chiefs, 
and a liberal sum for the support of schools. The amount of compensation to be 
ashed for had been referred to a committee, who recommended that a lump sum, 
viz, $300,000, be distributed in the fonn of annuities by the King and his council. 
At their sixth meeting, June 1, Mr. Gregg stated that he had received full powers 
and instructions from his own Government. At Mr. Wyllie's request he then pro- 
ceeded to draft an outline of the treaty. He was furnished with detailed statements 
of the property owned by the Hawaiian Government and of the salaries paid by it. 
An interval of two months followed, during which the treaty made very little prog- 
ress. 

In a private letter from Mr. Wyllie to Judge Lee, dated June 23, he says: "'The 
treaty is now before Prince Liholiho, with all the amendments suggested by you. 
To be able to save the King and chiefs and people at a moment's warning it is 
desirable that the treaty should be concluded diplomatically — I mean signed by the 
plenipotentiaries, but subject to future ratification." Again. July 11, Mr. Wyllie 
writes to Judge Lee as follows: u Liholiho keeps out of the way, and he has not 
returned the treaties, though I have often asked him for them. Of my draft I have 
no copy." . ~ 

The Fourth of July was celebrated at Honolulu this year with unusual enthusi- 
asm, and in Mr. Gregg's oration allusion was made to the prospect that a new star 
would soon be added to the constellation of States. 

On the 17th of July a combined British and French fleet of eight vessels arrived 
from Callao, on their way to attacktke Russian fortress of Petropaulovski. The two 
admirals and their officers had a reception at the palace, at which the French 
admiral said, at M. Perrin's suggestion, that he hoped there was no thought of alien- 
ating the sovereignty of the Kingdom, as that would lead to difficulties with France 
and England, which it would be wise to avoid. The King made no reply. 

In a letter from Mr. Gregg to the United States Secretary of State, dated July 26, 
he states that "a meeting was held on the 17th. at which Prince Alexander was pres- 
ent, when it was agreed that the minister of foreign affairs should immediately 
proceed, if possible, to arrange and sign a treaty to be submitted to the King for 
ratification. Mr. Wyllie called on me the next day and we had several conferences, 
but without as yet arriving at any definite result. Prince Alexander is responsible 
for all past delay and he will not hesitate to incur the responsibility of still more, 
unless his mind is brought tothe conviction thatit is impossible for him ever to weara 
crown. * * * If a treaty is once signed he will not oppose its ratification directly 
and openly, but strive to postpone it to the last moment compatible with safety." 

The two principal difficulties were, first, the objection of the Hawaiian authorities 
to a territorial form of government^ and, secondly, the question as to the amount of 
the annuities to be paid, the Hawaiian Government insisting on $300,000 as a sins 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 145 



qua now. One article provided for the payment of $75,C00 per annum for ten years 
for educational purposes, one-third of which was to be capitalized for the support 
of a college or university. 

Judge Lee expressed his views in regard to the treaty in a letter to Mr. Wyllie, 
dated August 29, in which he stated that it was "the wish of the King and chiefs 
to be admitted as a State, and they must not be deceived by any ambiguity in the 
phraseology of the treaty. They wish by this article to shield the nation from 
slavery, and it would be dishonorable to leave so vital, a question involved in any 
doubt." At that time the repeal of the Missouri compromise had begun to be agi- 
tated in Congress and party feeling was intense. It is said that Senator Sumner 
wrote to an influential missionary in the islands warning the King aud natives 
against annexation on the ground that it would lead to the introduction of slavery 
into their country. An article to this effect appeared in the New York Tribune of 
July 20, 1854, and caused much excitement at the islands. 

Mr. Gregg conceded the two disputed points, "ad referendum:" and a copy of the 
treaty as completed was laid before the King in cabinet council September 4 and 
fully explained to him in all its details. He fully approved of it, but wished to 
consult a few of his chiefs before taking final action. Near the close of the legisla- 
tive session of 1854, August 4, Mr. Kahnleku offered a resolution in the house of 
representatives requesting the minister of foreign affairs to inform the house 
whether the King had applied for annexation to the United States on account of 
trouble with France and England, as reported in the New York Herald. The sub- 
ject was referred to the committee on foreign relations, who never reported on it. 

On the 26th of August Prince Liholiho, in the house of nobles, asked the minister 
of foreign affairs whether it was true that England and France were making trou- 
ble, so as to force the King to annex his Kingdom to the United States. 

In reply, Mr. Wyllie denied the statement, asserting that those powers were anx- 
ious to maintain the independence of the islands, but he said that in the internal 
condition of the Kingdom there w r as danger, and there was no saying what changes 
that danger might lead the King to submit to. 

PROCRASTINATION AND FAILURE OF THE TREATY. 

On the 18th of September Gen. Miller, the consul-general of Great Britain, had 
an audience of the King, when he delivered a tirade of more than an hour in length 
against annexation and in denunciation of the Government and people of the 
United States. 

He read in full the article in the New York Tribune of July 20, to show that 
the designs of the United States were unfriendly to Hawaiian interests. The King 
in his reply said that he much preferred that such communications should be made 
in writing, in order to prevent misunderstandings. 

Meanwhile the Crown Prince Alexander remained at Hawaii to avoid signing 
the treaty. Weary of the delay, Mr. Gregg wrote, September 12, complaining of 
the procrastination and threatening to withdraw from further negotiations and to 
declare those which had already taken place to be at an end. The prince was sent 
for, but did not come. " 

Mr. Gregg wrote again November 1, remonstrating against further delay in the 
conclusion of the treaty. He used the following language: "The strong arm of the 
United States has been solicited for your protection, ft has been kindly extended 
and held out until at length self-respect must soon dictate its withdrawal." This 
was regarded as a menace and gave much offense. 

The U. S. S. Portsmouth, Capt. Dornin, and the St. Mary's, Capt. Bailey, were in 
fact detained in port during the fall of 1854, awaiting the result of the negotiations. 
The United States frigates Susquehannah and Mississippi also called on their way 
home from Japan, in the latter part of October, 1854, and remained a week off the 
port of Honolulu. 

It would seem that an attempt was now made to intimidate the King into signing 
the treaty at once. Mr. Wyllie afterwards stated that on the 12th of November he 
was informed that there was imminent danger of a revolution; "that there were 
dangerous men from California, well armed, who insisted on the King's immediate 
sanction of annexation to the United States, without waiting for the arrival of the 
Crown Prince or the consent of the Legislature; that they would be joined by 300 
or more of the American residents here; that, if unsuccessful then, they would be 
joined by 300 men of the same dangerous character, who were to arrive from Califor- 
nia by the America, and 50 who would arrive by the Ianthe; that if we attempted to 
resist a force so determined, the King's Government would be upset, private and 
public property plundered, and perhaps the town set on fire." " That three indi- 
viduals should have a private conference with the King instantly, so as to convince 
His Majesty of the truth of these dangers, and that he could only a void them by an- 
nexation to the United States." A cabinet council was then called, at which Mr. 

10518 10 



146 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Wyllie was ordered to make these threats known to the representatives of the three 
great maritime powers. Mr. Gregg had already written to Mr. Wyllie to assure 
hi ii that the forces of the United States were ready to cooperate "in repressing any 
unlawful attempts of reckless adventurers, claiming to he American citizens, against 
the peace and dignity of His Majesty's Government.' 7 Mr. Wyllie immediately ap- 
plied to the representatives of France, Great Britain, and the United States, and was 
promised the aid of 200 men from the United States ships Portsmouth and St. Mary's, 
of 100 men from Her Brittanic Majesty's ship Trincomalee, and of 500 men from the 
French frigate Artemise. 

He further improved the opportunity to declare that "negotiations should he 
suspended until they could he honorably resumed after every trace of coercion 
had heen removed." (See his letter of November 26, to Judge Lee. ) On the 13th of 
December he issued a proclamation in the King's name, dccdaring that His Majesty 
had accepted the assistance of the three powers named above, and that his "inde- 
pendence was more firmly established than ever before." Tliiscalled out from Mr. Gregg 
a dispatch denying that the United States had any intention of entering into any 
tripartite protectorate of the King's Government, or that his and Capt. Doruin's 
offers should be taken as equivalent to a permanent guaranty of its independence. 

The expected filibusters never appeared. The Crown Prince Alexander Liholiho 
arrived at last from Hawaii December 1, and it is stated on good authority that he 
agreed to sign the treaty and that a day was set for the ceremony. 

The King is said by Mrs. Judd to have been "more eager than ever" to comydete 
the business, when he was suddenly taken ill, and expired in five or six days, on the 
15th of December, 1854, in the forty-second year of his age. His untimely death 
was undoubtedly hastened by excessive intemperance towards the last. Aside from 
this unfortunate failing he had many noble traits. 

As Mr. Severance truly said, " his partiality to Americans has always been strong, 
and it will be universally conceded that by his death they have lost a faithful and 
honorable friend." 

His adopted son and heir, Alexander Liholiho, was immediately proclaimed King, 
under the title of Kamehameha IV. Soon afterwards he expressed his wish that 
the negotiations that had been begun with Mr. Gregg should be broken off, which 
was done. 

As Mr. Marcy afterwards stated, in his letter to Mr. Gregg of January 31, 1855, the 
President would never have approved of a treaty admitting the islands into the Union 
as a State, to say nothing of other objections of minor importance. In fact, the 
whole movement, as we now look back upon it, seems to have been premature and 
unnecessary. But, as I have elsewhere said of Kamehameha III, "hie purpose, 
though it happily fell through, yet insured to his successor a more secure possession 
of their inheritance." 

W. D. Alexander. 

Honolulu, July 18, 1893. 



Appendix, 
protectorate proclamation. 

Honolulu, March 10, 1851. 
We, Kamehameha III, by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian Islands King : 
By and with the advice and consent of our Kuhina Nui and council of native 
chiefs, finding our relations with France so oppressive to our Kingdom, so incon- 
sistent with its rights as an independent state, and so obstructive of all our 
endeavors to administer the government of our islands with equal justice to all nations 
and equal independence of all foreign control, and despairing of equity and justice 
from France: 

Hereby proclaim as our royal will and pleasure that all our islands, and all our 
rights as a sovereign over them, are from the date hereof placed under the protec- 
tion and safeguard of the United States of America until some arrangements can be 
made to place our said relations with France upon a footing compatible with our 
rights as an independent sovereign under the law of nations and compatible with 
our treaty engagements with other foreign nations: or, if such arrangements should 
be found impracticable, then it is our wish and pleasure that the protection afore- 
said under the United States of America be perpetaal. 

And we further proclaim as aforesaid, that from the date of the publication hereof 
the flag of the United States of America shall be hoisted above the national ensign 
on all our forts and places and vessels navigating with Hawaiian registers. 

(Signed by the King and Kuhina Nui.) 

March 10, 1851. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 147 



B. 

Resolution about the joint declaration March 20, 1851. 

Whereas in view of the declaration of the commissioner of France in his memo- 
randum of Feb. 1st, and in his dispatch No. 12 of Feb. 27th, that the difficulties with 
France are reduced to two, viz, the liberty of Catholic worship and the trade in 
spirits; and 

Whereas the joint declaration sanctioned comprises a settlement of these two ques- 
tions in the view of the King and council : 

Resolved, That the minister of foreign relations is authorized and instructed to 
sign the four articles of the said declaration, and to refer to the sole decision of the 
President of the French Republic the question of indemnity to the King, as trans- 
mitted to Mr. Perrin in Mr. Wyllie's despatch No. 21, on the understanding that 
this reference is to be acted upon only after the President shall have admitted that 
all pending difficulties are thus settled. 



C. 

Joint declaration. 

The President of the French Republic and the King of the Hawaiian Islands, ani- 
mated by an equal desire to terminate the adjustment of pending difficulties between 
the two countries, and to prevent their return for the future by assuring the just 
and complete execution of the convention of the 26th of March, 1846, in regard to 
the points in controversy, through a new official act, destined to interpret it, have 
chosen for this purpose the undersigned commissioner of the French Republic and 
the minister of foreign affairs of the Hawaiian Kingdom, the signers of the treaty 
above mentioned, who, after having exchanged their full powers, found in good 
form, have agreed to the terms of the following declaration: 

1. The treaty of the 26th of March, 1846, will be faithfully adopted and interpreted 
in the two texts, French and Hawaiian, the only ones officially signed. It remains 
agreed in all the cases where the foreign judges not understanding French have to 
decide the text of the English treaty, officially declared identical, under reserve of 
the III article, shall be considered as an exact translation. 

2. Without admitting that by the establishment of a custom-house duty of $5 per 
gallon upon spirits the Hawaiian Government have gone beyond the exclusive power 
which France herself has granted to them, through the means of the wording of the 
VI article of the treaty above mentioned (an assertion in regard to which the 
undersigned French commissioner makes all reserves), and after having proved 
that the effects of that duty ha ve been profitable to France and hurtful to the English 
and American trade in spirits, the King of the Sandwich Islands declares him- 
self disposed to submit the question of the reduction of duty to $2.50 per gallon, as 
a maximum to the legislature, which is to assemble next month, as a measure of 
political economy, which the chamber of commerce of Honolulu have recommended 
on strong grounds. 

3. The Government of the King can not recognize, on the part of any foreign 
nation, the right of dictating or prescribing laws to them on matters which affect 
only the religious belief or secular education of the native subjects of the King. 
Nevertheless, disposed to admit the third of the demands presented by M. Perrin, 
on the 1st of February last, as a friendly suggestion, destined for the examination 
of the Legislature which is to assemble this year, the Hawaiian Governmen t will 
place these assemblies in a position to decide whether the equality between the 
Protestants and the Catholics, under the protection of the constitution and the laws, 
of which numerous proofs have been furnished, does not yet require something for 
its perfect application. 

4. Documents presented by French citizens, in their own language, will be received 
in all the cases in which documents in the English language are received ; but in 
the cases where the employees whose duty it is to make use of these documents do 
not understand French it shall be incumbent, provisionally, on the party interested 
to furnish a translation of the document produced, which, to prevent all error and 
discussion, shall be certified by him as true. 

Honolulu, 25th March, 1851. 

R. C. Wyllie, 
Minister of Foreign Relations. 
La Commissaire de la Republique Francaise, Em. Perrin. 



148 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



D. 

Appeal to the President of the United States. 

The undersigned, minister of foreign relations of. His Majesty the King of the 
Hawaiian Islands (having), unavoidably produced to the - undersigned, commis 
sioner of the United States, an imperative order, under the great seal of the 
Hawaiian Kingdom, in Hawaiian and English, signed both by His Majesty and sealed 
by the royal signet and countersigned by His Highness Keoni Ana, the "Kuhina 
Nui," and' both dated the 28th of this month, proceeded to make the following 
statement to the undersigned commissioner : 

That the King and chiefs, remembering the events of 1839 and 1849, distrust 
France and fear her. 

That they consider that France has not kept her engagement with Great Britain 
of the 28th November, 1843, and does not mean to treat this Kingdom as under the 
protection of international law. 

That their fears had been abated, but were again revived by Monsieur Perrius 
despatch No. 18, of the 22d inst., and his "verbal note" of the 15th, to the under- 
signed minister, which were laid before His Majesty and his cabinet on the 28th. 

That the King from a conversation with Her Britannic Majesty's consul-general, 
believes that Great Britain is so fettered with France that she can afford him no 
certain hope of present relief. 

That the King, therefore, unable to protect the large American and other national 
interests in this Kingdom appealed in his helplessness to the Commissioner of the 
United States, and now solemnly appeals to the President. 

The King would prefer the following alternatives in the order in which they are 
placed : 

1. To secure those large interests equally against all possible danger from foreign 
powers, under the safeguard of the Republic of the United States, and (if it can be 
arranged by the President of the United States without unsafe delay), under the 
safeguard of Great Britain, also, and of France. 

2. Unless the last conform with the other two, then under the protection of the 
United States and England only. 

3. If England do not consent, then of the United States only. 

4. The King would prefer that this Kingdom be received as an independent state, 
under protection merely from foreign aggression. 

If that can not be done, rather than continue to be the victim of foreign aggres- 
sion, the mere shadow of a King without the power, but with responsibilities meas- 
ured out by the arbitrary rule of the strong, we will resign the sovereignty of these 
islands into the hands of the United States, under their guaranty of his private 
rights and hereditaments, a due provision for himself, his Queen, the heir apparent, 
his chiefs, his high officers, all private property and rights, and of all engagements 
of whatsoever kind lawfully incumbent upon him to fulfill and discharge. 

6. The King desires that a secret arrangement be made with the authority and 
consent of the United States on the basis of one or other of these alternatives, to be 
instantly acted upon on the emergency of any sudden danger, and not to be acted 
upon or even mentioned, if through the good offices of the President of the United 
States, France and other maritime powers will engage to let him alone, with power to 
govern and seek the protection of his people in his own way, and to protect for- 
eign residents and their interests, without persisting in exacting of him greater re- 
sponsibilities than can be required of any sovereign under the laws of nations. 

7. The King, with the full experience of Capt. Laplace in 1839 and of Admiral 
de Tromelin in 1849, acknowledges his utter want of power to protect the citizens 
of the United States and their large interests in his islands under a repetition of 
such lawless invasions; and as he has no confidence that they will not be repeated 
on the most trifling complaint against his Government, His Majesty would be glad 
to see such a provisional occupation of his islands by the armed forces of the 
United States, as may in the judgment of the President be adequate to the pro- 
tection of all citizens of the United States and their interests, until time be afforded 
to mature some permanent arrangement in one or other of the ways hereinbefore 
mentioned. 

The undersigned, Commissioner of the United States, having heard and considered 
these solemn proposals made in the name and by imperative order of His Majesty 
King Kamehameha III, agrees to transmit a copy thereof immediately to the Gov- 
ernment of the United States, asking for full power and authority how to act, and 
that in the meanwhile the utmost possible secrecy shall be observed, and that he 
will contiuue to do all in his power for the protection of American interests and to 
uphold the King's dignity and rights as an independent sovereign in friendly rela- 
tions with the United States and appealing to them for protection. 

Done in duplicate in the city of Honolulu this 31st day of March, 1851. 

[His official seal.] . Luther Severance. 

[Seal of foreign office.] R, C. Wyllie, 

Minister of Foreign Belations. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 149 



E. 

Joint resolution. 

Be it resolved by the Xoblcs and Representatives of the Hawaiian Islands in legislative 
council assembled, That in the sense of. this House the demands of France are so 
clearly unjust and contrary to the laws of nations and to treaty, and the course pur- 
sued by her so incompatible with the existence of a regular independent govern- 
ment in these islands, if France should persist in such a course it will be the duty 
of the King to shield himself and his Kingdom from insult and oppression by plac- 
ing this Kingdom under the protection of some friendly state; and that should such 
emergency he so urgent as not to admit of the legislative council being convened, 
it shall be left to His Majesty by and with the advice of his privy council, under 
such emergency, to consult the honor and safety of his Kingdom according to 
his Majesty's best judgment; and that whatever he may do will be binding upon 
the nation. 

Passed both houses of the Legislature June 21, 1851. 

W. L. Lee, 
Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

Keoxi Axa, 
President of the House of Nobles. 

Approved by the King August 4, 1851. 

Kamehameha. 
Keoni Ajs t a. 



F. 

Order of the King to Mr. Wyllie, February 6, 1854. 

Whereas it has come to our knowledge through the communications made to us 
by divers discreet men, who we have reason to believe are true friends to the 
Hawaiian nation, and through various other sources, that plans are on foot inimical 
to the peace of our Kingdom and the welfare of onr people, and such as if carried out 
would be wholly subversive of our sovereignty, and would reduce us to the most 
deplorable of all states, a state of anarchy ; and 

Whereas exigencies may arise of such a nature as to render it imperative upon 
us for the security of the just rights of our chiefs and people that we should seek the 
alliance of the United States of America : 

We do hereby command you, our minister of foreign relations, to take such imme- 
diate steps as may be necessary and proper, by negotiation or otherwise, to ascertain 
the views of the United States in relation to the annexation thereto of these islands, 
and also the terms and conditions upon which the same can be effected, with the 
object of being fully prepared t& meet any sudden danger that may ariSe threaten- 
ing the existence or independence of our Kingdom. 
(Signed) 

Kamehameha III. 
Joh:* Young. 

Liholiho consents to the above royal command. 
Approved by Wm. L. Lee. 



G. 

Extract from instructions of February 21, 1854. 

You will immediately enter upon a negotiation ad referendum with the Commis- 
sioners of the U^nited States, the object of which is the annexation of our Kingdom 
to the United States of America, in case of necessity, and which shall fully secure 
our rights and the rights of our chiefs and people, being assured by the protocol 
No. 2, submitted to us, of the willingness of the Commissioner of the United States 
to enter upon such negotiation. The constitution of our Kingdom has made our 
ministers special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom, and therefore 
you will submit to their consideration every proposal and every proposition that 
may be interchanged between you and the Commissioner of the United States, and 
your conduct will be governed by their decision. 

Prince Liholiho will join in the' deliberations of the cabinet council, vote therein, 
and make his views known to us. When the treaty ad referendum, as aforesaid, is 



150 REPOKT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



completed, you will submit the same to us, which will be subject to our approval, 
modificatiou, or rejection, and, in case we shall deem it wise and necessary, to sub- 
mit it to the representatives of our people, subject also to their approval. 

(Signed) Kamkhameha III. 

I hereby approve of the above instructions. 

Li it oi,i no. 
Signed by Keone An a, 

and all the ministers. 



H. 

PROTOCOLS. 
Protocol No. 1. 

Wednesday, February 8th, 1854. 

The undersigned met this day at 12 noon in the house of the commissioner of the 
United States. Mr. Wyllie submitted the written commands of the King to him 
of the 6th instant, also the letter of same date from the Hon. Wm. L. Lee, chan- 
cellor of the Kingdom, and invited Mr. Gregg to exchange powers with him, with a 
view to the objects expressed in the King's command aforesaid. 

Mr. Wyllie further submitted to Mr. Gregg the appeal to the President of the 
United States of March 31st, 1851, signed by him and the late commissioner, Mr. 
Severance. 

Mr. Gregg stated to Mr. Wyllie that he was in possession of no formal powers to 
negotiate or declare the views of the Government of the United States upon the 
matter submitted for his consideration; that from the peculiar circumstances of the 
case it was impossible for the Government of the United States to anticipate the 
necessity of special replies to such questions, or the existence of a state of affairs 
making it desirable on the part of the King to bring up for discussion with him 
(Gregg) a subject of such magnitude and interest to both nations, without an 
opportunity of referring to the authorities at Washington, which he trusted could 
readily be done without prejudice. But if the exigencies of the present or future 
should demand it, he was willing to negotiate ad referendum on the subject embraced 
in the commands of the King, but not otherwise. 

Mr. Gregg further stated, that having been verbally informed yesterday by Mr. 
Wyllie of this matter, he had written to the State Department at Washington rela- 
tive thereto, with the expectation of obtaining the views and instructions of his 
Government as early as might be practicable. Mr. Wyllie begged Mr. Gregg to send 
a duplicate of his letter and to enclose copy of the commands of the King, that the 
President might understand exactly what His Majesty desired, for which purpose 
he left a certified copy with Mr. Gregg. Mr. Wyllie also left with Mr. Gregg the 
appeal of 31st March, 1851, before alluded to, for Mr. Gregg's fuller information. 

The undersigned, on behalf of their respective Governments, agreed to consider the 
protocol as the initiation of a negotiation with the Government of the United States 
for the purpose expressed in the King's command to his minister of foreign affairs. 

The undersigned agreed to adjourn till they should have occasion to meet again. 

D. L. Gregg, etc., etc. 
R. C. Wyllie, etc., etc. 



Protocol No. 2. 

Saturday, February 11, 1854 — L} p. m. 

The undersigned met in the house of the Commissioner of the United States. Mr. 
"Wyllie stated that he had, by the advice of Prince Liholiho and the cabinet, to add 
to the King's orders of the 6th instant the signatures of His Majesty's chief justice 
and of his ministers approving thereof. 

Mr. Gregg, with reference to what he said in protocol No. 1, stated that in view of 
his declaration therein contained, and the matters contained in the preamble to the 
King's commands to Mr. Wyllie, bearing date on the 6th instant, he felt himself justi- 
fied in declaring explicitly that if it was the wish of His'Majesty's Government to 
negotiate ad referendum he was willing to enter upon such negotiation at any time 
that might be agreed on for that purpose. 

He also said that although he had no formal powers to that effect, yet from his 
knowledge of the views and policy of his Government, derived from the highest 
sources, he considered himself warranted, under the state of facts expressed in said 
preamble and by the exigency of the case, to discuss for reference, the terms of an 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 151 



arrangement between the two powers of the character indicated in such commands. 
Mr. Gregg further remarked to Mr. Wyllie that after careful consideration he had 
deemed it advisable to make this specific declaration in order that no wrong 
impression might exist as to the nature of the authority with which he regarded 
himself invested on the part of his Government, to act ad referendum, in regard to 
the exigencies contemplated in His Majesty's commands to Mr. Wyllie. 

R. C. Wyllie. 

D. L. Gregg. 

Additional instructions. 

Honolulu, February 21st, 1854. 

Sir: We have examined the protocols, numbers 1 and 2, executed by our minister 
of foreign affairs and the Commissioner of the United States initiated by our 
minister, in pursuance of our commands of the 6th of February; and more fully to 
carry out the purposes and intentions thereof, we hereby give you the following 
instructions additional. You will immediately enter upon a negotiation with the 
Commissioner of the United States of a treaty ad referendum, the object of which is 
the annexation of our Kingdom to the United States of America, in case of necessity, 
and which fully secure our rights and the rights of our chiefs and people, being 
assured, by the protocol No. 2, submitted to us, of the willingness of the Commis- 
sioner of the United States to enter upon such negotiation. 

The constitntion of our Kingdom has made our ministers special advisers in the 
executive affairs of the Kingdom, and therefore you will submit to their considera- 
tion every proposal and every proposition which may be interchanged between you 
and the Commissioner of the United States, and your conduct will be governed by 
their decision. 

Prince Liholiho will join in the deliberations of the cabinet council, vote therein, 
and make its views known to me. 

When the treaty ad referendum, as aforesaid, is completed, you will submit the 
same to us, which will be subject to our approval, modification, or rejection, and in 
case we shall deem it wise and necessary to submit it to the representatives of our 
people, subject also to their approval. 

(Signed) Kamehameha. 

Approved by Liholiho, W, L. Lee, and the cabinet. 



Protocol No. 3. 

Thursday, March 23rd, 1851—2 p. m. 

The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of the United States, and 
after comparing the two originals of Protocol No. 2 of the date of February 11th, 
1854, which since that time had been in the hands of His Majesty the King for con- 
sideration and approval, respectively, signed and exchanged the same. 

Mr. Wyllie at the same time communicated to Mr. Gregg the further orders of the 
King to him (Mr. Wyllie), bearing date on the 21st day of February last, but signed 
by His Majesty yesterday, and countersigned by His Royal Highness the Crown 
Prince, His Highness the Kuhina Nui, the chief justice, and by His Majesty's min- 
ister of state. 

Mr. Gregg having heard the same, expressed a wish to have a copy thereof for 
transmission to his Government on account of the close relation of such instructions 
to the royal commands of the 6th of February last, a copy of which he had already 
transmitted. 

The undersigned then adjourned to meet again as occasion might require. 

(Signed) R. C. Wyllie. 

D. L. Gregg. 



Protocol No. 4. 

Saturday, March 25th, 1854—10 a. m. 
The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of the United States, and 
after comparing the originals of protocol No. 3, respectively signed and exchanged 
the same. 

Mr. Wyllie, in accordance with Mr. Gregg's request as expressed in protocol No. 3 
produced the King's additional orders of the 22nd of February last, of which a copy 
was taken for Mr. Gregg's use, and duly verified by comparison with the original. 



152 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Mr. Wyllie then read the following brief memorandum, submitted to him yesterday 
by Mr. Gregg, for consideration, viz: 

"1. The cession of the sovereignty of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States. 

"2. The most ample guarantee of all the personal and private rights of the King, 
the chiefs, and people, securing to them the footing of citizens of the United States, 
on terms of perfect equality with all other American citizens. 

"3. As a consideration in part for such cession, a suitahle provision for the King, 
the Queen, the Crown Prince, those declared next in succession, the chiefs, etc. 

"4. A provision for the support of schools and education. 

"5. A provision for the fulfilment of all engagements lawfully incumbent upon 
the King's Government to fulfil or discharge. Mr. Gregg said he had submitted the 
preceding brief memorandum for Mr. Wyllie's consideration in order to elicit his 
views on the subject and as a very general basis of the discussions between them, 
which must necessarily arise in providing for the objects expressed in the King's 
commands of the 6th and 21st of February last. 

" Mr. Wyllie then presented and read a memorandum, which he proposed as a basis 
for negotiation in the following terms: 

"1. The admission of the Hawaiian Islands as a sovereign State into the American 
Union, subject to the Federal Government, the same as the State of Massachusetts, 
and extending to the King and chiefs, and all his subjects, the same rights, civil, 
political, and religious, as are enjoyed by that State. 

"2. A due provision to he made for the King, the Queen, the proclaimed heir to 
the throne, those declared next in succession by the Kiug's will, the high chiefs 
enjoying salaries, all the salaried officers of the King, with some regard to the length 
of service, and for the exercise of the King's bounty iti those cases where he may wish 
to exercise it. 

"3. All rights of possession, inheritance, or expectancy to be respected and pro- 
vided for. 

"4. All engagements, of whatever kind, lawfully incumbent upon the Kingorthe 
nation to discharge, to be religiously fulfilled. 

"5. The existing constitution to he maintained, subject only to those alterations 
without which the islands could not be admitted as a sovereign State into the Union." 
(Signed) R. C. Wyllie. 

D. L. Gregg. 



Protocol No. 5. 

Friday, April 21st, 1854 — 9 a. m. 

The undersigned met in the house of the commissioner of the United States, and 
signed protocol Xo. 4. 

Mr. Wyllie submitted the following bases of arrangement which had been framed 
by the King's chief justice and had been approved Of by the Princes of the blood, 
the Kuhina Nui, and the members of the King's cabinet, viz : 

"1. The admission of the Hawaiian Islands into the American Union as a sover- 
eign State, subject to the Federal Government, the same as any other State of the 
Union. 

"2. The most ample guarantee of all the rights of the King, the chiefs, and the 
people, whether civil, political, or religious, and securing to them all the privileges 
of citizens of the United States, on terms of perfect equality with other American 
citizens. 

"3. A suitable provision to be made for the King, the Queen, the proclaimed heir 
to the throne, those declared next in succession by the King's will, the chiefs, and 
all other persons for whom provision should be made. 

"4. A provision for the faithful fulfillment of all engagements of whatsoever kind 
lawfully incumbent upon the King's government or the Hawaiian nation to discharge. 

"5. A provision for the support of schools and education." 

Mr. Wyllie stated that the members of the King's cabinet on the 29th of March 
had agreed to refer the amount of compensation to be determined by a select com- 
mittee composed of the two Princes of the blood, the Kuhina Xui, and the King's 
chancellor and chief justice, the Hon. W. L. Lee, who had reported yesterday as 
follows : 

" The undersigned, a committee appointed to fix upon the amounts to be asked for 
compensation to the King and chiefs, under the new treaty contemplated with the 
United States, beg to report : That they have found great difficulty in every attempt 
they have made to fix a just compensation for the several chiefs, who. including 
the second class, number upwards of thirty person s ; and therefore they would respect- 
fully recommend that a gross sum, say three hundred thousand dollars, be asked for, 
to be distributed among the King and ( hiei's, in the form of annuities, as they may de- 
termine, it being expressly understoo I that from the above sum of three hundred 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 153 



thousand dollars no deduction whatever shall be made on the plea of any claim or 
claims alleged against the Hawaiian Government or authorities by any American 
citizen, or on any other pretense whatever. 

" Signed by Liholiho, Lot Kamehameha, Keoni Ana, and W. L. Lee.' 5 

Mr. Gregg remarked to Mr. Wyllie that, so far as the basis of arrangements just 
submitted was concerned, he had then no objection to interpose, unless it might be 
to the first clause, which he thought was capable of a construction inconsistent with 
the Constitution of the United States (act 4, section 3). But if. as he supposed 
probable, its intention was simply to provide for the admission of the Hawaiian 
Islands into the American Union as a State, as soon as might be consistent with the 
principles of the American ( onstitution, it was free from the difficulty suggested. 
For the purpose, however, of removing all cause of doubt, he would propose as a 
substitute for such clause the following: 

" The incorporation of the Hawaiian Islands into the American Lnion, and their 
admission, as soon as may be consistent with the principles of the Federal. Constitu- 
tion, to all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a sovereign State, the same as 
any other State of the Union." 

Mr. Gregg further remarked that, although the amount fixed by the committee as 
a compensation was considerably higher than he had anticipated, and more, he 
feared, than would be regarded reasonable by his Government, yet he would for the 
present assent to it as the basis for the formation of a treaty ad referendum, reserving 
to himself the right, however, of submitting a counter proposition, if he should 
deem it incumbent upon him so to do, at any time before the final arrangement of 
the terms of such treaty. 

For the purpose of enabling him to form a satisfactory opinion on this subject of 
compensation, he begged Mr. Wyllie to cause him to be informed as to the names 
and ages of the parties to whom annuities were proposed to be paid, the quantity 
and character of the public land and other public property, the resources and capaci- 
ties of the islands, &c, &c. The undersigned adjourned to meet as occasion might 
require. 

(Signed) 

R. C. Wyllie. 
D. L. Gregg. 



Protocol No. 6. 

The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of the United States at 2 
p. m. on the 1st of June. The undersigned compared the two originals of Protocol 
No. 5, but agreed not to sign it till the King's pleasure thereon be made known to 
them. Mr. Gregg stated that since the date of Protocol No. 5 he had been advised 
of the views of his Government in regard to the King's orders of the 6th of February 
last, and had received full powers, which he now produced in exchange for those 
previously presented by Mr. Wyllie. The undersigned proceeded to verify and com- 
pare their respective powers and exchange the same. Mr. Gregg stated to Mr. 
Wyllie that, under the powers now conferred upon him, he was ready to proceed 
immediately to the discussion of the measure contemplated alike in the powers held 
by him and in the powers held by Mr. Wyllie, and to conclude the same in conformity 
with the wish of the two high contracting parties. 

Mr. Wyllie replied that so soon as he could obtain the data requested by Mr. 
Gregg in protocol No. 5, he would be prepared to enter upon the negotiation, and 
with a view to save time suggested that Mr. Gregg should draft the outline of a 
treaty, leaving blanks for the details which were wanting, so as that Mr. Wyllie, 
knowing Mr. Gregg's views, might carefully consider them with the assistance of 
his colleagues, of the princes of the blood, and of the King's chief justice, for sub- 
mission to His Majesty the King, along with proctol No. 5, to which his sanction 
was still to be obtained. 

(Signed) R. C. W t yllie. 

David L. Gregg. 



Protocol No. 7. 

The undersigned met in the house of the Commissioner of the United States on 
Wednesday, the 7th of June, at 1 p. m. 

The undersigned compared and executed protocol No. 6, leaving it and protocol 
No. 5 still unsigned, until after the approval of the King shall have been obtained. 

Mr. Wyllie stated that the King's chief justice and the other ministers of the 
King, on the 2nd of June, had concurred in the view that the powers of Mr. Gregg and 
Mr. Wyllie, which they had exchanged on the 1st of June, were equal and sufficient 



154 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



for the formation of a treaty ad referendum for the annexation of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom to the United States of America, agreeable to the King's instructions to 
Mr. Wyllie of the 21st of February, 1854, approved by the Crown Prince, by the 
Kuhina Nui, by the King's chancellor and chief justice, and by all of His Majesty's 
ministers on the 22nd of March, 1854. 

With a view to enable Mr. Gregg to proceed in the preparation of the draft of 
such a treaty, so as that the transfer of sovereignty may be beneficial to the King 
and all his subjects, and if possible, not prejudice "the interests of any of such sub- 
jects, Mr. Wyllie with the lull approval of the Kuhina Nui and of his colleagues, 
delivered to Mr. Gregg the following, viz: 



No. 1. Civil list $32,900.00 

2. List district justices 9, 550. 00 

3. List circuit judges 4,800.00 

4. List clerks of governors 1, 200. 00 

5. List tax collectors 7, 000. 00 



Total 55,450.00 

Also No. 6, a statement of Government houses, forts, lands, bonds, &c., transfer- 
able to the sovereignty of the islands, amounting to $1,522,379. 

No. 7. Claims on France $462,372.73 

8. Claims on Great Britain 32, 101. 61 



Total of Nos. 6, 7, and 8 2, 016, 853. 34 



Mr. Wyllie begged Mr. Gregg to understand distinctly that he could neither make 
himself nor the Hawaiian Government responsible for the correctness of the items 
forming the above sum of $2,016,853.34. 

Mr. Wyllie further delivered to Mr. Gregg No. 9, being a list of annuities payable 
by this Government, amounting to $2,040.00 per annum ; and stated that he had still to 
receive and deliver to Mr. Gregg a list of natives employed in the department of 
public instruction, who would lose the amounts of their respective salaries under a 
surrecder of the native sovereignty. To save time Mr. Wyllie delivered all these 
documents in the original requesting Mr. Gregg to return them after making the 
use of them intended in protocol No. 6. 

(Signed) R. C. Wyllie. 

David L. Gregg. 



Protocol No. 8. 

The undersigned met at the house of the Commissioner of the United States on 
Thursday, the 17th day of August, 1854. 

Mr. Wyllie begged to make known to Mr. Gregg the following agenda founded on 
instructions from his colleagues and the Crown Prince, viz: 

1st. That a treaty should be forthwith concluded according to diplomatic usage, 
and submitted to the King. 

2. That the second article of Mr. Wyllie's draft of a treaty should be adopted 
with the addition of the following words, viz: "But the King of the Hawaiian 
Islands reserves to himself the power to ratify it, in any moment of danger." Such 
article also to express in clear and specific terms, the admission of said islands, as a 
sovereign State in the usual sense of State sovereignty. 

3. The payment of seventy-five thousand dollars per annum, for a period of ten 
years, for the benefit of schools, one-third of which to be capitalized, and the inter- 
est annually applied to the support of a college or university, and fifty thousand 
dollars appropriated to the use of common schools, in the discretion of the legisla- 
tive authority of the Hawaiian Islands, when admitted into the Union as a State. 

The substitution in Article VIII of the words " and all others whom the King may 
wish to compensate or reward," in place of the words " and other persons now in 
the service of the Hawaiian Government or formerly in such service." 

Mr. Gregg thereupon stated that he would take into consideration the different 
points contained in such agenda, and submit his remarks and conclusions thereon 
with the least possible delay. The undersigned then adjourned., to meet as occasion 
. might require. 

(Signed) R. C. Wyllie, 

D. L. Gregg. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 155 



Protocol No. 9. 

The undersigned met at the house of the Commissi onei of tie United States on 
the 18th of August, 1854, at 9 a. m. Mr. Gregg read a memorandum On Mr. Wyllie's 
agenda, which he had submitted to Mr. Wyliie yesterday afternoon, as follows viz: 

"Mr. Gregg has carefully considered the agenda submitted to him by Mr. Wyliie 
this day as expressing the views of the Hawaiian cabinet and of the Crown Prince 
upon the drafts of a treaty of annexation under consideration. From conversations 
with Mr. Wyliie and other members of the cabinet he fully understands and appre- 
ciates the object proposed to be accomplished by the addition of the following 
words, viz: " But the King of the Hawaiian Islands reserves to himself the power to 
ratify it in any moment of danger." There are grave and serious objections, as he 
believes, not only to the article as originally drawn up, but to the vagueness and 
indefiniteness of the additional clause. In regard to the former he has already 
taken occasion to indicate to Mr. Wyliie his views. 

He is convinced that the President and Senate of the United States would regard 
it as so objectionable that any treaty containing it would be rejected on that account, 
and he can not, therefore, assent to it. He suggests that the object pointed at in 
the clause proposed to be added could be better reached by the protocols of the nego- 
tiation, or by a separate and perhaps secret article, and he submits to Mr. Wyliie a 
proposition to that effect, and also a modification of said article No. II, as follows, 
viz : 

"The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into the American 
Union as soon as, in the judgment of Congress, it can be done in consistency with 
the principles and requirements of the Federal Constitution, with all the rights,, 
privileges, and sovereignty of a State, the same as, and on terms of perfect equality 
with, the other States of the United States." To this part of Mr. Gregg's memo- 
randum Mr. Wyliie replied that no disrespect or distrust whatever was intended to 
apply to the United States in the words which the colleagues and the Crown Prince 
had agreed should be added to the second article of his draft of the treaty. The 
intention was to {provide instantly and effectually for the sudden danger contem- 
plated in the preamble. He admitted that that great object could be as well or bet- 
ter effected by a separate and secret article ; but he added that his instructions hav- 
ing been precise as to the addition of these ipsissims verba, he could not take upon 
himself to make any change without a further reference to his colleagues and to 
the Crown Prince. Mr. Gregg then continued his memorandum as follows, viz: 

Mr. Gregg has no hesitation in assenting-to the substitution in Article VIII of the 
words " and all others whom the King may wish to compensate or reward," in place 
of the words "and other persons now in the service of the Hawaiian Government, 
or formerly in such service." In order to approach more nearly to the views of Mr. 
Wyliie, the cabinet, and the Crown Prince he (Mr. Gregg) is willing to modify the 
latter part of said article so as to make it read as follows : 

As a further consideration for the session herein made, and in order to place within 
the reach of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands the means of education, pres- 
ent and future, so as to enable them the more perfectly to enjoy and discharge the 
rights and duties consequent upon a change from monarchial to republican institu- 
tions, the United States agree to set apart and pay over the sum of $75,000 per 
annum, one-third of which shall be applied to constitute the principal of a fund for 
the benefit of a college or university, or colleges and universities, as the case may 
be, and the balance for the support of common schools to be invested, secured, or 
applied as may be determined by the legislative authority of the Hawaiian Islands, 
when admitted into the Union as aforesaid." 

Mr. Gregg thinks the term of five years ample to secure an adequate provision for 
schools, especially in connection w r itb the appropriation of lands to a similar object. 
But few states are as well provided for in this respect. He can not recognize the 
propriety of limiting the proceeds of this college or university fund to a single in- 
stitution, but he is willing to leave their appropriation open to legislative discre- 
tion. So far as other questions were concerned, Mr. Wyliie was in possession of his 
views already, and he did not deem it necessary to enter upon their discussion at 
present. Aug, 17, 1854. 

The undersigned then adjourned to meet again when Mr. Wyliie had consulted his 
colleagues and the Crown Prince in regard to the foregoing views of Mr. Gregg. 

Protocol 1Y0. 10. 

The undersigned resumed their meeting at the house of the commissioner of the 
United States on the 18th of August 1854, at 4 p. m. Mr. Wyliie stated that, having 
conferred w r ith his colleagues on the subject of Mr. Gregg's observations in Protocol 
No. 9, he had to make known their views as follows, viz: 



156 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



1. That the amount of seventy -five thousand dollars ($75,000) lor schools mu.st be 
for ten instead of rive years. 

2. That his colleagues and the Crown Prince decline to admit Mr. Gregg's pro- 
posed substitute for Mr. Wyllie's recent article, and propose the following amend- 
ment to stand in its place, viz: 

" The Kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into the America i 
Union as a sovereign State and admitted as such as soon as it can be done in con- 
sistency with the principles and requirements of the Federal Constitution to all the 
rights, privileges, and immunities of a State, as aforesaid, and perfect equality with 
the other States of the Confederation." 

Mr. Gregg expressed dissatisfaction with the phraseology of the proposed amend- 
ment, but promised to take the subject into early consideration and to advise Mr. 
Wyllie fully of his views thereon. Mr. Wyllie then stated that Protocols 5. 6, and 7 
had been submitted to the King, and they were therefore signed in accordance with 
Protocol No. 6. The undersigned thereafter adjourned to meet again as soon as Mr. 
Gregg has maturely considered the amendment proposed to the second article. 

Honolulu, 27th September, 1854. 

(Signed) R. C. Wyllie. 

D. L. Gkegg. 



Protocol Xo. 11. 

The undersigned met at the office of the minister of foreign affairs at 10 a. m., on 
August 19th, 1854, and proceeded to settle the terms of the treaty of annexation re- 
ferred to and discussed at the preceding conferences. 

Mr. Gregg expressed himself still dissatisfied with the terms of the amendment 
submitted to him yesterday as the agreement of the cabinet and Crown Prince for 
the second article of the treaty. He did not object to the omission of the words { Hn 
the judgment of Congress," as contained in his original draft and the one Mr Wyllie 
had proposed, as it was well understood and agreed by all the parties to the negotia- 
tion that the power of admitting new States into the Union is vested by the Consti- 
tution solely in the Congress, and it was not intended to attach to the article any 
other sense. 

He thought the expression " sovereign State" inaccurate and exceptional. The 
states were, it is true, sovereign in a limited sense; they had full jurisdiction and 
control over their own local and domestic affairs. But the national sovereignty was 
vested in the General Government alone, and he thought it improper to designate a 
State, m a public treaty, by terms not strictly applicable in the sense of the Federal 
Constitution. He also objected to the" word u confederation," as being at least of 
doubtful propriety, and proposed " union" as a substitute. The following was 
finally agreed upon and adopted, as being within the meaning of and subordinate 
to section III of Article IV of the Constitution of the United States, viz: 

" The kingdom of the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorported into the American 
Union as a State, enjoying the same degree of sovereignty as other States; and 
admitted as such, as soon as it can be done, in consistency with the principles and 
requirements of the Federal Constitution, to all the rights, privileges, and immuni- 
ties of a State, as aforesaid, with the other States of the Union." 

When Article A r III came up for consideration, Mr. Gregg renewed the proposal 
heretofore made by him to insert $100,000 instead of $300,000 as a suitable amount 
to be paid in annuities. Mr. Wyllie stated in reply that the revenue of the King- 
dom was in rapid augmentation; irom $48,842 in 1843, it had increased in only 8 
years to $315,735 in 1851 ; that in 1853, notwithstanding the fearful ravages of the 
smallpox, it was $326,620; that this increase had taken place without any develop- 
ment of the agricultural resources of the country worthy of the name; that only 
capital and labor were wanted to develop them to a great extent whereby the 
revenue would be proportionately increased, and that he (Mr. Wyllie) saw no rea- 
son to doubt that in ten years from this date the revenue of the islands would ex- 
ceed $1,000,000 annually. 

Mr. Wyllie added that for this reason he did not consider $300,000 an extravagant 
demand for compensation, considering the present and prospective value of the 
islands intrinsically, and much less in view of their political value to any great naval 
and commercial power, si nee the treaty effected with Japan. Mr. Wyllie added his be- 
lief that this value was fully understood, and that a higher compensation for thirty 
years might be procured by a surrender of the sovereignty to another great nation. 
Besides the $300,000 had been fully agreed upon by the King's cabinet and the 
crown prince, and further $75,000 for the purpose of education, to be continued for 
10 years, and he (Mr. Wyllie) did not think they would recede from these terms. 

Mr. Gregg said that, as the negotiation was ad referendum, he felt himself, under 
the peculiar circumstances of the case, authorized to assent, although he did 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 157 



it with reluctance, to the insertion of the sums proposed by Mr. Wyllie, leaving his 
Government to consider and determine whether they "were responsible and proper or 
not. The same consideration would lead him to agree to the time fixed by the 
cabinet and Crown Prince for the continuance of the payment for the benefit of 
schools, etc. 

But he objected to the phraseology of the the first paragraph of this Article VIII, 
which he thought did not express clearly and definitely enough the idea which was 
in the mind of all parties, viz, that the aggregate amount of annuities should be 
apportioned once for all by the King and privy council and to remain appor- 
tioned forever — each annuity falling off on the death of the party entitled to it and 
the aggregate sum being diminished to the extent of such annuity or as each life 
falls in. Any other construction would be different from that intended and lead to 
misunderstanding and difficulties, which should be clearly provided against. 

Mr. "Wyllie stated that it undoubtedly was the understanding that the annuities 
were to be strictly life annuities, terminable with the life of each annuitant, although 
he himself would have preferred that the annuities should have been for a given 
period of time, so as that in the probable case of the early death of any annuitant, 
the benefit of his or her annuity might go to his or her children or other heirs for 
the years or period of time that the annuity might still have to run. But as his 
colleagues and the Crown Prince had waived the point, Mr. Wyllie had yielded to 
the general sense that the annuities were to be life annuities only, with the sole 
exception of that of the immediate heir to the throne which is specially provided for. 

The article was finally, after some amendments, assented to by Mr. Gregg. 

The draft of a treaty having been completed to the mutual satisfaction of the 
undersigned, it was agreed that three copies should be made in English and three 
in Hawaiian, and that the same should be signed and sealed as soon as convenient 
in the presence of the Crown Prince and members of the cabinet, and if possible, 
with the approval of the chief justice. The said treaty having been negotiated 
and drawn Tip in the English language, it was understood and agreed that all dis- 
putes arising under it, should be decided by the English text. 

The undersigned further agreed that a separate and secret article should be framed 
and added to the treaty, providing effectually for the prevention of anarchy and 
the preservation of peace and order, in case the emergency contemplated in the pre- 
amble should suddenly occur, without which the treaty itself would fail in one of 
its main objects. 

Honolulu, 27th of September, 1854. 

(Signed) R. C. Wyllie, 
D. L. Gregg. 



Protocol No. 12. 

The undersigned met in the office of the minister of foreign affairs at 2 p. m. on 
Monday, September 4th. The undersigned compared their respective copies of the 
treaty, which they had agreed to, subject to the King's approval on the 19th of 
August. 

Immediately afterwards they discussed and agreed to the separate and secret article 
provided for in Protocol No. 11, and added the same to the said copies of the treaty. 

Whereupon the undersigned agreed that the treaty was completed for submission 
to the King, in conformity with His Majesty's instructions to Mr. Wyllie of the 21st 
of February, 1854, and they adjourned to meet again as occasion may require. 
(Signed) 

Honolulu, September 27, 1854. 



From appendix to Protocol 7, containing civil list, as follows : 



The King $10, 000 

The Queen 1,000 

H. R. H. Liholiho 2, 000 

Prince Lot Kamehameha 800 

C. Kanaina 800 

K. Kopaakea 800 

B. Namakeha 800 

I. Kaeo 800 

A. Paki (chamberlain) 1, 000 

John Young (minister of interior) 4,000 . 

M. Kc.kuanaoa (governor of Oalm) 2,500 

P. Nahaoleiua (governor of Maui) 1, 500 



158 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



G. L. Kapeau (governor of Hawaii) $1, 200 

P. Kanoa (governor or Kauai) 1, 200 

John Li (second associate j ustice supreme court) 2, 000 

J. Kekaulahao (second associate justice supreme court) 1,500 

J. Piikoi (clerk Honolulu Market) 1,000 



32, 900 



CORRESP ONDENCE. 
Letter from Wyllie to Lee of March 8, 1854. 
[Extract.] 

At the last privy council on the 6th I announced the fact that the consul-general 
Miller and Mr. Perrin had received hy last mail dispatches from their respective 
Governments fully approving of their joint address of the 1st of September, stating 
that each Government had written to the United States Government on the subject, 
inviting the latter to join Great Britain and France in a tripartite treaty to sup- 
port the independence and neutrality of this Kingdom, and ordering the consul- 
general and Mr. Perrin to act in concert. 

Mr. Wyllie then speaks of an alleged conspiracy of Government clerks in the 
legislature to oust him from office, of Avhich C. C. Harris was said to be the leader. 
He adds: "I think a feeling is being industriously propagated that I am the only 
bar to annexation. Upon that point, I believe, my opinion and sense of duty agree 
fully with your own, and, as far as I can judge, Prince Liholiho and all my col- 
leagues agree with us." 

Wyllie to Lee, June 23, 1854. 

The treaty is now before Liholiho, with all the amendments suggested by you. To 
be able to save the King and chiefs and people at a moment's warning, it is desira- 
ble that the treaty should be concluded diplomatically, I mean signed by the pleni- 
potentiaries, but subject to future ratification. Armstrong's zeal presses the letter 
with indiscreet haste, and I fsar makes everything known to J. and B. Armstrong's 
grand idea is that you and I should go to Washington with the treaty ratified here, 
to have it ratified there. 

It would, no doubt, be very convenient to some people to get rid both of you, 
me, and of Allen, too ; but the question is, would the King's honor and the rights of 
the natives be as safe in other hands, or when a treaty is made as a safeguard against 
sudden treason or rebellion, is there any place so prox)er for the King's ratification 
as his own court, where the danger would first be felt, or any form more proper or 
decorous than that the act of ratification should be witnessed and signed by all who 
have signed the powers and protocols from the first by the King's own desire. To 
my mind the treaty admits of no dispute whatever, but I should like to know yours. 



Lee to Wyllie, July 5, 1854, 
[Private.] 

The treaty should be concluded at once, so that we may be prepared for emergen- 
cies, but I agree with you about the linal ratification. 



Wyllie to Lee, July 11. 1854. 
[Extract.] 

Liholiho keeps out of the way and has not returned the treaties, though I have 
often asked for them. Of my draft I have no copy. Unless I perform the duty 
which on the 6th of February was imposed on me imperatively, if any sudden emer- 
gency were to occur, I would be subject to blame. Therefore one of two things ; 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 159 



either I must perform that duty or the royal order must he withdrawn. The final 
ratification is quite another matter. That I would be as unwilling to press on the 
King, except in the presence of an immediate emergency, as you would be. 

Under such a clear necessity colonial subjection to any European power would not 
be so favorable to the interests of the islands as their admission as a sovereign State 
of the United States. There are no markets in Europe likely to afford such a con- 
sumption of island produce at high prices as those of California and Oregon. 

Besides, contiguity and the superior magnitude of present interests in the islands 
are considerations not to be overlooked. This view of mine I made known to the 
consul-general fully and frankly in 1851 or 1852. In judging of such abstract ques- 
tions I know of no nationality whatever. Under a. pressing necessity I would advise 
the King to annex himself and his Kingdom to Japan if I thought that it would be 
best for him, the prince, the chiefs, the Hawaiians generally, and the future inter- 
ests of the islands as an agricultural and mercantile state. 

But to the treasonable creation of a necessity for the extinction of the native sov- 
ereignty I never will be a party. As the house of representatives is going on it 
appears to me that they will bring on the necessity soon enough, although all we 
ministers remain faithful to our oaths up to the very moment of its supervention. 

Such are my views, and from what I can recollect of our confidential conference 
at Rosebank, in January last, I think you will not be far different. Hoping soon to< 
hear that you are better or to see you here, I remain, my dear Lee, 
Yours, truly, 

• R. C. Wyllie. 

P. S. — Before the 6th of February last my idea of saving the King from sudden 
treason and rebellion was always to hoist the united flags of the United States, Great 
Britain, and France. But our dangers are internal, and a tripartite treaty would 
fail to keep the King permanently on his throne unless each of the powers were to 
consent to keep up a permanent garrison of, say, 100 men, in all 300. 



Wyllie to Lee, August 23, 1854. 



My dear Lee: * * * I am anxious to have your approval before I sign. Re- 
flecting upon the matter, it is a most deplorable thing that we should be driven to 
give up at the time when our means of governing independently, and that well, too, 
.are so much greater than they were in 1843, our revenue being increased from $18,842 
yearly to $326,620. 

Our constitution, our laws, and our land tenure are vastly improved since you have 
been the King's chief justice. The administration of justice compares favorably with 
that of California or any of the Southwestern States. Education is more generally 
diffused than it is in many old nations of great civilization, and the King's rights of 
sovereignty and neutrality are fully acknowledged by the great powers of the earth. 

Yet all these advantages and ameliorations go for nothing against the secret mach- 
inations and agitation of wretches whose loyalty, whose conscience, and whose 
religion are at the bottom of their pockets, instigated by some half dozen traitors 
that one month of a strong, energetic government would clear the country of for- 
ever. Yet, looking to the King's safety, and the absence of all physical force to 
insure it, we have yet to take things as they are, not as they ought io be. 



Mem. — Letter about annexation in the New York Tribune July 20, 1854. Gen. 
Miller and Mr. Perrin much excited by it. 



From the King to Wyllie, August 29, 1854. 

Sir: Referring you to my orders and instructions relating to the treaty with Mr. 
Gregg, hearing that it is nearly completed, I order you to send me a copy in native, 
and a copy of all the protocols in native, that I may consider what amendments and 
suggestions I may have to make before you sign the treaty. 

(Signed) Kameiiameiia III. 



160 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Lee to Wyllie, August 29, 1854. Torbertville. (Uhqyalakua, Mani.) 

My Dear Wyllie: Mr. Ii has just ton died here on his way to Hilo, leaving me 
your notes of August 20 and 23, with a copy of the treaty. You wish, hefore sign- 
ing, to have my views of the treaty, and I will give them to you, though I have 
very little time for reflection. They are hriefly as follows: I see no objection to 
the treaty, except the second article, which strikes me as heiug indefinite, ambigu- 
ous, and, to a certain extent, contradictory. This article is intended to secure a 
very important point, the most important, in my opinion, involved in the whole 
treaty, and, as it is now framed, it seems to me to dodge the question, or at least to 
leave room for future controversy. 

It is the wish of the King and chiefs, so far as they have spoken on the subject, 
to he admitted as a State and not as a Territory, and they must not he deceived by 
any uncertainty of expression in the treaty. They wish by this article to shield the 
nation from slavery, and it would be as dishonorable to us as unjust to them to 
leave so vital a question involved in doubt. 

I may not rightly understand this article, but, as I read it, it is left, to the Ameri- 
can Congress to say when we may be admitted as a Slate, and that may be one, ten, 
or twenty years hence. Much as I am in favor of a treaty of this kind, yet know- 
ing as I do the views of the Kiug, chiefs, and people on this subject, it would be 
treacherous and criminal in me to let this point pass unnoticed. In my opinion the 
article should read that the Hawaiian Islands shall be incorporated into the Ameri- 
can Union, not as a Territory, but as a State, etc., and omitting the clause "and ad- 
mitted as such as soon," etc. 

The conditions and requirements precedent to our admission as a State, if any, 
should be distinctly specified. In my opinion, as the article now stands, it leaves 
room for any amount of delay and double dealing, and does not meet the wishes of 
the King and chiefs. 

In what I have said I mean no reflection whatever on Mr. Gregg, who doubtless 
intended and understands this article in a sense fair and just to the Hawaiian 
nation, but it may be left to others, perhaps less honorable than himself, to give it 
a construction. I can not tell you how much I should regret throwing the slightest 
obstacle in the way of the conclusion of this treaty, but I should be false to my 
own conscience and to the nation I serve, to keep silence. 

The treaty has been greatly modified since I saw it, and perhaps for the better in 
all respects, except the article above mentioned. I am sorry you did not send me 
a copy ,of it at an earlier date. I shall write to Liholiho, giving him authority to 
act as my proxy, and referring him to this letter for my views. I shall return to 
Honolulu in two or three weeks, and if there is no pressing emergency, why not 
postpone the matter until I can make my views more fully known? Of course I 
write you*this in confidence, but I wish you to show it to Mr. Allen, Mr. Armstrong, 
Liholiho, and Mr. Young. I should not say "in confidence," if I had not heard from 
several sources that the doings of the cabinet and Mr. Gregg in this matter were 
town talk. 



Wyllie to Lee, JSfovembei' 14, 1854. 
[Extract.] 

We seek from the United States some other remedy than revolvers at our ears and 
bowie knives at our breasts. If the United States authorities can not protect us 
from such comforters before annexation, what hope we reasonably after annexation? 
This is the common-sense view of the case, and I wQnder that Gregg and Dornin 
don't see it. 



Wyllie to Lee, November 15, 1854. 

My Dear Lee : While in the middle of my preceding note of this same date Mr. 
Young brought down a fresh order from the King dated yesterday, suggesting cer- 
tain amendments in the treaty. We had a meeting of the cabinet upon the order, 
and have requested Armstrong to prepare a careful translation of it, to be consid- 
ered to-morrow at 10 a. m. 

The effect w T ill be to justify Mr. Gregg in assuming that if the amendments sug- 
gested by the King be adopted he virtually pledges himself to ratify the treaty. 

Now, are we prepared for this, after the new phase given to things by Mr. Gregg 
andCapt. Dorrin themselves, well known to you — commented on in my accompa- 
nying note, especially after the alternative, put to us by Mr. Gregg himself in the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 161 



separate dispatch of the 22d September (which yon saw), to be either off or on with 
the treaty ? 

How otherwise can we understand the following : 

"I am authorized to insist upon the conclusion of such negotiations according to 
diplomatic usage. The alternative seems to me plain and imperative. This result 
must be consummated or I shall feel myself obliged to withdraw from any further 
negotiations, and to declare those which have already taken place at an end." 

And still more objectionable is the following, because it seems to imply a threat 
and license for the fillibusters to overthrow us: " The strong arm of the United 
States has been solicited for your protection. It has been kindly extended and held 
out, until at length self-respect must soon dictate its withdrawal." What think 
you of that? I must confess that I regret that the King has sent me the order (which, 
however, w'.th the consent of my colleagues, I will respectfully obey) before we had 
all in presence of the King, Liholiho, and yourself, considered whether " self-respect" 
after undisguised intimidation attempted, does not require us to do something very 
different to what they would drive us to by intimidation. 

We never in this world will have such an opportunity to take dignified ground. 
We can take it now with absolute safety to the King and national sovereignty. But 
good has arisen out of intended evil. Are we to miss the opportunity or turn it to 
the King's advantage? I have no time to write to Liholiho, but you will inform him 
of everything. Let me know as soon as possible what you think. Mr. Young and 
I unite in begging you not to attempt so much labor in one day. Calculate carefully 
your strength, and measure your work accordingly. 
Yours, trulv, 

R. C. Wyllie. 

P. S. — Yesterday Consul- General Miller and Perrin promised to send instantly, 
when required, all the disposable force of the Trincomalee and Artemise, and to-day 
Mr. Gregg handed to me a note from Capt. Dornin, promising to land 200 men, fully 
armed. 



Wyllie to Lee, November 26, 1854. 

The effect of the application authorized by the cabinet and by the King for assist- 
ance, when the danger threatened, has been to elicit from the commissioners of 
France and the United States and the consul-general of Great Britain such assur- 
ances as to amount virtually to a tripartite military protectorate of the King, if 
His Majesty should be pleased so to understand the official offers severally made. 

Would it not be well for the King to take that ground, to proclaim the fact, to 
make the treaty public (which Mr. Gregg, it appears, has already submitted, to the 
cognizance of the United States officers here, of American residents here, and even 
of filibusters from California), and to advise as to his present and future policy with 
the Governments of the three great naval powers of the world? If we take this 
ground we sacrifice no right of the King, we do not necessarily lose the treaty, we 
free ourselves effectually from all violence and threatenings of violence, and we 
obtain another and, I think, a very good chance of preserving the King and the 
native dynasty in the enjoyment of their natural rights as the sovereign rulers of 
this land. 

After the threats made and the ridicule thrown upon our means of resistance, we 
have agreed to make something of a military demonstration on the anniversarv of 
the 28th. 

There ie not one of us who doubts our present perfect safety, and the promises offi- 
cially m ade to us. We now stand on strong ground; we can breathe freely; we can 
efficient y put down all filibusters, rebels, and traitors. Are we to show ourselves 
equal to the emergency or not? This is for you and the privy council to con- 
sider, and for us all to consider. * * * 

If the negotiation is to go on with Mr. Gregg one thing I must insist upon, which 
is, that pending the negotiation he, as Commissioner of the United States, must bind 
himself to keep American citizens quiet. No treaty can be made under duress. If 
made so it is not valid. 

R. C. Wyllie. 



Letter from Mr. Gregg of September IS. 
[Memoranda.] 

Complaining of procrastination in regard to the treaty which he said was com- 
pleted August 19 satisfactorily. 

Remonstrates again November 1 as above. 

10518 11 



162 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Wyllie to Capt. Dornin, Xovemler 27, 1854. 

My L'Eak Sir: It was only this day that I heard that you were to leave ns so soon 
I am sorry that your departure has become necessary, and having the utmost regard 
for you personally I am anxious that you should not retire under a wrong impres- 
sion of my feeling in consequence of the communications made to me on the 11th 
and 12th instant. 

The one hundred and fifty-seventh section of Vattel, chapter 12, hook 2, is as fol- 
lows : , 

" A. treaty is valid if there he no defect in the manner in which it has been con- 
cluded; and for this purpose nothing more can he required than a suflicient power 
in the contracting parties, and their mutual consent sufficiently declared." 

Therefore, by international law the highly confidential and delicate negotiation 
between Mr. Gregg and me, in progress since the 6th of February, became sus- 
pended under the coercion made known on the 11th and 12th instant. 

Who is it who has seen the proclamation of the President against filibustering to 
Cuba, his proclamation of the 18th of January, 1854, against unlawful expeditions 
in the Pacific, his inaugural message, and the official declarations of preceding 
administrations relating to these islands in particular, that could doubt for one 
moment that if the President, had he heard what I heard on the 11th and 12th. he 
would not instantly have ordered that all negotiations should be suspended until 
they could be honorably resumed alter every trace of coercion had been removed 
and the King's liberty to consent or not to consent fully and unquestionably rees- 
tablished. 

The only course that I could pursue under circumstances, the parallel of which, as 
far as I know, is not to be found in the history of any other nation, and certainly 
never ih the past experience of this humble Kingdom, is unmistakably designated 
in the above quotation of Yattel, and in Chapter xviii, sections 200, 201, 202. 

Respect to the United States Government, duty to the King and to my colleagues, 
and, I may add, to myself, all alike required, in the most imperative manner, that 
the unlawful threats of foreign intruders should be instantly met by the most deter- 
mined resistance. 

In less than forty-eight hours we were prepared effectually and certainly to put down 
the insurrectionary attempt that was threatened, even had it come upon us in the 
formidable shape in which it was represented. With the assistance kindly promised 
by yourself, through the Hou. David Gregg, and that which was promptly promised 
by others, the result of a struggle could not have been doubtful, the rights of the 
King would have been vindicated, and from all I have seen of the generous and mer- 
ciful character of His Majesty I would venture to say that the prisoners would have 
experienced at his hands a clemency so much beyond what the law and usage of 
nations allow in such cases as would have filled them with remorse for having ever 
attempted and conspired to overturn his throne. 

I speak in the supposition that such men can be susceptible of generous and enno- 
bling sentiments, which, considering the designs imputed to them where they neither 
had suffered nor could have ' suffered any wrong whatever, may be very doubtful. Ever 
since I have been on these islands I have welcomed the ingress of American citizens ; 
I have made it a rule, even in political debate, never to be wanting in personal 
respect to those who held diplomatic or consular commissions from the President; 
but I have no such feeling of respect or consideration for filibusters ; and if for that 
I am to be blamed, then let the censure commence with the President himself, for 
my sentiments correspond with his proclamations, and so, I hope, will ever my acts. 

In a private note like this I am forced to speak of myself only; I have no right to 
put words in the mouths of my colleagues, but I know them to be at heart gentlemen 
and men of honor, and if you believed them to be such in every point of their official 
duty to the King, you can foretell precisely what course they will pursue. > I am 
quite sure that you, whose prompt and energetic conduct in the Peninsula of "Bassa 
California" will be recorded, in history as one of the brightest pages, in a moral 
sense, of the annals of the brave American navy, can never blame those gentlemen 
born in your own country, who act with me as the joint depositaries of the confi- 
dence of King Kamehameha III, for uniting their efforts with mine, with the protec- 
tion of God and of all the friends whom the Almighty had given to us to repel with 
loathing, disgust, and indignation all filibusters who may come among us with the 
insolent pretension of throwing the weight of their revolvers into the balance of 
our honorable deliberations. 

Since the 12th you have several times remarked that I was too much excited. I 
beg to assure you that neither then nor since have I known any excitement what- 
ever, beyond that of a strong indignation. As for fear, 1 never had one particle of 
it ; but I can assure you that, had I yielded to such an unworthy impulse and 
debased myself to the degree of surrendering the King's rights under the threats 
of filibusters; and in accordance with the advice of those residents, seemingly act- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 163 



ing in connivance with them, my own dearest relations in Scotland would have 
shunned me as a filthy ihing, and if my Americau-born colleagues had permitted me 
to make that ignominious surrender, more plainly to perpetrate the treason, the 
stigma of Arnold would have clung to them and to me in every part of the United 
States during life. 

1 hope negotiations will soon be resumed on the honorable basis on which they 
were commenced, and free from the influence or control of parties who never ought 
to have known anything about them. It was to you only that I approved of cogni- 
zance being given. 

I remain, my dear sir ; yours ever truly, 

R. C. Wyllie. 



Gregg to Wyllie, January 26, 1856. 

Sir : It is my duty to inclose to you a copy of a letter addressed to me yesterday 
by Commander Bailey, of U. S. S. St. Mary's, relative to the proclamation of the late 
King, issued on the 8th of December last. I can not suppose that there is any mis- 
understanding on the part of the Hawaiian Government as to the precise extent and 
meaning of Capt. Dorniu's offer of aid. It had reference to the special emergency 
apprehended about the middle of November, and, of course, fell to the ground with 
the dangers which it was designed to ward off. Neither he nor I had any authority 
to enter into an arrangement looking beyond the crisis then supposed to be imme- 
diately impending. 

Our action was strictly pro hac vice and to that extent alone. Popular construc- 
tion gives to the proclamation a sense which could never have been officially 
intended. It bears date long after the apprehensions of violence had ceased to 
exist, and when the independence of the Islands was supposed to be a more firmly 
established than ever before." The formal acceptance of offers of assistance made 
three weeks previously could only have been designed as an act of courtesy and 
acknowledgment to the powers whose friendly intentions had been inanifestedon an 
occasion when they were peculiarly acceptable. 

Such was my view of it, founded, as I supposed, upon a just appreciation of facts. 
Had I thought that the existence of a permanent tripartite protection was designed 
to be intimated, my protest against such an inference would have been prompt, 
imperative, and unqualified. Such a thing was never thought of on my part, and 
could not have been understood from any circumstance which transpired, officially 
or otherwise. As the proclamation is still kept standing in the columns of the 
"Polynesian" newspaper, I must beg to inquire how far it is to be understood as 
assuming an existing guaranty of protection by the United States of America. I 
am anxious to remove all occasion of misapprehension and to preserve unimpaired 
not only the substance but the semblance of entire good faith and perfect con- 
cord, etc. 

(Signed.) David L. Gregg. 

Capt. Bailey wrote as follows : 

"It would appear from the proclamation that England, France, and the United 

States had agreed to a joint protectorate of the late King. Such an agreement 

would have been directly opposed to the policy that has ever been maintained by 

the United States, and would be in direct violation of the course adopted in refusing 

to unite with England and France in securing the possession of Cuba to Spain. 
* * * » 



Proclamation. 

Whereas it has come to my knowledge from the highest official sources that my 
Government has been recently threatened with overthrow by lawless violence, and 
whereas the representatives at my court of the United States, Great Britain, and 
France, being cognizant of these threats, have offered me the prompt assistance of 
the naval forces of their respective countries, I hereby proclaim my acceptance of the 
aid thus proffered in support of my sovereignty. My independence is more firmly 
established than ever before. 

Keoni Ana. Kamehameha III. 

Palace, December 8, 1854. R. C. Wyllie. 



164 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Extract from an address delivered by Judge Lee before the Royal Hawaiian Agricultural 

Society in August, 1850. 

Until within the last year the Hawaiian held his land as a mere tenant at suffer- 
ance subject to be dispossessed at any time it might suit the will or caprice of his 
chief or that of his oppressive luna. Of what avail was it to the common people to 
raise more than enough to supply the immediate wants of their subsistence? Would 
the surplus belong to them, or furnish the means of future indexjendence? Far 
from it. 

It would go to add to the stores of their despotic lords, who claimed an absolute 
right in all their property, and who periodically sent forth their hordes of luna 8 to 
scour the country and plunder the people, without the shadow of right or mercy. 
Often did these ravagers, these land-pirates, leave the poor makaainana (peasant) with 
little else than his maro (breechcloth), his digger, and his calabash. I thank God 
that these things are now at an end, and that the poor Kanaka may now stand on 
the border of his little taro patch, and, holding his fee-simple title in his hand, bid 
defiance to the world. Yes, I thank God that He has moved the hearts of the King 
and chiefs of these islands to let the oppressed go free. 



[Personal.] 

Mr. Blount to Mr. Gresham. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 31, 1893. 

Dear Sir : The condition of parties in the islands is one of quies- 
cence. The action of the United States is awaited by all as a matter 
of necessity. This condition, it can be assumed, will remain until the 
proposition to annex is accepted or rejected. In the latter contingency 
no sudden movement is likely to occur. The present Government can 
only rest on the use of military force, possessed of most of the arms in 
the islands, with a small white population to draw from to strengthen 
it. Ultimately it will fall without fail. It may preserve its existence 
for a year or two, but not longer. 

My own private affairs make it necessary for me to return home. 
The distance between us, and consequent difficulty of communication, 
is too great for me to wait for any further correspondence. It is not 
pleasant to reveal one's private affairs, nor do I intend to do so now. I 
assume that neither you nor the President under existing circum- 
stances could urge my further continuance here. 

I have discharged my duty the best I could considering I was sur- 
rounded by persons interested in misleading me, and in my inability to 
compel answers from witnesses. 
V aiu ; etc., 

Jajies H. Blount. 



LIST OF AFFIDAVITS, 



1. John F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson. 

2. John F. Calburn and A. P. Peterson, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No. 

4, dated. May 4, 1893. 

3. William H. Comwell. 

4. John A. Cummins and W. T. Seward. 

5. Charles L. Hopkins. 

6. Charles L. Hopkins, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 

1893. 

7. John Lota Kaulukou. 

8. E. C. Macfarlane. 

9. Paul Neumann. 

10. Samuel Nowlien. 

11. P.M. Rooney. 

12. John Ross. 

13. Charles B. Wilson, May 4, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893. 

14. C. B. Wilson, 6th May, 1893, 6th May, 1893. 

15. C. B. Wilson, 6th May, 1893, May 9, 1893. 



Part II— AFFIDAVITS. 
No. 1. 

Affidavits of J. F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson, 

Honolulu, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands, ss: 

J. F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson, being duly sworn, on oath depose and 
say,thaton Sunday, January 15, 1893, they were members of Her Majesty's 
cabinet, and that on that Sunday morning at 6 :30 o'clock Mr. L. A. 
Thurston came to the house of Mr. Peterson and stated in the presence of 
Mr. Peterson and Mr. Colburn that he wished to have a talk with them. 
He said that the committee of safety had had a meeting the night 
before and had come to the conclusion that things could not go on as 
at present, and that the committee had decided that the Queen should 
be dethroned and a Provisional Government established. He said that 
Mr. Stevens, the American minister would land his troops and support 
the movement, if a proclamation to that effect was issued from any 
building in town. 

He then asked Mr. Peterson and Mr. Colburn if they would, without 
consulting with their colleagues, as he said they were not to be trusted, 
take control of the situation and in their own names ask the American 
minister to assist in carrying out their programme and stated that the 
document already drawn up by him, a copy of which is annexed, could 
be changed to suit this proposition. 

John F. Colburn, 
A. P. Peterson. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 27th day of June, 1893. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Pablic First Judicial Circuit. 

165 



166 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



To His Excellency Jno. L. Stevens, American Minister Resident, and 
Captain Wiltse, Commander U. 8. 8. Boston: 

Gentlemen: On behalf of the Hawaiian cabinet, you are hereby 
informed that certain persons, without authority of law, have prepared 
and caused to be promulgated a document purporting to be a new con- 
stitution subversive of the rights of the people and contrary to the law 
and constitution of the land. 

That such illegal action is taken in the name of Her Majesty Lili- 
uokalani, and is proposed to be supported by force. That the cabinet 
maintain that such action is revolutionary and treasonable, and they 
hereby request the assistance of the United States troops to maintain 
order and support the Government. 



No. 2. 

Affidavit of John F. Colburn and A. P. Peterson, May 3, 1893, printed 
with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.. 



No. 3. 

Affidavit of William H. Comwell, 

His Excellency J. H. Blount, 

United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary: 

Sir: In supplementing the statements which I have already had 
the honor to present to your excellency, I beg to represent the follow- 
ing facts as they came within my personal observation during the late 
disturbances here: 

On Monday, the 16th of January, the cabinet met at 10 o'clock a. m. 
and made the necessary arrangements providing for the Queen's proc- 
lamation, in which she gave her assurance, guaranteed by us, her con- 
stitutional advisers, that no further attempts would be made in regard 
to obtaining a new constitution except by the way provided in the con- 
stitution itself. 

The proclamation as presented to your excellency was issued, and 
the two political meetings took place. About 5 p. m. the cabinet re- 
ceived information that American forces were being landed from the 
U. S. S. Boston, and after a short consultation among the members of 
the cabinet, Messrs. Parker and Colbnrn, with Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, the 
governor and commander in chief of Oahu, departed to interview Min- 
ister Stevens to ask for an explanation of this remarkable and uncalled- 
for step of the American representative, and to protest against the land- 
ing of the troops as being contrary to international law, courtesy, and 
custom. Mr. Parker returned shortly afterwards and told us that he and 
the other gentlemen mentioned had performed their mission and that 
Mr. Stevens had answered them that he knew "what he was doing," and 
that the troops had been landed at the request of an alleged committee 
of safety and that he would file the protest of the ministers. Mr. Par- 
ker immediately went to his office and issued a protest in writing to the 
above effect. Later, a meeting of the " law and order" committee sup- 
porting Her Majesty's Government was held at the Government build- 
ing, at which the cabinet were present. After some discussion, it was 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO- THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 167 



decided to encourage the Hawaiians to keep quiet and await further 
developments. 

On Tuesday, the 17th, the cabinet met in the morning and arrange* 
ments were made for calling a meeting of the diplomatic corps to take 
place at noon. The different foreign representatives, except Minister 
Stevens, who sent his excuses, met together at the time appointed. 
Shortly after I saw Marshal Wilson, who emphatically told me that 
from a military standpoint he was perfectly able to cope with the sit- 
uation, and that he and his followers were ready to stop any insurrec- 
tion, and, if necessary, prepared to resist and successfully fight (as he 
expected to have to do) the United States forces then ashore. Having 
the fullest confidence in the good judgment of Marshal Wilson, I con- 
curred with his ideas, and from that moment advised my colleagues to 
resist by force any attempt that might be made to overthrow the Gov- 
ernment. About 2 :45 p. m. we were informed that a proclamation had 
been issued to the effect that the Queen had been deposed and that her 
ministers and the marshal had been dismissed. 

The cabinet immediately proceeded t<3 the American legation. 
Messrs. Parker and Peterson went into Minister Stevens's office while 
Mr. Colburn and myself remained in his sitting room. Our colleagues 
soon returned and told us that Minister Stevens could grant us no 
assistance, as the committee of thirteen representing, as he said, the 
respectability and wealth of the community, had requested his support. 
Upon a straight question of the attorney general he answered that if 
called upon for assistance by the alleged newly-established Government 
he would respond to such call with the forces at his command. A little 
after 3 p. m. Mr. Charles Hopkins was sent to Minister Stevens from 
the station house (where the cabinet had taken up their headquarters) 
with a letter in which the cabinet wished to know in black and white 
how Minister Stevens proposed to act in the matter. 

Mr. Hopkins returned about half an hour later and brought Minister 
Stevens's answer, in which he informed us that he had already recog- 
nized the Provisional Government because they were in possession of 
the departmental buildings, the archives, and the treasury, and that 
he would stand ready to support them as the de facto government. 
Messrs. E. 0. Macfarlane and Neumann were then in consultation with 
the cabinet in regard to what action should be taken. About this time 
Messrs. Samuel M. Damon and 0. Boite came to the station house and 
asked the cabinet to go with them to the Government house, that the 
officers of the Provisional Government wished to talk over the situation 
with us. 

Mr. Parker and I went there and found Messrs. Dole, Damon, W. O. 
Smith, and others, and we were told that the Provisional Government 
had been recognized by Mr. Stevens, and we were asked as true Ha- 
waiians to do the best for our country and surrender, to avoid bloodshed. 
We told them that we could give them no answer before seeing Her 
Majesty the Queen, and were then requested to go to the palace and do 
our best to induce the Queen to surrender. Shortly after 5:30 p. m. we 
went to the palace and found the Queen in the blue room, and soon 
after Messrs. J. O. Carter, H. A. Widemann, Paul Neumann, and E. C. 
Macfarlane arrived. There were also present my colleagues, Messrs. 
Colburn and Peterson, and the two princes. 

Mr. Damon was likewise present representing the Provisional Gov- 
ernment. The Queen told us that she had sent for the gentlemen pres- 
ent to consult with them in this crisis, and requested them all to remain 
with her until everything w r as settled. Mr. Damon stated that he was 



168 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



sent by the Provisional Government to inform the Queen that she had 
been deposed, that her ministers and marshal had been dismissed, 
and that the Provisional Government had been recognized formally by 
Mr. J. L. Stevens, the TJ. S. Minister. As a friend and also as a privy 
councillor, he urged her to surrender peaceably, and expressed the opin- 
ion that it would perhaps be well to surrender under protest to the 
United States. Mr. J. O. Garter then expressed his views at some 
length. He saw no other course for the Queen to pursue after the 
recognition of the new government by Mr. Stevens and the landing of 
the United States troops. 

In his opinion, any resistance under the circumstances would be 
equivalant to a declaration of war against the United States. He 
advised making the protest and leaving the matter in the hands of 
the United States. After a short consultation, in which all present 
took part and all concurred in the remarks of Mr. Carter the Queen 
agreed to surrender under a protest, and the necessary docu- 
ment was drawn up by Messrs. Neumann and Carter. Mr. Carter 
and I thereupon proceeded* to the Government building, where we 
presented the protest to Mr. Dole, who indorsed it as having been 
received, noting the date and time it was received. We then 
requested the attorney-general to go to the Station House and inform 
the marshal, who was there, of what had taken place at the Palace, 
and to notify him to surrender the forces under his command. We 
were informed shortly after that Marshal Wilson refused to act upon 
such instructions, demanding a written order from the Queen and 
Cabinet before he would surrender. He reiterated that he was fully 
prepared to cope with the situation, and was ready to fight the 
insurgents and the forces of the United States, then ashore, and 
would do so, unless he should first receive such written order for his 
surrender. 

The whole cabinet then proceeded to the station house and in the 
presence of Mr. Neumann and others handed the written orders to the 
marshal and explained the situation to him. He thereupon dismissed 
his forces with a short address. The large crowd of Hawaiians 
gathered outside of the station house were dispersed quietly, after a 
short address in Hawaiian by one of the police captains, by order of the 
marshal, after which we left the station house, but up to the time of 
leaving no officer of the Provisional Government had taken charge. 

Wm. H. Cornwell. 

Subscribed and sworn to this 27th day of June, A. D. 1893, before me, 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



No 4. 

Affidavits of John A. Cummins and W. T. Seward, 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of Oaliu, City of Honolulu, ss: 

On this 19th day of June, A. D. 1893, personally appeared before me 
John" A. Cummins and Major W. T. Seward, who being by me duly 
sworn, deposed and said, that on Saturday, the 14th day of January, A. 
D. 1893, the city of Honolulu was perfectly quiet, there being nothing 
unusual and no signs of disturbance ; that on Monday, the 16th day of 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 169 

said month of January, a small faction of foreign residents called a 
meeting in the Bines Armory, on Beretania street, at 2 o'clock p. m., 
which was attended by from six to seven hundred persons, a large pro- 
portion of whom were neither voters nor taxpayers; that at the same 
hour a mass meeting attended by about twenty -five hundred persons 
(mostly Hawaiians) was held in Palace square, at which resolutions 
were unanimously passed and ordered to be presented to Her Majesty 
the Queen assuring her of the loyalty and cordial support and sympa- 
thy of her rjeople; that both of said meetings were orderly, and no 
sign or threat of disorder was seen or heard anywhere throughout the 
city; that, at about five o'clock on the same afternoon, a strong force was 
landed from the U. S. S. Boston and quartered on property belong- 
ing to an Englishman; that no portion of the force landed was as- 
signed to the protection of either American lives or property; that 
said forces were camped in virtual possession of the Government 
building, within less than one hundred yards of the front entrance of 
said building; that the landing of the American forces was a matter 
of great surprise to the public generally; that a band concert was 
held at the Hawaiian Hotel at eight o'clock in the evening which was 
very largely attended by the general public, men, women, and chil- 
dren turning out in large numbers to enjoy the music, as it was a 
beautiful moonlight evening; that no disturbance or breach of the peace 
occurred at any time now under consideration, except the shooting of a 
policeman while in the discharge of his duty at Hall's corner by a man 
in the employ of the conspirators; that said policeman was endeavor- 
ing, in accordance with orders, to prevent the transportation of arms 
from Hall & Son's store to the armory on Beretania street, and was 
unarmed; that the Provisional Government did not issue their procla- 
mation till after they had consulted with both Minister Stevens and 
Captain Wiltse. 

J. A. Cummins, 
W. T. Seward, 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 19th day of June, A. D. 1893. 
| seal.] Charles T. Gulick, 

Notary Public, Island of Oahu. 



Affidavit of Ch. L. Hopkins, 

HONOLULU, O AHU, Hawaiian Islands, ss: 

And now comes Charles L. Hopkins, a subject of the Hawaiian King- 
dom, and upon oath deposes and says : 

That after the delivery of Minister Stevens's answer to Her Majesty's 
cabinet's letter, your affiant remained at the police station until Mr. 
J. H. Soper, at the head of the Provisional troops, numbering about 30 
men, arrived at the police station, which was about 7:40 p. m. of the 
17th day of January, 1893. Marshal Wilson and J. H. Soper made 
addresses to the police in the yard, and on the return of J. H. Soper in 
the marshal's office your affiant shook hands with him and then took 
the 8 p. m. street car for home. 

Charles L. Hopkins. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 6th day of May, A. D. 1893. 

A. Kosa, 
Notary Public, First Jud. Circuit. 



170 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



]STo. 6. 

(Affidavit of Charles L. Hopkins, May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.) 



No. 7. 

Affidavit of John Lota Kaululcouu 

» 

Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, Island ofOahu,ss: 

And now comes John Lota Kaulukou, and on his oath deposes and 
says: That he is a native Hawaiian by birth and is a resident of Hon- 
olulu for a long time last past; that he is a lawyer by occupation and 
at present practicing law in Honolulu aforesaid; that on or about 2: 30 
p. m. of the 17th day of January last, it had been declared in front. of 
the Government building a new form of government for Hawaii nei 
known as the "Provisional Government;'' that at the said time the 
troops of the Boston were lined between the Government building and 
the Arion Hall, and well supplied with ammunition and Gatling guns, 
which were faced to the palace, where Her Majesty the Queen, was then 
residing; that the Provisional Government at the aforesaid time had 
only 50 armed men, more or less, and it could have been suppressed by 
the guards of the Queen's Government in a short time; that at the 
aforesaid time Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani was residing in the 
palace and had charge of that building, the barracks, the guards, and 
the ammunition, and also the police station, where Marshal Chas. B. 
Wilson, the constables, and those who lent their assistance to Her 
Majesty the Queen's Government, who have been well armed. 

That at the aforesaid time the said buildings, the police force, and 
the other public buildings were not under the charge of the Provi- 
sional Government, and that in or about 2:45 p. m. of said date, one 
Chas. L. Hopkins took a communication from the Queen's cabinet 
from the police station, where they were then, to J. L. Stevens, envoy 
extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States of 
America, residiug at the court of the Hawaiian Islands; and that on 
or about 3:15 p. m. of said date the said Chas. L. Hopkins returned to 
the said police station with a letter from said J. L. Stevens; and that 
after that it had been announced to the public, who were there then, 
that said United States minister, J. L. Stevens, had recognized the 
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and will back and 
help the said Provisional Government, and not to Her Majesty the 
Queen's Government. 

That at the recognition of the Provisional Government of the Hawai- 
ian Islands by the said J. L. Stevens, United States minister in 
Hawaii nei, the palace was in the possession of Her Majesty Queen 
Liliuokalani, and she was living in there; and under the charge and 
authority of the Queen's Government were the barracks, the guards, 
and the ammunition; under the care of Capt. S. Nowlien, the police 
station; under the charge of Marshal Chas. B. Wilson, as aforemen- 
tioned, the custom-house, the Oahu prison, and other public buildings, 
and also the protection of the lives and property of the people without 
trouble. 

John Lota Katjltjkott. 
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 18th day of May, A. D. 1893. 
Geo. Lucas, Deputy Cleric, Supreme Court. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 171 

Fo. 8. 

Affidavit of E. C. Macfarlane. 

I hereby depose that on Tuesday, the 17th day of January, 1803, at 
about 4 p. m. of that day, I was present in the station-house at Hono- 
lulu, when Mr. S. M. Damon came to me and asked me to use my 
influence with Mr. 0. B. Wilson (the marshal of the Kingdom) to sur- 
render the station-house, which was the stronghold of Her Majesty's 
Government, urging that any attempt to resist the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, which had already been proclaimed, would result in blood- 
shed and considerable loss of life. I agreed with Mr. Damon that that 
was the only course to pursue, inasmuch as the United States minister, 
Mr. Stevens, in a letter to the Queen's cabinet, which letter had been 
shown to me by Mr. A. P. Peterson, the attorney- general, had already 
recognized the Provisional Government, and 1 felt sure that the U. S. 
forces from the Boston would undoubtedly resist any attempt made 
to dislodge the Provisional Government, who were already in pos- 
session of the Government building. 

I was convinced that it would be useless for the marshal to offer any 
resistance, for such an attempt would most certainly bring about a 
conflict with the United States forces, and accordingly I urged Mr. 
Wilson to give up the station house. He stoutly refused, saying that 
he was prepared for any conflict which might arise, and that under no 
circumstances would he surrender unless by written instructions of the 
Queen and her ministers. 

Toward sundown I was summoned to the palace and there met the 
ministers and other gentlemen whom Her Majesty was consulting 
about the situation. 

Beside the ministers and the two princes there were present Mr. 
Damon, H. A. Widemann, J. O. Carter, and Paul Neumann. In a few 
words Her Majesty said she had sent for them to advise with her upon 
the situation — that the Provisional Government, which had been recog- 
nized by the United States minister — had made a demaud to surrender 
the station house and the barracks and asked their advice in the matter. 

Mr. Damon said that he was sent as a committee from the Provisional 
Government to inform Her Majesty that she had been deposed, her 
ministers dismissed, and likewise the marshal, Mr. Wilson; that the 
Provisional Government was established and recognized by the United 
States minister and a demand made by the Provisional Government 
that the station house and barracks be surrendered. 

For himself he would advise her to that course, suggesting that she 
could make a protest if she desired to do so. 

Mr. Carter stated that, in his opinion, there was only one course to 
pursue, and that was for Her Majesty to comply to the demands, stat- 
ing that the Provisional Government having been recognized by the 
United States minister, any attempt to resist would undoubtedly bring 
about complications with the United States Government. He favored 
peaceful submission and advised that she make a protest and leave the 
matter in the hands of the United States Government. 

Mr. Widemann advised to the same effect, and referring to the res- 
toration of the islands by Admiral Thomas in 1843, expressed the 
opinion that the United States, upon a proper representation of all the 
facts leading up to the present situation, would in the end repeat the 
action of the British Government and restore the independence of 
Hawaii. 



172 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

The protest was prepared by Mr. Neumann and Mr. Carter. 

Written instructions were then addressed to the marshal. Mr. Wil- 
son, signed by the Queen and her four ministers, notifying' Mr. Wilson 
that he must surrender the station house to the Provisional Govern- 
ment. 

This letter was taken to Mr. Wilson by Mr. Peterson. I accom- 
panied him to the station house. The letter was handed to Mr. Wilson 
with a verbal message from the Queen that he should make a brief 
statement to those with him that the Queen had yielded under pro- 
test, relying upon the justice of the United States Government to re- 
store her authority, and that she wished her supporters to disperse 
peaceably and keep quiet. Mr. Wilson spoke a few words to that 
effect. I remained in the building for some time afterwards and left 
about 7 o'clock, up to which time no agent of the Provisional Govern- 
ment had arrived to take possession of the station house. 
I have the honor to remain, etc., 

E. C. Macfarlane. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 6th dav of Mav. 1S93. 

F. J. Tesia. 
Sotary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



Ho. 9. 

Affidavit of Paul Xevmann, 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of Oahu, ss: 

Paul Neumann, being duly sworn, on his oath deposes and says: 
That he is a citizen of the United States of America, residing at 
Honolulu, on the Island of Oahu. and that he has resided there during 
the last nine years prior to this date. 

Affiant says that he was in Honolulu on the 14th. loth, 16th, and 
17th of January. 1S93. That on the 14th day of January, about 2 
o'clock p. in.. Hon. W. O. Smith, the present attorney-general of the 
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, invited this affiant 
to come to his (Smith's) law office, where a number of other citizens 
called shortly after affiant's arrival, and the persons assembled were 
then informed that the Queen had requested her cabinet to join her 
in proclaiming a new constitution, which the cabinet refused to do, 
and wished to know whether the community would sustain the min- 
isters in their refusal. A unanimous exrjression of those present 
followed that they would sustain the ministers in their course. 

Some one then suggested that Mr. Stevens be requested to land troops 
from the Boston to assist the people in resisting the desire of the Queen. 
A few of the persons present opposed this movement, and affiant can 
not state what steps, if any. were taken by those who sought the armed 
intervention of the United States forces. 

The persons assembled as aforesaid prepared a list of those who 
decided to sustain the Queen's cabinet in their course, and said list was 
signed by a number of persons, including affiant, at that time and place. 

On Monday, the 16th of January, in the afternoon, troops of the U. 
S. S. Boston were landed, and after one squad had been left at the U. 
S. consulate and another at the U. S. legation, the main body, includ- 
ing the battery, were stationed between the government building and 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 173 



the palace, at the instance, as we were informed, of Mr. John L. Stevens, 
then U. S. minister plenipotentiary, etc. 

On the preceding Saturday and Sunday, and on the Monday when 
the troops were landed, as well as at all times thereafter, the town and 
country was in profound peace and tranquillity, and the sudden and - 
unexpected landing of a large body of troops and the battery created 
great surprise, and was ascribed generally to the intention of Mr. 
Stevens and Captain TTiltse to assist in the establishment of a Pro- 
visional Government, a movement which had been hinted by Wiltse 
and Stevens at various times, aeccording to the information which a 
number of people had at that time. 

The pretext that the troops were landed to protect American lives 
and property was spurious and false; both lives and property were as 
safe here and as unlikely to be threatened or disturbed as in Kennebec, 
Maine, and the sole object of Mr. Stevens and Captain Wiltse was to 
abet and assist, not alone by intimidation, but by actual violence the 
revolutionary movement headed by Mr. L. A. Thurston and other per- 
sons belonging to his party. 

In making this statement affiant refers to the replies of Mr. Stevens 
to the protest of the cabinet and of the governor of Oahu, copies of 
which affiant believes are in the possession of the IT. S. Government. 

Mass meetings of foreigners and natives were respectively held on 
Monday afternoon, which in themselves showed that no outbreak of 
any kind was impending, and both meetings had peaceably and quietly 
adjourned before the Boston forces were landed. 

On Tuesday, the 17th of January, Mr. Peterson and Mr. Parker, 
members of Queen Liliuokalaui's cabinet, about 3 o'clock in the after- 
noon, informed affiant that Mr. Stevens had told them categorically that 
he would support with the Uniedd States forces a Provisional Govern- 
ment if such were proclaimed, and Mr. Peterson, when asked by affiant 
what reply Mr. Stevens had made to their protest against the landing 
of the Boston forces, showed to affiant the letter from Mr. Stevens 
recognizing the new government. 

The following is a copy of Mr. Stevens' reply to Mr. Cleghorn: 

United States Legation, 

Honolulu. Jan. 17ih, 1893. 
Sir : Yours of yesterday, the 16th, regarding the landing of the United States 
naval force at Honolulu, is received. I have carefully read its terms and import. 
My respousibility as the United States minister plenipotentiary at this critical time 
in Hawaiian-affairs it is impos^itite for me to-iguore. I assure you that, in whatever 
responsibility the American diplomatic and naval representatives have assumed or 
may assume, we shall do our utmost to regard the welfare of all persons and interests 
concerned. 

Yours sincerely with kindest consideration, 

John L. Stevens. 

Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, 
Governor of Oahu. 

Affiant suggested to Peterson and Parker to obtain from Stevens a 
written declaration of his intention to support the revolutionary move- 
ment by the IT. S. troops, but affiant can not state if such a declaration 
was delivered to them. About two hours after affiant had been made 
aware of Mr. Stevens's attitude toward the lawful Hawaiian Govern- 
ment, and of his instantaneous recognition of the revolutionary govern- 
ment, if in fact that recognition was notmadeand delivered to theleaders 
of the revolution before any Provisional Government was at all pro- 
claimed, affiant was requested to call at the Palace, when he met the Queen 



174 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and her Cabinet and a number of citizens, including Mr. J. O. Cartel , Mr. 
Macfarlane, Judge Widemann, and Mr.S. M. Damon, who discussed the 
situation, and after the statement was repeated that Mr. Stevens had 
unqualifiedly stated that he would by force of arms sustain the Provis- 
ional Government, and had in fact given it official recognition before it 
had a lawful existence, and the further fact was stated to affiant that 
the TJ. S. legation had been at various times the meeting place of the 
persons who conspired to overthrow the Hawaiian Government, affiant 
among others advised the Queen to accede under piotest to the request 
of Mr. Dole to surrender the station house and barracks, and advised 
to disband the persons who had been sworn in and armed to preserve 
law and order. 

Affiant drafted the protest, and after Mr. Dole, the President of the 
revolutionary faction, had acknowledged in writing the receipt of the 
Queen's protest, the order was given to the marshal, who thereupon, 
between 7 and 9 o'clock p. m., disbanded the men and subsequently^ 
but whether that night or the next day affiant does not know, delivered 
the possession of the station house and its contents to some representa- 
tive of the Provisional Government.. Affiant can not state when the 
barracks were delivered to the revolutionary party but believes that 
it was done on Wednesday the 18th of January. 

Paul Neumann. 

Subscribed and sworn to this 27th day of January, A. D. 1893, before 
me. Chas. T. Gulick, 

Notary Public, Island of Oahu. 



No. 10. 

Affidavit of Samuel Noivlien. 

Honolulu, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands, ss: 

And now comes Samuel ISowlien, a subject of the Hawaiian Kingdom, 
and upon oath deposes and says: 

That he was captain commanding the Household Guards and was 
stationed at the Government Barracks and was also in control of the 
royal palace on the llith and 17th days of January, A. D. 1893, with a 
total armed force of 272 men of all ranks, of which 72 men were regu- 
lars of the Household Guards and 200 men Avere native Hawaiian vol- 
unteers, fully armed and equipped with 12 breech -loading rifled can- 
nons (Austrian make) and one Gatling, 111 Springfield rifles (TJ. S. A.), 
and 165 Winchester repeating army rifles, with 21,580 rounds of ammu- 
nition. That your affiant was in possession and in charge of said bar- 
racks and the palace yard up to and between 4 and 5 o'clock p. m. of 
the 18th of said January, when said premises were turned over to J. 
H. Soper and the regulars were then and there disbanded. 

Samuel Nowlien. 

Subscribed and sworn to this 8th day of May, A. D. 1893, before me, 

[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First J udicial Circuit, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 175 



No. 11. 

Affidavit of P. M. Booney, 

Honolulu, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands, ss: 

And dow comes P. M. Booney, an American citizen, and a resident of 
Honolulu aforesaid, and upon oath deposes and says that he was a spe- 
cial police on the 1 6th and 17th days of January, A. D. 1893, having 
been engaged by Marshal Wilson as such; that your affiant was at the 
police station up to 7 o'clock p. m. of the 17th day aforesaid, and up to 
that time Marshal Wilson was in possession and in charge of the police 
station aforesaid with all of his men. The Provisional troops had not 
at that time taken charge of the place. 

P. M. Booney, 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 6th day of May, A. D. 1893. 

A. Bosa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



No. 12. 

Affidavit of John Boss, 

Honolulu, June 20, 1893, 

His Excellency James H. Blount, 

TJ. 8. Minister, etc., etc. 
Sir: I am again enabled to present to you, on behalf of truth and 
justice, an affidavit from a Captain John Koss, for four years, and lat- 
terly an executive officer, in the four years' war of American Bevolution. 
I Believing it to be useful he has placed the affidavit at my disposal, 
which I have given him to understand shall be sent to you immediately. 
He is in communication with me, and can be seen any time you should 
so desire further acquaintance of the gentleman. I have the honor to be 
Your obedient, humble servant, 

Jno. E. Bush. 

From an experience of twenty years' residence in the Hawaiian Is- 
lands I hereby state, without bias or prejudice, that there was no dem- 
onstration or disturbance or threats made that there would be dis- 
turbance on the sixteenth clay of January, 1893, that would call for 
the landing of troops either to protect life or property; in fact the 
landing of men from the U. S. S. " Boston" was so unlooked for that 
when the report came to the Hawaiian Hotel, where I was at the time 
of their landing, about 5:30 p. m., that it was received as a canard 
until the battalion was seen marching past on King street and came to 
a halt on the sidewalk east of the main entrance to the Boyal Palace 
and facing the south. About 7 p, m. the battalion formed and marched 
eastward about three-quarters of a mile to the suburbs and broke 
ranks on the premises of J. B. Atherton, where it appeared they were to 
bivonack for the night. Next morning they occupied Harmony Hall, a 
small wooden building about eighty ieet west of the Government build- 
ing. The Hawaiian Government band played as usual its Monday 
evening concert to the populace and the usual assembly of men, women, 
and children were there as well as on the streets. 



176 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The circumstance of the landing of the marines was generally ao 
cepted as part of the schemes of the Revolutionists or Missionary party 
as understood to be arranged between them and Mr. Stevens and Cap- 
tain Wiltse of the U. S. S. "Boston," as shortly before the battalion 
landed Messrs. Thurston, W. E. Castle and Henry Waterhouse were 
seen going to the U. S. legation, and returning from there, and to the 
office of L. A. Thurston and W. O. Smith's office, the headquarters 01 
the Revolutionists. But at no time before, on, or after the 16th of Jan- 
uary was life or property in danger more than ordinary. Such is my 
belief and statement. 

John Eoss. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 39th day of June, 1893. 

[SEAL.] CHAS. T. GULICK, 

Notary Public, Island of Oahu. 



No. 13. 

(Affidavit of Charles B. Wilson, May 4, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 3893.) 



No. 14. 

Affidavit of Charles B. Wilson, 

Honolulu, Oahu, 

Hawaiian Islands, ss. 

And now comes Chas. B. Wilson of Honolulu, aforesaid, and upon 
oath deposes and says: 

That on the 17th day of January, A. D. 1893, between the hours of 
7 and 8 p. m. of that day, he surrendered, by order of the Queen and 
Cabinet to Jno. J. Soper, as commander-in-chief of the forces of the Pro- 
visional Government, and representing that Government, the police sta- 
tion with all the arms and munitions of war, the control of the police 
force and Oahu jail, together with all Government property under his 
control as marshal of the Kingdom. 

Chas. B. Wilson. 

Sworn and subscribed before me this 6th day of May, A. D. 1893. 

F. J. Testa, 
Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit 



No. 15. 

Affidavit of Charles B. Wilson. 

Honolulu, Oahu, Hawaiian Islands, ss. 

And now comes Chas. B. Wilson, of Honolulu, aforesaid, and upon 
oath deposes and says: 

That he was at the police station and had full charge and control of 
the station, Oahu jail, and the police force throughout the kingdom on 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 177 



the 17th day of January, A. D., 1893, as marshal of the Kingdom of 
Hawaii; that on the date aforesaid at about 2 p. m. he had at the 
police station under his control a total of two hundred and twenty- 
four (224) men fully armed and equipped for active service, one hundred 
and ten (110) of said number having been instructed in military tactics 
and drilled in the use of firearms for nearly two years last past, who 
also had practice at target shooting and have contested in team shoot- 
ing with the household troops, and were victorious, winning the team 
trophy and all prizes competed for during the contest. 

That on the aforesaid day were armed with Springfield rifles (of 
late U. S. A. pattern) and one Gatling gun with twenty thousand 
and five hundred (20,500) rounds IT. M. Oo.'s fixed ammunition. That 
one hundred and fourteen (114) of the 224 were volunteers armed with 
repeating rifles, 74 of which were of army pattern, 20 army carbines 
and 20 sporting, all of the Winchester make, with (9,000) nine thou- 
sand rounds of fixed ammunition, also two thousand (2,000) rounds 
of fixed ammunition loaded with buckshot for 10 and 12 gauge breech- 
loading shotguns for the use of extra men. 

The make-up of the force under his control is as follows: From the 
regular patrol, 74; special reserve force, 36; volunteers, 114. Total 
armed force at police station on the aforesaid date (224) two hundred 
and twenty-four. 

Chas. B. Wilson. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 9th day of May, A. D. 1893. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



LIST OF STATEMENTS AND INTERVIEWS. 

1. W. T>. Alexander. 

2. Same. 

3. Same. 

4. W. D. Alexander, July 18, 1893, (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 15, dated July 
26, 1693, ante). 

5. Volney V. Ashford. 

6. Same. 

7. H. P. Baldwin. 

8. C. E. Bishop. 

9. S. E. Bishop. 

10. William Blaisdell. 

11. Same. 

12. C. Bolte. 

13. W. P. Boyd. 

14. J. O. Carter, May 3, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 
1893, ante). 

15. J. O. Carter. 

16. H. Center. 

17. I). W. Coffman. 

18. John F. Colburn. 

19. W. H. Cornwell. 

20. S. M. Damon. 

21. Lieut. Herbert L. Draper (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 5, dated May 6, 1893, 
ante) . 

22. C. T. Gulick. 

23. Same. 

24. Same. 

25. ¥. H. Hayselden, 

26. C. M. Hyde. 

27. C. P. Jankea. 

28. A. F. Judd. 

10518 12 



178 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



29. Hui Kalaiaina. 

30. J. W. Kalua. 

31. J. Kanoho. 

32. John Lot Kaulukou. 

33. Queen Liliuokalani. 

34. A. B. Loebenstein. 

35. Curtis J. Lyons. 

36. Same. 

37. E. C. Macfarlane. 

38. George Mundon. 

39. Samuel Parker. 

40. Hawaiian Patriotic League. 
41 Same. 

42. Hawaiian Patriotic League, May 2, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, 
dated May 4, 1893, ante). 

43. A. P. Peterson. 

44. Wm, Hyde Rice. 

45. Antone Rosa. 

46. M. M. Scott. 

47. Admiral Skerrett, April 8, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's No. 2, dated April 8, 
1893, ante). 

48. W.O.Smith. 

49. J.H.Soper. 

50. Claus Spreckels. 

51. Same. 

52. Lieut. Commander William Swinburne. May 3, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's 
No. 4, dated May 4, 1893, ante). 

53. L. A. Thurston, March 16, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's Xo. 2, dated April 8, 
1893, ante). 

54. Dr. Trousseau. 

55. Henry Waterhouse, May 2, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's Xo. 4, dated May 4, 
1893, ante). 

56. C. B. Wells. 

57. H. A. Widemann. 

58. Same. 

59. Robert W. Wilcox. 

60. C. B. Wilson. 

61. F. Wundenberg. 

62. F. Wundenberg (printed with Mr. Blount's Xo. 3, dated April 26, 1893. ante). 

63. F. Wundenberg, May 15, 1893 (printed with Mr. Blount's Xo. 9, dated June 6, 
1893, ante). 



PART III INTERVIEWS AND STATEMENTS. 



Fo. 1. 

Statement of W. JD. Alexander. 

A STATEMENT OF FACTS RELATING- TO POLITICS DURING- KAL AH A.TJ A'S 

REIGN. 

It is true that the germs of many of the evils of Kalakaua's reign 
may be traced to the reign of Kamehameha V. The reactionary policy 
of that monarch is well known. Under him the "recrudescence" of 
heathenism commenced, as evinced by the Pagan orgies at the funeral 
of his sister, Victoria Kamamalu, in June, 1866, and by his encourage- 
ment of the lascivious hulahula dances and of the pernicious class of 
kahunas or sorcerers. Closely connected with this reaction was a 
growing jealousy and hatred of foreigners. 

INTRIGUES DURING LUNALILO'S REIGN. 

During Lunalilo's brief reign, 1873- r 74, this feeling was fanned into 
a flame by several causes, viz, the execution of the law for the segre- 
gation of lepers, the agitation caused by the proposal to cede the use 
of Pearl Harbor to the United States, and the famous mutiny at the 
barracks. This disaffection was made the most of by Kalakaua, who 
was smarting under his defeat in the election of January 8, 1873. 
Indeed, his manifesto previous to that election appealed to this race 
prejudice. Thus he promised, if elected, "to repeal the poll tax," " to 
put native Hawaiians into the Government offices," to "amend the consti- 
tution of 1S64," etc. "Beware," he said, " of the constitution of 1852, 
and the false teaching of the foreigners, who are now seeking to obtain 
the direction of the Government, if Lunalilo ascends the throne." 
Walter Murray Gibson, formerly Mormon apostle and shepherd of 
Lanai, then professional politician and editor of the scurrilous paper, 
Kuhou, was bitterly disappointed that he had been ignored in the forma- 
tion of Lunalilo's cabinet. Accordingly he took the role of an agitator 
and attached himself to Kalakaua's party. They were both disap- 
pointed at the result of the barracks mutiny, which had undoubtedly 
been fomented by Kalakaua. 

THE ELECTION OF KALAKAUA. 

Upon Lunalilo's untimely death, February 3. 1874, as no successor 
to the throne had been appointed, the Legislature was summoned to 
meet on the 12th, only nine days after his death. The popular choice 
lay between Kalakaua and the jQueen-Do wager Emma. The cabinet 
and the American party used all their influence in favor of the former, 
while the English favored Queen Emma, who was devoted to their 

179 



180 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

interest. At the same time Kalakaua's true character was not gener- 
ally understood. The natives knew that his family had always been 
an idolatrous one. His reputed grandfather, Kamanawa, had been 
hanged, October 20, 1840, for poisoning his wife, Kamokuiki. 

Under Kamehameha V he had always been an advocate of abso- 
lutism and also of the removal of the prohibition of furnishing alco- 
holic liquors to natives. While he was postmaster a defalcation occurred, 
which, was covered up, while his friends made good the loss to the Gov- 
ernment. Like Wilkins Micawber, he was impecunious all his life, 
whatever the amount of his income might be. He was characterized 
by a fondness for decorations and military show long before he was 
thought of as a possible candidate for the throne. 

It was believed, however, that if Queen Emma should be elected 
there would be no hope of our obtaining a reciprocity treaty with the 
United States. The movement in favor of Queen Emma carried the 
day with the natives on Oahu, but had not time to spread to the other 
islands. It was charged, and generally believed, that bribery was used 
by Kalakaua's friends to secure his election. Be that as it may, the 
Legislature was convened in the old court house (now occupied by 
Hackfeld & Go.) and elected Kalakaua King by 39 votes to 6. 

THE COURT-HOUSE RIOT. 

A howling mob, composed of Queen Emma's partisans, had sur- 
rounded the court house during the election, after which they battered 
down the back doors, sacked the building, and assaulted the represent- 
atives with clubs. Messrs. G. G. Harris and S. B. Dole held the main 
door against them for considerable time. The mob, with one exception, 
refrained from violence to foreigners, from fear of intervention by the 
men of- war in port. 

The cabinet and the marshal had been warned of the danger, but 
had made light of it. The police appeared to be in sympathy with the 
populace, and the volunteers, for the same reason, would not turn out. 
Mr. H. A. Pierce, the American minister, however, had anticipated the 
riot, and had agreed with Commodore Belknap, of theU. S. S. Tusearora, 
and Commodore Skerrett, of the Portsmouth, upon a signal for landing the 
troops under their command. At last Mr. C. R. Bishop, minister of 
foreign affairs, formally applied to him and to Maj. Wodihouse, H. B. 
M.'s commissioner, for assistance in putting down the riot. 

A body of 150 marines immediately landed from the two American 
men of war, and in a few minutes was joined by one of 70 men from 
H. B. M.'s corvette Tenedos, Capt. Ray. They quickly dispersed the 
mob, and arrested a number of them without any bloodshed. The 
British troops first occupied Queen Emma's grounds, arresting several 
of the ringleaders there, and afterwards guarded the palace and bar- 
racks. The other Government buildings, the prison, etc., were guarded 
by American troops until the 20th. 

INAUGURATION OF KALAKAUA. 

The next day at noon Kalakaua was sworn in as King, under the 
protection of the United States troops. By an irony of fate the late 
leader of the an ti ^American agitation owed his life and his throne to 
American intervention, and for several years he depended upon the 
support of the foreign community. In these circumstances he did not 
venture to proclaim a new constitution (as in his inaugural speech 
he had said he intended to do), nor to disregard public opinion in 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 181 

his appointments. His first minister of foreign affairs was the late 
Hon. W. L. Green, an Englishman, universally respected for his integ- 
rity and ability, who held this office for nearly three years, and carried 
through the treaty of reciprocity in the teeth of bitter opposition. 

THE RECIPROCITY TREATY. 

The following October Messrs. E. H. Allen and H. A. P. Carter were 
sent to Washington to negotiate a treaty of reciprocity. 

The Government of the United States having extended an invitation 
to the King, and placed the IT. S. S. Benicia at his disposal, he em- 
barked November 17, 1874, accompanied by Mr. H. A. Pierce and 
several other gentlemen. They were most cordially received and 
treated as guests of the nation. After a tour through the Northern States, 
the royal party returned to Honolulu February 15, 1875, in the U. S. S. 
Pensacola. The treaty of reciprocity was concluded January 30, 1875, 
and the ratifications were exchanged at Washington June 3, 1875. 

The act necessary to carry it into effect was not, however, passed 
by the Hawaiian Legislature till July 18, 1876, after the most stubborn 
opposition, chiefly from the English members of the house and the 
partisans of Queen Emma, who denounced it as a step toward annex- 
ation. It finally went into effect September 9, 1876. 

THE ADVENT OF SPRECKELS. 

The first effect of the reciprocity treaty was to cause a "boom" in 
sugar, which turned the heads of some of our shrewdest men and 
nearly caused a financial crash. Among other enterprises the Haiku 
irrigation ditch, 20 miles in length, which taps certain streams flowing 
down the northern slopes of East Maui and waters three plantations, 
were planned and carried out by Mr. S. T. Alexander, in 1877. About 
that time he pointed out to Col. Claus Spreckels the fertile plain of 
Central Maui, then lying waste, which only needed irrigation to pro- 
duce immense crops. Accordingly, in 1878, Mr. Spreckels applied to 
the cabinet for a lease of the surplus waters of the streams on the 
northeast side of Maui as far as Honomanu. They flow through a 
rugged district at present almost uninhabited. The then attorney- 
general, Judge Hartwell, and the minister of the interior, J. Mott 
Smith, refused to grant him a perpetual monopoly of this water, as 
they state it. Up to this time the changes in the cabinet had been 
caused by disagreement between its members, and had no political 
significance. 

In the meantime, Mr. Gibson, after many months of preparation, had 
brought in befor*e the Legislature a motion of want of confidence in the 
ministry, which was defeated June 24 by a vote of 26 to 19. On the 
night,of July 1 Messrs. Claus Spreckels and G. W. Macfarlane had a 
long conference with Kalakaua at the Hawaiian Hotel on the subject 
of the water privilege, and adjourned to the palace about midnight. 
It is not necessary to give the details here, but the result was that let- 
ters were drawn up and signed by the King, addressed to each member 
of the cabinet, requesting his resignation, without stating any reason 
for his dismissal. These letters were delivered by a messenger between 
1 and 2 o'clock in the morning. Such an arbitrary and despotic act 
was without precedent in Hawaiian history. 

The next day a new cabinet was appointed, consisting of S. G. 
Wilder, Minister of the Interior, E. Preston, Attorney-general, Simon 
Kaai, Minister of Finance, and John Kapena, Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



182 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

The last two positions were sinecures, but Kaai as a speaker and poli- 
tician had great influence with his countrymen. The new cabinet 
granted Mr. Spreckels the desired water privilege for thirty years at 
§500 per annum. The opium-license and free-liquor bills were killed. 
The actual premier, Mr. Wilder, was probably the ablest administrator 
that this country has ever had. He infused new vigor into every 
department of the Government, promoted immigration, carried out 
extensive public improvements, and at the legislative session of 1880 
was able to show cash in the treasury sufficient to pay off the existing 
national debt. But his determination to administer his own depart- 
ment in accordance with business methods did not suit the King. 

Meanwhile Gibson spared no pains to make himself conspicuous as 
the soi-disant champion of the aboriginal race. He even tried to 
capture the "missionaries," " experienced religion," held forth at {Sun- 
day prayer meetings, and spoke in favor of temperance. 

CELSO CESAR MORENO. 

The professional lobbyist, Celso Cesar Moreno, well known at Sacra- 
mento and Washington, arrived in Honolulu November 14, 1879, on the 
China Merchants' Steam Navigation Company's steamer Ho-chung, with 
the view of establishing a line of steamers between Honolulu and China. 
Soon afterwards he presented a memorial to the Hawaiian Government 
asking for a subsidy to the proposed line. He remained in Honolulu 
about ten months, during which time he gained unbounded influence 
over the King by servile flattery and by encouraging all his pet hob- 
bies. He told him that he ought to be his own prime minister, and to 
fill all Government offices with native Hawaiians. He encouraged his 
craze for a 10-million loan, to be spent chiefly for military purposes, 
and told him that China was the " treasure house of the world," where 
he could borrow all the money he wanted. The King was always an 
active politician, and he left no stone unturned to carry the election ot 
of 1880. His candidates advocated a 10-million loan and unlimited 
Chinese immigration. With Moreno's assistance he produced a pam- 
phlet in support of these views, entitled "A reply to ministerial utter- 
ances." 

THE SESSION OF 1880. 

In the Legislature of 1880 was seen the strange spectacle of the King 
working with a pair of unscrupulous adventurers to oust his own con- 
stitutional advisers, and introducing through his creatures a series of 
bills, which were generally defeated by the ministry. 

Gibson had now thrown off the mask, and voted for everyone of the 
King and Moreno's measures. Among their bills which failed were the 
10-million loan bill, the opium-license bill, the free-liquor bill, and 
especially the bill guaranteeing a bonus of $1,000,000 in gold to Moreno's 
Trans-Pacific Cable Company. 

The subsidy to the China line of steamers was carried by the lavish 
use of money; but it was never paid. Appropriations were passed for 
the education of Hawaiian youths abroad, and for the coronation of 
the King and Queen. 

At last on the 4th of August, Gibson brought in a motion of " want 
of confidence" which after a lengthy debate was defeated by the 
decisive vote of 32 to 10. On the 14th, the King prorogued the Legisla- 
ture at noon, and about an hour later dismissed his ministers without 
a word of explanation, and appointed Moreno premier and Minister of 
Foreign Affairs; J. E. Bush, Minister of the Interior; W. C.Jones, 
Attorney- general, and Eev. M. Kueea, Minister of Finance. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 183 



FALL OF THE MORENO MINISTRY. 

Moreno was generally detested by the foreign community, and the 
announcement of his appointment created intense excitement. 

For the first time the discordant elements of this community were 
united, and they were supported by a large proportion of the natives. 
The three highest and most influential chiefs — Queen Dowager Emma, 
Euth Keelikolani, and Bernice Pauahi Bishop — joined in condemning 
the King's course. Two mass meetings were held at the KaumakapiLL 
Church, and a smaller one of foreigners at the old Bethel Church, to 
protest against the coup d'etat. The diplomatic representatives of the 
United States, England, and France — Gen. Comly, Maj. Wodehouse, 
and M. Eatard — raised their respective flags over their legations, and 
declared that they would hold no further official intercourse with the 
Hawaiian Government as long as Moreno should be premier. On the 
side of the King, E. W. Wilcox, Kawahi, and others harangued the 
natives, appealing to their jealousy of foreigners. The following mani- 
festo is a sample : 

WAT-UP CELSO MORENO. 

To all true-born citizens of the country, greeting: We hare with us one Celso Cesar 
Moreno, a naturalized and true Hawaiian. His great desire is the advancement of 
this country in wealth, and the salvation or this people, by placing the leading 
positions of Government in the hands of the Hawaiians for administration. The 
great desire of Moreno is to cast down foreigners from official positions and to put 
true Hawaiians in their places, because to them belongs the country. They should 
hold the Government and not strangers. This has been the cause of the decrease of 
the people. Positions have been taken from Hawaiians and given to strangers. C. 
C. Moreno desires to throw down these foreigners and to elevate to high positions 
the people to whom belongs the land, i. e., the red-skins. This is the real cause of 
jealousy on the part of foreigners, viz., that Hawaiians shall be placed above them 
in all things in this well-beloved country. C. C. Moreno is the heart from whence 
will issue life to the real Hawaiians. 

After four days of intense excitement, the King yielded to the storm. 
Moreno's resignation was announced on the 19th, and his place filled 
ad interim by J. E. Bush. On the 30th Moreno left for Europe, with 
three Hawaiian " youths" under his charge, viz., E. W. Wilcox, a 
member of the late legislature, 26 years of age, Eobert Boyd, and 
James K. Booth. It was afterwards ascertained that he bore a secret 
commission as minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary to 
all the great powers, as well as letters addressed to the governments of 
the United States, England, and Erance demanding the recall of their 
representatives. A violent quarrel had broken out between him and 
his disappointed rival, Gibson, who purchased the P. G. Advertiser 
printing office with Government money September 1, and conducted 
that paper thenceforth as the King's organ. 

Mr. W. L. Green was persuaded to accept the vacant place of min- 
ister of foreign affairs September 22. In a few days he discovered 
what had been done, and immediately notified the representatives of 
the three powers concerned of the insult that had been offered them. 

A meeting was held at his office between the foreign representatives 
on the one side and himself and J. E. Bush on the other, at which the 
letters in question were read. The result was that Mr. Green resigned 
and compelled the resignation of his colleagues. 

THE GREEN-CARTER MINISTRY. 

Mr. Claus Spreckles, who arrived September 5, took an active part 
in these events and in the formation of the new ministry, which con- 



184 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



sisted of W. L. Green, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; H. A. P. Carter, Min- 
ister of the Interior; J. S. Walker, Minister of Finance, and W. & Arm 
s tron g, Attorney- gen er al. 

The first act was to annul Moreno's commission, and to send dis- 
patches, which were telegraphed from San Francisco to Washington, 
London, and Paris, disavowing the demands which he had sent. 
Moreno, however, proceeded on his journey and finally placed the 
Hawaiian youths, one in a military and two in a naval school in Italy. 

THE KING'S TOUR AROUND THE WORLD. 

The King immediately began to agitate his project of a trip around 
the world. As it was known he was corresponding with Moreno, it was 
arranged that Mr. G. H. Judd should accompany him as Chamberlain, 
and Mr. W. X. Armstrong as Commissioner of Immigration. He was 
received with royal honors in Japan, Siam, and Johore. On the King's 
arrival in Naples, Moreno made an audacious attempt to take posses- 
sion of His Majesty and dispense with his companions, but he met with 
more than his match in Mr. Armstrong. The royal party visited nearly 
all the capitals of Europe, where the King added a large number of 
decorations to his collection, and took particular note of military mat- 
ters and court etiquette. An Austrian field battery which took his 
eye afterwards cost this country nearly $20,000. During the King's 
absence his sister, Mrs. Dominis, styled Liliuokalani, acted as regent. 
He returned to Honolulu October 29, 1881, where he had a magnificent 
reception, triumphal arches, torches blazing at noonday, and extrava- 
gant adulation of every description. 

TRIUMPH OF GIBSON. 

During the King's absence he had kept up a correspondence with 
his political workers at home, and after his return he produced another 
pamphlet in Hawaiian, advocating a ten-million loan. Gibson's paper 
had been filled with gross flattery of the King and of the natives, and 
had made the most of the smallpox epidemic of 1881 to excite the pop- 
ulace against the ministry. 

Just before the election of 1882 a pamphlet appeared, containing a 
scathing exposure of his past career (especially in connection with the 
Morman Church), backed by a mass of documentary evidence. Gib- 
son's only reply was to point to his subsequent election by a large 
majority of the native voters of Honolulu. Only two other white men 
were elected on the islands that year. It was the first time that the 
race issue had superseded all other considerations with the native 
electorate. 

SESSION OF 1882. 

The Legislature of 1882 was one of the weakest and most corrupt that 
ever sat in Honolulu. At the opening of the session Minister Carter 
was absent in Portugal, negotiating a treaty with the Government of 
that country. It was soon evident that the ministry did not control a 
majority of the House, but that the King did. After an ineffectual 
attempt to quiet Gibson by offering him the Presidency of the Board of 
Health with a salary of $4,000, they resigned, May 19, and Gibson 
became Premier. 

His colleagues were J. E. Bush, lately of Moreno's cabinet; Simon 
Kaai, who drank himself to death, and Edward Preston, attorney-gen- 
eral, who was really the mainstay of the Cabinet. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 185 

One of their first measures was an act to convey to Claus Spreckels 
the crown lands of Wailuku, containing some 24,000 acres, in order to 
compromise a claim which he held to an undivided share of the crown 
lands. He had purchased from Buth Keelikolani, for the sum of $10,000, 
all the interest which she might have had in the crown lands as being 
the half sister of Kamehameha IV, who died intestate. Her claim had 
been ignored in the decision of the Supreme Court and the Act of 1865, 
which constituted the crown lands. . Instead of testing her right by a 
suit before the Supreme Court, the Ministry thought it best to accept 
the above compromise and carried it through the Legislature. 

The prohibition against furnishing intoxicating liquor to natives was 
repealed at this session, and the consequences to the race have been 
disastrous. The ten-million loan bill was again introduced, but was 
shelved in committee and a two-million loan act substituted for it. 
The appropriation bill was swelled to double the estimated receipts of 
the Government, including §30,000 for coronation expenses, $30,000 
for Hawaiian youths in foreign countries, 810,000 for a Board of Gene- 
alogy, besides large sums for the military, foreign embassies, the pal- 
ace, etc. 

At the last moment a bill was rushed through giving the King sole 
power to appoint district justices, through his creatines, the gov- 
ernors, which had formerly been done only u by and with the advice of 
the Justices of the Supreme Court." This was another step toward 
absolutism. Meanwhile Gibson defended the King's right to be an 
active politician, and called him " the first Hawaiian King with the 
brains and heart of a statesman." 

At the same time it was understood that Clans Spreckels backed the 
Gibson ministry and made them advances under the Loan Act. 

THE CORONATION. 

Kalakaua had always felt dissatisfied with the manner in which he 
had been sworn in as King. He was also tired of being reminded that 
he was not a king by birth, but only by election. To remedy this defect 
he determined to have the ceremony performed over again in as impos- 
ing a manner as possible. Three years were spent in preparations for 
the great event, and invitations were sent to all rulers and potentates 
on earth to be present in person or by proxy on the occasion. Japan 
sent a commissioner, while England, France, and the United States 
were represented by ships of war. The ceremony took place February 
12, 1883, nine years after Kalakaua's inauguration. Most of the regalia 
had been ordered from London, viz, two crowns, a scepter, ring, and 
sword, while the royal feather mantle, tabu stick, and kahili or plumed 
staif, were native insignia of rank. 

A pavilion was built for the occasion, as well as a temporary amphi- 
theatre for the spectators. The Chief Justice administered the oath of 
office and invested the King with the various insignia. This ceremony 
was boycotted by the high chiefs, Queen Emma, Euth Keelikolani, and 
Mrs. Bernice Pauahi Bishop, and by a large part of the foreign com- 
munity, as an expensive and useless pageant intended to aid the King's 
political schemes to make himself an absolute monarch. The corona- 
tion was followed by feasts, a regatta, and races, and by a series of 
nightly hulahulas, i. e., heathen dances, accompanied by appropriate 
songs. The printer of the Coronation Hula programme, which con- 
tained the subjects and first lines of these songs, was prosecuted and 
fined by the court on account of their gross and incredible obscenity. 



186 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



EMBASSIES, ETC. 

During this year Mr. J. M. Kapena was sent as Envoy Extraordinary 
to Japan, while Mr. C. P. Iaukea, with H. Poor as secretary, was sent 
to attend the coronation of the Czar Alexander III at Moscow, and 
afterwards on a mission to Paris, Kome, Belgrade, Calcutta, and Japan, 
on his way around the world. 

Kalakaua was no longer satisfied with being merely King of Hawaii, 
but aspired to what Gibson termed the "Primacy of the Pacific." 
Capt. Tripp and F. L. Clarke were sent as royal commissioners to the 
Gilbert Islands and New Hebrides, to prepare the way for a Hawaiian 
protectorate; a parody on the "Monroe doctrine" was put forth in a 
grandiloquent protest addressed to all the great powers by Mr. Gibson, 
warning them against any further annexation of islands in the Pacific 
Ocean, and claiming for Hawaii the exclusive right "to assist them in 
improving their political and social condition," i. e., a virtual protec- 
torate of the other groups. 

THE HAWAIIAN COINAGE. 

The King was now impatient to have his "image and superscription" 
on the coinage of the realm, to add to his dignity as an independent 
monarch. As no appropriation had been made for this purpose, 
recourse was had to the recognized " power behind the throne." Mr. 
Clans Spreckels purchased the bullion, and arrangements were made 
with the San Francisco mint for the coinage of silver dollars and frac- 
tions of a dollar, to the amount of one million dollars' worth, to be of 
identical weight and fineness with the like coins of the United States. 
The intrinsic value of the silver dollar at that time was about 84 cents. 
It was intended, however, to exchange this silver for gold bonds at par 
under the loan act of 1882. On the arrival of the first installment of 
the coin the matter was brought before the Supreme Court by Messrs. 
Dole, Castle, and W. O. Smith. After a full hearing of the case, the 
court decided that these bonds could not legally be placed except for 
par value in gold coin of the United States, and issued an injunction to 
that effect on the Minister of Finance, December 14, 1883. The Privy 
Council was then convened, and declared these coins to be of the legal 
value expressed on their face, subject to the legal-tender act, and 
they were gradually put into circulation. A profit of $150,000 is said 
to have been made on this transaction. 

THE FIEST RECONSTRUCTION OF THE GIBSON CABINET, 1883. 

Mr. Gibson's first cabinet went to pieces in a little over a year. 
Simon Kaai was compelled to resign in February, 1883, from "chronic 
inebriety," and was succeeded by J. M. Kapena. Mr. Preston resigned 
the following May from disgust at the King's personal intermeddling 
with the administration, and in July Mr. Bush resigned in consequence 
of a falling out with Mr. Gibson. For some time "the secretary stood 
alone," being at once Minister of Foreign Affairs, Attorney-General, 
and Minister of the Interior ad interim; besides being President of the 
Board of Health, President of the Board of Education, and member of 
the Board of Immigration, with nearly the whole foreign community 
opposed to him. The price of government bonds had fallen to 75 per 
cent with no takers, and the treasury was nearly empty. At this junc- 
ture (August 6), when a change of ministry was looked for, Mr. C. T. 
Gulick was persuaded to take the portfolio of the Interior, and a small 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 187 



loan was obtained from his friends. Then to the surprise of the public, 
Col. Clans Spreckels decided to support the Gibson cabinet, which was 
soon after completed by the accession of Paul Neumann. 

THE LEGISLATURE OF 1884. 

Since 1882 a considerable reaction had taken place among the natives, 
who resented the cession of Wailuku to Spreckels, and felt a profound 
distrust of Gibson. In spite of the war cry " Hawaii for Hawaiians," 
and the lavish use of Government patronage, the Palace party was 
defeated in the elections generally, although it held Honolulu, its 
stronghold. Among the Reform members that session were Messrs. 
Dole, Rowell, Smith, Hitchcock, the three brothers, Godfrey, Cecil, and 
Frank Brown, Kauhane, Kalua, Nawahi, and the late Pilipo, of honored 
memory. 

• At the opening of the session the Reform party elected the speaker 
of the house, and controlled the organization of the committees. 

The report of the finance committee was the most damaging expo- 
sure ever made to a Hawaiian Legislature. A resolution of "want of 
confidence" was barely defeated (June 28) by the four Ministers them- 
selves voting on it. 

THE SPRECKELS BANK CHARTER. 

An act to establish a national bank had been drawn up for Col. 
Spreckels by a well-known law firm in San Francisco, and brought 
down to Honolulu by ex-Governor Lowe. After " seeing" the King, 
and using the usual methods in vogue at Sacramento, the ex-Governor 
returned to San Francisco, boasting that " he had the Hawaiian Legis- 
lature in his pocket." But as soon as the bill had been printed and 
carefully examined, a storm of opposition broke out. It provided for 
the issue of a million dollars' worth of paper money, backed by an equal 
amount of Government bonds deposited as security. The notes might 
be redeemed in either silver or gold. There was no clause requiring 
quarterly or semiannual reports of the state of the bank. Nor was a 
minimum fixed to the amount of cash reserved in the bank. In fact, 
most of the safeguards of the American national banking system were 
omitted. Its notes were to be legal tender except for customs dues. 
It was empowered to own steamship lines and railroads, and carry on 
mercantile business, without paying license fees. It was no doubt in- 
tended to monopolize or control all transportation within the Kingdom, 
as well as the importing business from the United States. 

The charter was riddled both in the house and in the chamber of 
commerce, and indignation meetings of citizens were held until the 
King was alarmed, and finally it was killed on the second reading by 
an overwhelming majority. On hearing of the result the sugar king 
took the first steamer for Honolulu, and on his arrival " the air was 
blue — full of strange oaths, and many fresh and new." On second 
thought, however, and after friendly discussion he accepted the situa- 
tion and a fair general banking law was passed providing for banks of 
deposit and exchange, but not of issue. 

THE LOTTERY BILL, ETC. 

At the same session a lottery bill was introduced by certain agents 
of the Louisiana company. It offered to pay all the expenses of the 
leper settlement for a license to carry on its nefarious business, besides 



188 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



offering private inducements to venal legislators. In defiance of the 
public indignation, shown by mass meetings, petitions, etc., the bill 
was forced through its second reading, but was stopped at that stage 
and withdrawn, as is claimed, by Col. Speckels' personal influence with 
the King. 

Kalakaua's famous " Report of the Board of Genealogy " was published 
at this session. An opium license bill was also killed, as well as an 
eight million dollar loan bill, while a number of excellent laws were 
passed. Among these were the currency act and Dole's homestead 
law. The true friends of the native race had reason to rejoice that so 
much evil had been prevented. 

PRACTICAL POLITICS UNDER GIBSON. 

During the next few years the country suffered from a peculiarly 
degrading kind of despotism. I do not refer to the King's personal 
immorality, nor to his systematic efforts to debauch and heathenize 
the natives to further his political ends. 

The coalition in power defied public opinion and persistently endeav- 
ored to crush out, buy out, or disarm all opposition, and to turn the 
Government into a political machine for the perpetuation of their power. 
For the first time in Hawaiian history faithful officers who held commis- 
sions from the Kamehamehas were summarily removed on suspicion of 
u not being in accord" with the cabinet, and their places generally filled 
by pliant tools. A marked preference was given to unknown adven- 
turers and defaulters over natives and old residents. Even contracts 
(for building bridges, for instance) were given to firms in foreign 
countries. 

The various branches of the civil service were made political 
machines, and even the Board of Education and Government Survey 
came near being sacrificed to " practical politics." All who would not 
bow the knee received the honorable sobriquet of "missionaries." 
The demoralizing effects of this regime, the sycophancy, hypocrisy, 
and venality produced by it, have been a curse to the country ever 
since. The Legislature of 1884 was half composed of officeholders, 
and wires were skillfully laid to carry the next election. Grogshops 
were now licensed in the country districts, to serve as rallying points 
for the u National party." The Gibsonian papers constantly labored 
to foment race hatred among the natives and class jealousy among the 
whites. 

Fortunately, one branch of the Government, the Supreme Court, still 
remained independent and outlived the Gibson regime. 

THE ELECTION OF 1886. 

The election of 1886 was the most corrupt one ever held in this King- 
dom, and the last one held under the old regime. During the canvass 
the country districts were flooded with cheap gin, chiefly furnished by 
the King, who paid for it by franking other liquor through the custom- 
house free of duty, and thereby defrauding the Government of revenue 
amounting to $1,749.35. (See report of attorney-general for 1888, and 
the case of the King vs. G. W. Macfarlane, 1888.) Out of 28 Govern- 
ment candidates 26 were officeholders, one a last year's tax assessor, 
and one the Queen's secretary. A list of them is appended herewith. 
There was only one white man on the Government ticket, viz, the pre- 
mier's son-in-law. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 189 

List of Government candidates for tlxe election of 1886 for representative*. 



Island. 



District. 



Name. 



Office. 



Hawaii North Kona . . . 

South Kona. . . 

Kau 

Puna 

Hilo 

Hilo 

Hamakua 

Kohala 

Maui ! Lahaina 

Lahaina 



Molokai and Lanai 



Oahu. 



Kauai 



Haua 

Makawao . 
Wailuku - - 
Kaanapali 



Honolulu 



Honolulu 

Honolulu 

Honolulu 

Ewa and Waianae. 

Koolauloa 

Koolaupoko 

Waialua 

Hanalei 

Koloa 

Waimea 



J. K. Nahale 

D. H. Nahinu..., 

Kaaeamoku 

A. Kekoa 

Kaulnkou 

A. Pahia 

Kaunamano 

Z.Kalai , 

L. Aholo 

Kai Nahaolelua. 

5. AV.Kaai...... 

J. Kamakele 

6. Richardson. . 

J. Kaukau 

Nakaleka 

Knpihea 

F. H. Hayselden 

James Keau 

Lilikalani 

J. T. Baker 

J. P. Kama 

Kauahikana . . . . 

F. Kaulia 

J. Amara 

Palohau 

T. Ivalaeone 

E. Kauai 



Tax collector. 

Deputy sheriff and tax collector. 

Tax collector. 
Sheriff. 
Tax collector. 
Do. 

District judge. 
Police judge. 
Tax collector. 
District judge. 
Tax collector. 

Road supervisor and tax collector. 
Deputy sheriff' and tax collector. 
Tax collector. 
District judge. 

Secretary of the hoard of health 

and tax assessor. 
Poi contractor. 
Queen's secretary. 
Captain of King's guards. 
District judge. 
Tax collector. 
District judge. 

Deputy sheriff and tax collector. 
Do. 

District judge. 



In order to prevent Pilipo's election, the King proceeded to his dis- 
trict of North Kona, taking with him a number of soldiers and attend- 
ants (who voted at the election), besides numerous cases of liquor. He 
took an active part in the canvass, and succeeded in defeating Pilipo 
by a small majority. The King's interference with the election nearly 
provoked a riot, which was averted by Pilipo's strenuous exertions. 
The matter was investigated by a Legislative committee, whose report 
is on file. Mr. E. Kekoa, the member elected from Puna, was after- 
wards tried and convicted of gross violations of the election laws, but 
the house refused to declare his seat vacant. 

Only ten Reform candidates were elected, viz: Messrs. Cecil Brown, 
W. E. Castle, C. H. Dickey, S. B. Dole, J. Kauhane, A. Kauahi, J. 
Kalua, A. Paehaole, L. A. Thurston, and J. Wight. 



THE SESSION OP 1886. 



The session of 1886 was a long one, and a vacation of two weeks was 
taken, from July 26 until August 9, to allow the tax assessors in the 
Legislature to go home and nominally perform the duties of their office. 
About this time certain creditors of the Government in San Francisco 
brought pressure to bear upon the ministry to cede or hypothecate the 
Honolulu waterworks and part of the wharves to a California com- 
pany. The pressure became so great that the ministers opposed to 
the project were requested by the King to resign, and a new cabinet 
was formed June 30, 1886, consisting of W. M. Gibson, Minister of the 
Interior ; R. J. Creighton, a journalist, lately arrived from California, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs ; J. T. Dare, another recent arrival, Attorney- 
General; and P. P. Kanoa, Minister of Finance, in place of J. Kapena, 
who had succumbed to the same failing that had destroyed Simon 
Kaai. 

The two new members of the cabinet were respectable gentlemen, 
'out soon found themselves in a false position. 



190 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



THE OPIUM BILL. 

An opium-license bill was introduced towards the end of ~he session 
by Kaunamano, one of the King's tools, and after a long debate carried 
over the votes of the ministry by a bare majority. It provided that a 
license for four years should be granted to " some one applying there- 
for" by the Minister of the Interior, with the consent of the King, for 
$30,000 per annum. The object of this provision was plainly seen at 
the time, and its after consequences were destined to be disastrous to 
its author. Mr. Dole proposed an amendment that the license be sold 
at public auction at an upset price of 830,000, which, however, was 
defeated by a majority of one, only one white man, F. H. Hayselden, 
voting with the majority. 

Another act was passed to create a so-called " Hawaiian Board of 
Health," consisting of five kahunas, appointed by the King, with power 
to issue certificates to native kahunas to practice " native medicine." 

THE LONDON LOAN. 

The King had been convinced that, for the present, he must forego his 
pet scheme of a ten-million loan. A two-million loan bill, however, was 
Drought in early in the session, with the view of obtaining the money in 
San Francisco. The subject was dropped for a time, then revived again, 
and the bill finally passed September 1. 

Meanwhile, the idea of obtaining a loan in London was suggested to 
the Kingbj T Mr. A. Hoffnung,of that city, whose firm had carried on the 
Portuguese immigration. The proposal pleased the King, who consid- 
ered that creditors at so great a distance would not be likely to trouble 
themselves much about the internal politics of his little Kingdom. Mr. 
H. E. Armstrong, of the firm of Skinner & Co., London, visited Hono- 
lulu to further the project, which was engineered by Mr. G. W. Macfar- 
lane in the Legislature. 

Two parties were now developed in that body, viz, the Spreckels 
party, led by the Ministry, and the King's party, which favored the 
London loan. The small knot of independent members held the balance 
of power. 

The two contending parties brought in two sets of conflicting amend- 
ments to the loan act, of which it is not necessary to give the details. 
As Kaulukou put it, "the amendment of the Attorney-General provides 
that if they want to borrow any money they must pay up Mr. Spreck- 
els first. He understood that the Government owed Mr. Spreckels 
$600,000 or $700,000. He has lent them money in the past, and were 
they prepared to say to him, 'We have found new friends in England' — 
to give him a slap in the face?" 

On the other side, Mr. J. T. Baker " was tired of hearing a certain gen- 
tleman spoken of as a second king. As this amendment was in the 
interest of that gentleman he voted against it." Allusions were also 
made to the reports that the waterworks were going to be pledged to 
him. When the decisive moment arrived the independents cast their 
votes with the King's party, defeating the ministry by 23 votes to 14. 
The result was that the cabinet resigned that night, after which Gib- 
son went on his knees to the King and begged to be reappointed. 

The next morning, October 14, to the surprise of everyone and to 
the disgust of his late allies, Gibson reappeared in the house as 
premier, with three native colleagues, viz, Aholo, Kanoa, and Kaulu- 
kou. But from this time he had no real power, as he had neither 
moral nor financial backing. The helm of state had slipped from his 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 191 



hands. Mr. Spreckels called on the King, returned all his decorations, 
and shook off the dust from his feet. The Legislature appropriated 
$100,000 for a gunboat and $15,000 to celebrate the King's fiftieth birth- 
day. 

In this brief sketch it is impossible to give any idea of the utter 
want of honor and decency that characterized the proceedings of the 
Legislature of 1886. 

The appropriation bill footed up $3,856,755. 50, while the estimated 
receipts were $2,336,870.42. 

W. D. Alexander. 



[Second part.] 

SKETCH OF POLITICS IN KALAKAUA'S REIGrN — continued. 

THE SEQUEL OF THE LONDON LOAN. 

From the report of the Minister of Finance for 1888 we learn that 
Mr. H. E. Armstrong, who had come to Honolulu as the agent of a 
London syndicate, was appointed agent of the Hawaiian Government 
to float the loan. He was also appointed Hawaiian Consul-General 
for Great Britain, while Mr. A. Hoffnung. previously referred to, was 
made Charge d 'affaires. 

In the same report we find that the amount borrowed under the loan 
act of 1886 in Honolulu was $771,800 and in London $980,000. Of 
the former amount $630,000 was used to extinguish the debt owed to 
Col. Spreckels. By the terms of the loan act the London syndicate 
was entitled to 5 per cent of the proceeds of the bonds which they 
disposed of as their commission for guaranteeing them at 98 per cent. 
But it appears that in addition to this amount £15,000, or about 
$75,000, was illegally detained by them and has never been accounted 
for. The Legislature of 1888 appropriated the sum of $5,000 to defray 
the expenses of a lawsuit against their financial agents to recover the 
$75,000 thus fraudulently retained. The matter was placed in the 
hands of Col. J. T. Griffin, who advised the Government that it was 
not expedient to prosecute the case. The $75,000 has therefore been 
entered on the books of the treasury department as a dead loss. Since 
then Mr. Armstrong's name has ceased to appear in the Government 
directory among those of the Consuls-General. 

ROYAL MISRULE. 

As before stated, the King now acted as his own prime minister, 
employing Gibson to execute his schemes and defend his follies. For 
the next eight months he rapidly went from bad to worse. After 
remaining one month in the cabinet Mr. Kaulukou was transferred to 
the Marshal's office, while Mr. Antone Eosa was appointed Attorney- 
General in his place and J. M. Kapena made Collector-General. The 
limits of this brief sketch forbid any attempt to recount the political 
grievances of this period. Among the lesser scandals were the sale 
of offices, the defrauding of the customs revenue by abuse of the royal 
privilege, the illegal leasing of lands in Kona and Kau to the King 
without putting them up to auction, the sale of exemptions to lepers, 
the gross neglect of the roads, and misapplication of the road money, 
particularly of the Queen street appropriation. 



192 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Efforts to revive heathenism were now redoubled under the r>retense 
of cultivating " national" feeling 1 . Kahunas were assembled from the 
other islands as the King's birthday approached, and u night was made 
hideous" with the sound of the hula drum and the blowing of conchs 
in the palace yard. A foreign fortune teller by the name of Eosen- 
berg acquired great influence with the King. 

THE HALE XAUA ALIAS TEMPLE OF SCIENCE, ALIAS BALL OF TWINE SOCIETY. 

This was founded September 24. 1886. A charter for it was obtained 
by the King from the Privy Council, not without difficulty, on account 
of the suspicion that was felt in regard to its character and objects. 
According to its constitution it was founded forty quadrillions of years 
after the foundation of the world and twenty-tour thousand seven 
hundred and fifty years from Lailai, the first woman. 

Its by-laws are a travesty of Masonry, mingled with pagan rites. 
The Sovereign is styled Iku Hai: the secretary. Iku Lani : the treasurer, 
Iku Xim. Besides these-were the keeper of the sacred fire, the anointer 
with oil. the almoner, etc. Every candidate had to provide an •• oracle,*' 
a kauwila wand, a ball of olona twine, a dried fish, a taro root, etc 
Ever member or "manio" was invested with a yellow malo or pau 
(apron) and a feather cape. The furniture of the hall comprised three 
drums, two kahilis or feathered staffs, and two puloulous or tabu sticks. 

So far as the secret proceedings and objects of the society have 
transpired it appears to have been intended partly as an agency for 
the revival of heathenism, partly to pander to vice, and indirectly to 
serve as a political machine. Enough leaked out to intensify the gen- 
eral disgust that was felt at the debasing influence of the palace. 

kalakaua's jubilee. 

The sum of $15,000 had been appropriated by the Legislature of 1886 
towards the expenses of the celebration of His Majesty's fiftieth birth- 
day, which occurred November 16. 1886. 

Extensive preparations were made to celebrate this memorable occa- 
sion, and all officeholders were given to understand that every one of 
them was expected to ^hookupu" or make a present corresponding to 
his station. At midnight preceding the auspicious day a salute was 
fired and bonfires were lighted on Punchbowl hill, rockets were sent 
up, and all the bells in the city set ringing. 

The reception began at 6 a. m. Premier Gibson had already pre- 
sented the King with a pair of elephant tusks mounted on a koa stand 
with the inscription : " The horns of the righteous shall be exalted." 
The Honolulu police marched in and presented the King with a book 
on a velvet cushion containing a bank check for 8570. The Govern- 
ment physicians, headed by F. H. Hayselden, Secretary of the Board 
of Health, presented a silver box containing 61,000 in twenty dollar 
gold pieces. The Custom-House clerks offered a costly gold-headed 
cane. All officials paid tribute in some shape. Several native benevo- 
lent societies marched in procession, for the most part bearing koa 
calabashes. The school children, the fishermen, and many other 
natives marched through the throne room, dropping their contributions 
into a box. It is estimated that the presents amounted in value to 
88.000 or 810.000. 

In consequence of the Hale Xaua scandal scarcely any white ladies 
were seen at this reception. In the evening the palace was illumi- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 193 



Mated witli electric lights, and a torchlight parade of the Fire Depart- 
ment took place, followed by fireworks at the Palace. 

On the 2Uth the public were amused by a so called historical proces- 
sion, consisting chierly of canoes and boars carried on drays, containing 
natives in ancient costume, personating warriors and fishermen, mer- 
maids draped with sea mos^, hula dancers, etc.. which passed through 
the streets to the Palace. Here the notorious Hale Xaua or -Kilokilo" 
society had mustered, wearing yellow malos and paus or aprons over 
their clothes, and marched around the Palace, over which the yellow 
flag of their order was ilying. 

On the 23d a lnau or native feast was served in an extensive lanai 
or shed in the palace grounds, where 1.500 people are said to have 
been entertained. This was followed by a jubilee ball in the Palace on 
the 2oth. The series of entertainments was closed by the exhibition 
of a set of - historical tableaux" of the olden time at the opera house, 
concluding with a hulahula dance, which gave offense to most of the 
audience. Xo programme was published this time of the nightly 
hulahulas performed at the Palace. 

THE SAM O AX EMBASSY. 

In pursuauce of the policy announced in Gibson's famous protest to 
the other great powers, and in order to advance Hawaii's claim to the 
"primacy of the Pacific. 7 ' Hon. J. E. Bush was commissioned on the 
23d of December. 1886, as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipo- 
tentiary to the King of Samoa and the King of Tonga, and High Com- 
missioner to the other independent chiefs and peoples of Polynesia. 
He was accompanied by Mr. H. Poor, as Secretary of Legation, and J. 
D. Strong, as artist and collector for the Government museum. They 
arrived at Apia January 3, 1887. and were cordially received by King 
Malietoa on the 7th. when they drank kava with him and presented 
him with the Grand Cross of the Order of Oceania. Afterwards, at 
a more private interview, Bush intimated to Malietoa that he might 
expect a salary of 6-5.000 or $6,000 under a Hawaiian Protectorate. A 
house was built for the Legation at the expense of the Hawaiian Gov- 
ernment. 

A convention was concluded February 17 between King Malietoa and 
the Hawaiian Envoy, by which both parties bound themselves " to enter 
into a political confederation," which was duly ratified by Kaiakaua 
and Gibson, "subject to the existing treatv obligations of Samoa." 
March 20. 1887. 

••The signature was celebrated," says Eobert Louis Stevenson, "in 
the new house of the Hawaiian Embassy with some original ceremonies. 
Malietoa came attended by his ministers, several hundred chiefs 
(Bush says 60), 2 guards and 6 policemen. Laupepa (Malietoa), always 
decent, withdrew at an early hour ; by those that remained all decency 
appears to have been forgotten, and day found the house carpeted with 
slumbering grandees, who had to be roused, doctored with coffee, and 
sent home. * * * Laupepa remarked to one of the Embassy, "If you 
have come here to teach my people to drink. I wish you had stayed 
away." The rebuke was without effect, for still worse stories are told 
of the drunken orgies that afterwards disgraced the Hawaiian embassy. 

THE KATMELQA. 

About this time Mr. J. T. Arundel, an Englishman, engaged in the 
copra trade, visited Honolulu in his steamer, the Explorer, a vessel of 
10518 13 



194 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

170 tons, which had been employed in plying between his trading sta- 
tions. The King, who was impatient to start his new Xavy, to main- 
tain "Hawaiian primacy," had put the reformatory school under the 
charge of Capt. G. E. Jackson, a retired navigating lieutenant in the 
British navy, with the view of turning that institution into a naval 
training school. The old Explorer was purchased for 820,000, and 
renamed the Kaimiloa. She was then altered and fitted out as a man- 
of-war at an expense of about $50,000, put into commission March 28, 
and placed under the command of Capt. Jackson. The crew was 
mainly composed of boys from the reformatory school, whose conduct 
as well as that of their officers was disgraceful in the extreme. 

The Kaimiloa sailed for Samoa May 18, 1887. On the preceding 
evening a drunken row had taken place on board, for which three of 
the officers were summarily dismissed. The after history of the expe- 
dition was in keeping with its beginning. As Stevenson relates : "The 
Kaimiloa was from the first a scene of disaster and dilapidation ; the 
stores were sold ; the crew revolted ; for a great part of a night she 
was in the hands of mutineers, and the Secretary lay bound upon the 
deck." 

On one occasion the Kaimiloa was employed to carry the Hawaiian 
embassy to Atua, for a conference with Mataafa, who had remained 
neutral, but she was followed and watched by theGerman corvette, Adler. 
" Mataafa was no sooner set down with the embassy than he was sum- 
moned and ordered on board by two German officers." 

Another well-laid plan to detach the rebel leader, Tamasese, from his 
German "protectors," was foiled by the vigilance of Capt. Brancleis. 
At length, Bismarck himself was incensed and caused a warning to be 
sent from Washington to Gibson, in consequence of which Minister 
Bush was recalled July 7, 1887. Mr. Poor was instructed to dispose of 
the legation property as soon as possible, and to send home the attaches, 
the Government curios, etc., by the Kaimiloa, which arrived in Hono- 
lulu September 23. She was promptly dismantled, and afterwards sold 
at auction, bringing the paltry sum of $2,800. Her new owners found 
her a failure as an interisland steamer, and she is now laid up in the 
"naval row." 

THE OPIUM BRIBE. 

The facts of this case were stated in the affidavit of Aki, published 
May 31, 1887, and those of Wong Leong, J. S. Walker, and JSahora 
Hipa, published June 28, 1887, as well as in the decision of Judge Pres- 
ton in the case of Loo Ngawk et al., executors of the will of T. Aki, vs. 
A. J. Cartwright et al, trustees of the King (Ha w. Bep., Vol. vii, p. 401). 

I have already spoken of the opium license law, which was carried 
by the Boyalist party in the Legislature of 1886, and signed by the 
King in spite of the most vigorous protests from all classes of the com- 
munity. As this law had been saddled with amendments, which ren- 
dered it nearly unworkable, a set of regulations was published October 
15, 1886, providing for the issue of permits to purchase or use opium 
by the Marshal, who was to retain half the fee and the Government the 
other half. 

The main facts of the case, as proved before the court, are as fol- 
lows : Early in November, 1886, one Junius Kaae, a palace parasite, 
informed a Chinese rice-planter named Tong Kee, alias Aki, that he 
could have the opium license granted to him if he would pay the sum 
of $60,000 to the King's private purse, but that he must be in haste 
because other parties were bidding for the privilege. With some dif- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 195 



Acuity Aki raised the money, and secretly paid it to Kaae and the King 
in three installments between December 3 and December 8, 1886. 
Soon afterwards Kaae called on AM and informed him that one Kwong 
Sam Kee had offered the King $75,000 for the license, and would 
certainly get it, unless Aki paid $15,000 more. Accordingly Aki bor- 
rowed the amount and gave it to the King personally on the 11th. 

Shortly after this another Chinese syndicate, headed by Chung Lung, 
paid the King $80,000 for the same object, but took the precaution to 
secure the license before handing over the money. Thereupon Aki, 
finding that he had lost both his money and his license, divulged the 
whole affair, which was published in the Honolulu papers. He stopped 
the payment of a note at the bank for $4,000, making his loss $71,000. 
Meanwhile Junius Kaae was appointed to the responsible office of reg- 
istrar of conveyances, which had became vacant by the death of the 
lamented Thomas Brown. 

As was afterwards ascertained, the King ordered a $100,000 gunboat 
from England, through Mr. G-. W. Macfarlane, but the negotiations for 
it were broken off by the revolution. 

On the 12th of April, 1887, Queen Kapiolani and the Princess Lili- 
uokaiani, accompanied by Messrs C. P. Iaukea, J. H. Boyd, and J. O. 
Dominis, left for England to attend the celebration of the jubilee held 
upon the fiftieth anniversary of the accession of Her Majesty Queen 
Victoria. They returned on the 26th of July, 1887. 

THE REFORM LEAGUE. 

The exposure of the two opium bribes and the appointment of the 
King's accomplice in the crime as registrar of conveyances helped to 
bring matters to a crisis, and united nearly all taxpayers not merely 
against the King, but against the system of government under which 
such iniquities could be perpetrated. 

In the spring of 1887 a secret league had been formed in Honolulu, 
with branches on the other islands, for the purpose of putting an end 
to the prevailing misrule and extravagance, and of establishing a civ- 
ilized government, responsible to the people through their representa- 
tives. Arms were imported, and rifle clubs sprang up all over the 
islands. In Honolulu a volunteer organization known as the "Rifles" 
was increased in numbers, and brought to a high state of efficiency 
under the command of Col. Y. Y. Ashford. It is supposed that the 
league now numbered from 800 to 1,000 men, while its objects had the 
sympathy of the great majority of the community. It was at first 
expected that monarchy would then be abolished, and a republican 
constitution was drawn up. 

As the time for action approached, the resident citizens of the United 
States, Great Britain, and Germany addressed memorials to their 
respective governments, through their representatives, declaring the 
conditions of affairs to be intolerable. As is the case in all such move- 
ments, the league was composed of average men, actuated by a variety 
of motives, but all agreed in their main object. Fortunately, the 
" spoils wing " of the party failed eventually to capture either branch 
of the Government, upon which a number of them joined the old Gib- 
sonian party and became bitter enemies of reform. 

THE GREAT REFORM MEETING. 

Some members of the league, including Col. Ashford, were in favoi 
of a sudden attack upon the Palace, but this advice was overruled, and 
it was decided to first hold a public mass meeting to state their griev- 



196 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

ances and to present specific demands to the King. Accordingly, on 
the afternoon of the 30th of June, 1887, all business in Honolulu w as 
suspended, and an immense meeting was held in the armory, on Bere- 
tania street, composed of all classes, creeds, and nationalities, but 
united in sentiment as never before or since. The meeting was guarded 
by a battalion of the Bines fully armed. A set of resolutions was passed 
unanimously declaring that the Government had "ceased through 
incompetency and corruption to perform the functions and to afford 
the protection to personal and property rights for which all govern- 
ments exist," and demanding of the King the dismissal of his cabinet, 
the restitution of the 871,000 received as a bribe from Aki, the dismi s- 
sal of Junius Kaae from the land office, and a pledge that the King- 
would no longer interfere in politics. 

A committee of thirteen was sent to wait on His Majesty with these 
demands. His troops had mostly deserted him, and the native popu- 
lace seemed quite indifferent to his fate. He called in the representa- 
tives of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Portugal, to 
whom he offered to transfer his powers as King. This they refused, 
but advised him to lose no time in forming a new cabinet and signing 
a new constitution. Accordingly he sent a written reply the next day, 
which virtually conceded every point demanded. The new cabinet, con- 
sisting of Godfrey Brown, Minister of Foreign Affairs ; L. A. Thurston, 
Minister of the Interior ; W. L. Green, Minister of Finance, and C. W. 
Ashford, Attorney- General, was sworn in on the same day, July 1. 

THE CONSTITUTION OF 1887. 

As the King had yielded the republican constitution was dropped, 
and the constitution of 1864 revised in such a way as to secure two 
principal objects, viz, to put an end to autocratic rule by making the 
-Ministers responsible only to the people through the Legislature and 
to widen the suffrage by extending it to foreigners, who till then had 
been practically debarred from naturalization. I have given the 
details in another paper. 

Mr. Gibson was arrested July 1, but was allowed to leave on the 5th 
by a sailing vessel for San Francisco. Threats of lynching had been 
made by some young hot heads, but fortunately no acts of violence or 
revenge tarnished the revolution of 1887. 

An election for members of the Legislature was ordered to be held 
September 12, and regulations were issued by the new ministry, which 
did away with many abuses, and secured the fairest election that had 
been held in the Islands for twenty years. The result was an over- 
whelming victory for the Reform party, which was a virtual ratification 
of the new constitution. During the next three years, in spite of the 
bitter hostility and intrigues of the King, the continual agitation by 
demagogues, and repeated conspiracies, the country prospered under 
the most efficient administration that it has ever known . 

W. D. Alexander. 



APPENDIX. 
FINAL SETTLEMENT OF THE AKI CASE. 

It has been seen that on the 30th of June, 1887, Kalakaua promised 
in writing that he would u cause restitution to be made " of the $71,000 
which he had obtained from Aki, under a promise that he (Aki) should 
receive the license to sell opium as provided by the act of 1886. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 197 



The Reform cabinet urged the King to settle this claim before the 
meeting of the Legislature, and it was arranged that the revenues from 
the Crown lands should be appropriated to that object. When, how- 
ever, they ascertained that his debts amounted to more than 8250,000 
they advised the King to make an assignment in trust for the payment 
of all claims pro rata. Accordingly, a trust deed was executed No- 
vember 21, 1887, assigning all the Crown land revenues and most of 
the King's private estate to three trustees for the said purpose, on con- 
dition that the complainant would bring no petition or bills before the 
Legislature, then in session. 

Some three months later these trustees refused to approve or pay 
the Aid claim, on which Aid's executors brought suit against them 
before the Supreme Court. 

After a full hearing of the evidence, Judge Preston decided that the 
plea of the defendants that the transaction between Aki and the King 
was illegal could not be entertained, as by the constitution the King 
"could do no wrong," and "can not be sued or held to account in any 
court of the Kingdom.'- Furthermore, as the claimants had agreed tc 
forbear presenting their claim before the Legislature in consideration 
of the execution of the trust deed, the full court ordered their claim to 
be paid pro rata with other approved claims. 

W. D. A. 



2*0. 2. 

Statement of W. D. Alexander. 

A BRIEF STATEMENT OF THE CAUSES WHICH LED TO THE LATE 
REVOLUTION IN HAWAII NEI. 

The writer of the following statement, a citizen of the islands by 
birth, is a conservative both in principle and by natural inclination. 

It is generally admitted that revolutions are not justifiable except as 
a last resort when all constitutional methods of redress have been 
thoroughly tried and failed and when the most vital and necessary 
rights of citizens are at stake. Hence, we condemned the ccnq) (Vetat 
of Kamehameha Y in 1861 because it was unnecessarj 7 , and because it 
unsettled the foundations of the Government. 

The experiment of carrying on constitutional government of the 
Anglo-Saxon type in a country with a mixed population like that of 
these islands was a difficult and doubtful one, but it was entered upon 
by men of rare ability and unselfish x>atriotism, and for thirty years it 
was fairly successful. 

It was then well understood that in order to maintain an independent 
government it was necessary to combine the foreign and native elements 
in one common organization for the good of all classes. 

The Kings of the Kamehameha dynasty were sincere patriots and 
had some conception of their position as constitutional sovereigns and 
of their true policy towards foreigners. 

It seemed for awhile as if these islands would give the world a lesson 
in the art of combining widely different races on equal terms in one 
government. The Government in those days has been called an 
oligarchy, but if so, it was a just and beneficent oligarchy. 

It was simply the legitimate influence exercised by superior intelli- 
gence and character, without which the experiment would have failed 



198 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



in the outset Undoubtedly Kamehameha V was right in saying that 
privileges and duties had been bestowed upon the common people for 
which they were wholly unprepared. 

During his reign from various causes a retrograde tendency began 
to show itself among the native population and the former good under- 
standing between the races began to be impaired. 

One cause was the partial withdrawal of the American board from 
its mission to these islands, the evil effects of which have been felt mor- 
ally, socially, and politically. There has passed away a class of white 
lesidents devoted to the interests of the natives and possessing their 
confidence, who acted as mediators between them and that portion of 
the white population which had less regard for the rights and the wel- 
fare of the aborigines. 

Another cause was the premature extinction of the order of chiefs, 
who were the natural leaders of their race, and whose part could not 
be filled by plebians or foreigners. 

The scourge of leprosy, which compelled the enactment of severe 
segregation laws, helped to widen the breach between the races. 

The consequences were first seen in the lawlessness and race hatred 
which broke out during Lunalilo's brief reign, 1873-'74. 

The next reign was signalized by an extraordinary development of 
the resources of the country, produced by foreign enterprise and capi- 
tal and by a large increase of the foreign element in the population. 

King Kalakaua, however, seemed to be blind to the course of events 
and to the true interests of his people. His chief object appears to 
have been to change the system of government into an Asiatic despot- 
ism on the pattern of Johore, in which the white " invaders," as they 
were called, should have no voice in its administration. 

In pursuance of this policy systematic efforts were made, with too 
much success, to demoralize the native population by the revival of 
heathen superstitions and the encouragement of vice, and to foment 
race jealousy and hatred under the guise of " national" feeling. The 
patronage of the Government was abused without stint, and the cor- 
rupt arts of Tammany were employed to carry elections and to pack 
legislatures with subservient officeholders. 

A number of patriotic " sons of the soil" of both races labored with 
small success to stem the tide of corruption and to avert the impending 
ruin of their native land. 

At last affairs reached such a crisis that on the 30th of June, 1887, 
an uprising of nearly the whole foreign population, supported by the 
better class of natives, took place, which compelled the King to sign 
a constitution that was intended to put an end to personal rule. By 
this instrument the administration of public affairs was placed in the 
hands of a Cabinet, responsible only to the Legislature, while office- 
holders were made ineligible to seats in that body. 

The remaining three and a half years of his reign teemed with 
intrigues and conspiracies to restore autocratic government. One of 
these ended in the deplorable insurrection and bloodshed of July 31, 
1889, which did much to aggravate the ill-feeling existing between the 
two races, and was made the most of by reactionary politicians to fire 
the native mind. 

In spite of Kalakaua's faults as a ruler he was kind-hearted and 
courteous in private life, and there was mourning in Honolulu at the 
news of his death, received January 29, 1891. 

Grave apprehensions were then felt at the accession of his sister, 
Liliuokalani, which, however, were partially relieved by her promptly 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 199 



taking the oath to maintain the constitution of 1887. Notwithstanding 
her past record it was hoped by many that she had sufficient good sense 
to understand her position and to abide by the spirit as well as the let- 
ter of the constitution. This hope has been disappointed. Her ideal 
of government is the same as that of Kalakaua, and her determination 
to realize it has cost her the Throne. 

I have not the heart to recapitulate the shameful story (with which 
the newspapers are filled), of the protracted struggle in the late Legis- 
lature, culminating in the triumph of the lottery and opium rings, 
allied with the Crown, and in the attempted couptfetat of the 14th 
instant. 

The experiment spoken of in the beginning of this article, seems to 
have broken down at last. 

The utmost efforts of able and patriotic men have only prolonged its 
life a few years. 

Considering the character of our mixed population, the intensity of 
race jealousy, the concentration of one-fourth of the population, com- 
prising its most turbulent elements in the capital city, it seems vain to 
expect a stable, self-governing, independent state under such condi- 
tions. It is time one of the great Powers should intervene, and it is 
needless to ask which power has its hands unfettered by conventions, 
and already holds paramount interests and responsibilities in this 
archipelago. 

W. D. Alexander. 

January 28 3 1893. 



ETo. 3. 

Statement of W. 2). Alexander, 

Hawaiian Government Survey, 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April i£, 1893. 
Dear Sir: By the permission of the attorney- general, I take the 
liberty of inclosing a brief statement on the title of the Crown lands 
of this country. 

If you desire further information on this or other subjects, I am 
entirely at your service. 

I remain yours faithfully, 

W. D. Alexander. 

Hon. J. H. Blount. 



Honolulu, March 31, 1893. 

His Excellency W. O. Smith, 

A ttorney-General: 

Dear Sir : In regard to the status of the crown lands, I beg leave to report as 
follows : 

The term crown lands is applied in this country to certain lands reserved by 
Kamehameha III in the great division of lands March 8, 1848, " for himself, his heirs, 
and successors forever." 

The circumstances were briefly as follows : 

Under the ancient feudal system the aM odium of all lands belonged to the King, 
Dot however, as an individual, but "as the head of the nation, or in his corporate 
right," to quote the language of the land commission. The constitution of 1840 
declared that the land of the Kingdom was not the private property of Kamehameha I. 
'/It belonged to the chiefs and people in common, of whom Kamehameha I was the 
head, and had the management of the landed property," 



200 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Thus all lands forfeited for nonpayment of taxes reverted to him. His consent 
was necessary for any transfer of real estate in the Kingdom, and for real mortgages 
also, and for the seizure of land for debt. (Old laws, p. 179.) 

When the labor tax first began to be regulated by law every tenant was required 
to work one day in every week (Tuesday) for the King and one day (Friday) for his 
landlord. But this was afterwards reduced to thirty-six days in the year for the 
King and an equal number for the landlord. (Old laws, p. 27.) 

The idea of a government as distinct from the person of the King first began to be 
clearly recognized in the constitution of 1840. 

From that time it was seen more and more clearly that the King held a two-fold 
character — first, as an individual chief, and, secondly, in his official capacity as head 
of the Government. 

It was in virtue of both titles that the land commission decided that one-third of 
the lands in the Kingdom belonged to the King. It is hardly necessary for our pres- 
ent purpose to give the history of the land commission and of the great division of 
1848. Suffice it to say, that in 1848 a committee was appointed to effect the division 
between the King as feudal suzerain and the chiefs, his feudatories, which com- 
pleted its work in forty days. Partition deeds were signed and sealed by the King 
on one side and the several chiefs on the other side, who were then entitled to 
receive awards from the land commission for the lands thus partitioned off to them. 

At the close of this division the King held in his possession about half of all the 
lands in the Kiugdoni. 

But it was evident, to quote from the decision of the Supreme Court (in the mat- 
ter of the estate of His Majesty Kamehameha IV) in 1864, that the lands held by 
the King at the close of the Mahele were not regarded as his private property, 
strictly speaking. Even before his division with the landlords a second division 
between himself and the Government was clearly contemplated, and he appears to 
have admitted that the lands he then held might have been subjected to a commu- 
tation in favor of the Government, in like manner with the lands of the chiefs. 
Accordingly, on the very day after the Mahele, or division with his chiefs, was closed, 
viz, the 8th day of March, 1848, he proceeded "to set apart for the use of the Gov- 
ernment the larger part of his royal domain, reserving to himself what he deemed 
a reasonable amount of land as his own estate." 

This latter class of lands "he reserved for himself and his heirs forever " as his 
own private estate, and they are now known as Crown Lands. 

On the 7th day of the following June, 1848, the legislative council passed the "act 
relating to the lands of His Majesty the King and of the Government/ 7 which con- 
firms and ratifies the division which had already been made by the King, thus mak- 
ing it an act of the nation through its representatives. In this act the said lands 
are designated by name, and declared "to be the private lands of His Majesty 
Kamehameha III, to have and to hold to himself, his heirs, and successors forever; 
and said lands shall be regulated and disposed of according to his royal will and 
pleasure, subject only to the rights of tenants." 

It is well known that both Kamehameha III, and his immediate successor, Kame- 
hameha IV, dealt with these lands as their private property, selling, leasing, or 
mortgaging them at pleasure. These royal deeds of sale constitute titles equally 
valid with Royal Patents. 

At the death of Kamehameha IV, it was decided by the Supreme Court, in April, 
1864, that the lands reserved to the Sovereign by the act of June 7, 1848, "decend in 
fee, the inheritance being limited, however, to the successors to the throne, and that 
each successive possessor may regulate and dispose of the same according to his 
will and pleasure as private property, in like manner as was done by Kamehameha 
III." 

At the same time the Court decided that Queen Emma was lawfully entitled to 
dower in the said lands, there being nothing in said act, taking away her right to 
dower in the lands therein named. 

Afterwards an act was passed January 3, 1865, "to relieve the royal domain from 
encumbrances and to render the same inalienable." This act provided for the 
redemption of the mortgages on the estate by the issue of exchequer bonds not to 
exceed $30,000, and enacted that so many of the lands reserved by the act of June 7, 
1848, as remained at that time unalienated, should be thenceforth "inalienable, and 
descend to the heirs and successors of the Hawaiian Crown forever;" and that "it 
shall not be lawful hereafter to execute any lease or leases of said lands for any 
term of years to exceed thirty." A board of commissioners of crown lands was then 
created, "to consist of three persons, to be appointed by the King, two of whom 
should be appointed from among the members of his cabinet council, and serve with- 
out any remuneration, while the other should act as land agent, and be paid out of 
the revenues of said lands such sum as may be agreed to by His Majesty the King." 

The foregoing acts were approved and signed by Kamehameha V, who was the 
heir to the estate as well as successor to the throne. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 201 



He thereby renounced for himself and his successors the power to alienate any of 
the crown lands, in consideration of the payment by the Legislature of the debts 
with which the estate had become encumbered, and of the settlement of a permanent 
annuity upon Queen Emma in lieu of her claim of dower in the royal domain. 

By the same act he concurred with the Legislature and the court in constituting 
them a class of national lands, set apart for the successors to the throne, instead of 
being governed by the general laws of inheritance. 

The correctness of the foregoing settlement has been contested by some of our 
best lawyers. They have denied that it carried out the intention of Kamehameha 
III, and have even held it to have been unconstitutional, and that an action in 
equity might be brought in behalf of the heirs of the estate of Kamehameha III. 

On the death of Kamehameha V his half-sister, Ruth Keelikolani, inherited his 
private lands, but the Crown Lands were held by the commissioners for the benefit 
of his successors. 

Col. Clans Spreckels, being desirous of obtaining a fee-simple title for the Hawaiian 
Commercial Company to the lands of Wailuku, Maui, and having taken legal advice, 
purchased from Ruth Keelikolani, the sister and heir of Kamehameha V, all her 
interest or claim in and to the Crown Lands for the sum of $10,000. 

The conveyance is dated September 13, 1880, and is recorded in Vol. 64. 

After due investigation, the Gibson cabinet agreed to compromise this claim with- 
out taking it before the Courts, and an act was carried through the Legislature of 
1882, and approved July 21, 1882, by which the commissioners of crown lands were 
authorized to convey to Claus Spreckels "the Ahupuaa of Wailuku, Maui, with the 
His therein or thereunto belonging, which were estimated to contain 24,000 acres, 
or thereabouts." 

Accordingly, on the 11th of August, 1882, Mr. Spreckels executed a deed, releasing 
to the Commissioners of Crown Lands all of the undivided interest claimed by him 
in said lands by virtue of the conveyance made to himself by Ruth Keelikolani. 

At the same time a royal patent, viz, No. 3343, for the Ahupuaa of Wailuku, was 
signed by the King and delivered to Claus Spreckels. 

This transaction satisfied any claim on the crown lands that could be raised by 
any heirs of Kamehameha III, and no further claim on them has been raised since 
that time. 

They have remained, as was settled in 1865, National Lands, to be administered for 
the benefit of the occupant of the throne, who is entitled to receive the revenues of 
said lands only by virtue of his or her official position as chief magistrate. 

The Kalakaua dynasty had no claim on them whatever by the general law of 
inheritance. In fact no claim of that kind exists at present. 

In the Legislative Session of 1890 it was suggested that the vested rights of the 
reigning Sovereign in the crown lands should be provided for by issuing bonds, the 
interest upon which should be equal to his annual receipts from said land, and which 
should expire at his death. 

The object of this proposal was to enable the Government to open these valuable 
lands, embracing about 876,000 acres, to settlement by industrious farmers of sma I 
means. 

In view of the above facts it would seem that, upon the abolition of the office for 
which the revenues of the Crown Lands were appropriated, the lands would escheat 
to the Government, and it would then be in order for the Legislature to repeal the 
act of January 3, 1865, and to use the said lands thenceforth for the purpose of build- 
ing up a class of industrious and thrifty farmers, owning their lands in fee simple. 
Such a class is the mainstay of every free country. 
I remain, yours, respectfully, 

W. D. Alexander, 

Surveyor- G en eral. 



No. 4. 



(Statement of W. D. Alexander, July 18, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 15, dated July 26, 1893.) 



202 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



]So. 5. 

Statement of Volney V. Ashford. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands. March 8, 1893. 
Hon. James H. Blouni. 

United States Ambassador to Hawaii: 

Sir: You ask me to put in writing the substance of my information 
to you in re Hawaiian affairs on the 3d instant. In order to fully 
understand the situation, it seems necessary to refer to political develop- 
ments which led to the conditions existing on January 14 last past. 

Since the time of King Kamehameha V, in 1864, the political status 
of the Hawaiian Islands was that of a constitutional monarchy with 
succession to legitimate heirs, failing which, the sovereign nominated 
his own successor, such nomination to be ratified by the majority of the 
nobles. Failing both these alternatives, it rested with the entire Legis- 
lature (nobles and representatives) to elect a new sovereign. This 
latter was the case upon the death of Lunalilo. known as the last of 
the Karnehamehas, in 1874. The candidates were Kalakaua and the 
Queen Dowager Emma, widow of Kamehameha IV. The latter was 
the favorite of the natives, while Kalakaua was selected by the foreign 
element — then chiefly American — who feared the islands would drift to 
England if under the rule of Queen Emma, who had spent much time 
in visiting that country, and was anti-American in all her sentiments. 

Kalakaua was not selected for his virtues, but simply because he 
could be controlled. The Legislature, which was chiefly composed of 
natives, was bribed to vote for Kalakaua. whose election was thereby 
secured, but .the native population created a riot which resulted in 
several fatal casualties and was only quelled by tbe intervention of 
British and American men-of-wars men in port. Thus the late King 
began his reign, under conditions accomplished by fraud and sustained 
by foreign force, with the bitter hostility of the great majority of his 
countrymen. His extravagances and corruptions, as subsequently de- 
veloped, helped him but little with the natives, who looked on him as 
a usurper and outside the real chiefhood. while the foreign popula- 
tion became gradually more estranged, until the ante-revolutionary 
condition of 1887 stared the country in the face. But with all the King's 
recklessness he was careful to keep within the letter of the law. though 
continually violating its spirit. He was enabled to do this from the 
peculiar privileges and prerogatives allowed by the then constitution. 

The legislative body consisted of two so-called -houses" (though 
they sat together in one). Half the Legislature consisted of the 
" nobles," appointed for iife by the sovereign. This process, abused 
to favor royal lickspittles regardless of their merits, gradually changed 
the general character of the house of nobles, so that the great major- 
ity of them were absolutely the creatures of the King, whose powerful 
influence over the majority of the representatives also, through his 
manipulating and distributing offices, and all kinds of public favors 
among them, gave him the literal ownership of the entire Legisla- 
ture in pushing all his corrupt measures through Parliament, so that 
revolution became the only possible remedy. All government patron, 
age was in the King's hands, through his power of appointing and dis- 
missing his ministers at will. Such a thing as independence of Parlia- 
ment was utterly unknown: while laws were passed at the King's nod, 
appropriating vast sums for such revels and indecencies as his lewd 
and extravagant tastes suggested; while orgies, debauchery, hulas, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 203 

and "sounds of revelry by night," made the neighborhood of the royaJ 
palace offensive to all but the royal debauchees. 

The plan of the movement of 1887, into which the distracted populace 
were thus driven, embraced the establishment of an independent re- 
public, with the view to ultimate annexation to the United States. All 
foreigners, even the British, were practically unanimous in this, while 
the natives stood by, and said to us : " This is not our king ; he is yours. 
You forced him upon us against our protest. Do with him as you will." 
Had it not been for this passive attitude of the Hawaiians, it is doubt- 
ful if the movement of 1887 would have succeeded. 

Even as it was, the movement came well nigh dismal failure by rea- 
son of the desertion of several of the "missionary" wing of the revo- 
lutionary league, when the time for action arrived. The term "Mis- 
sionary" party is now used in the islands in a political sense. It con- 
sists of the early white inhabitants and their immediate descendants, 
who have become a family compact in religious, social, commercial, 
professional, and political matters, in which they are opposed to the 
larger part of the white population, and almost all the natives. 

The missionary deserters, and the influence the deserters forced upon 
the balance of the league, resulted in a compromise in shape of a demand 
for certain political rights from the King, preliminary to actual revolt 
(June 30, 1887). He promised to grant the concessions demanded; and 
thereupon in pursuance of such promise, so wrested from him, he 
promulgated a new constitution (July 7, 1887), which deprived the 
sovereign of many prerogatives, chief of which were (1) the right to 
appoint nobles; (2) the power to dismiss ministers without consent of 
the legislature; (3) the absolute right of veto. The general franchise 
for representatives (composed of twenty-four members from an equal 
number of electoral districts), was extended to all residents, aliens 
included (except Asiatics), who registered within certain dates, etc., 
regardless of property qualifications. Twenty-four nobles -were also 
to be elected in sets, or series, by those of the general or representa- 
tive electors, who owned $3,000 worth of real estate unincumbered, or 
received $600 of income. Thus, the election of one-half the Legislature 
was put in the power of a small minority of aliens, most of whom had 
been enfranchised by the new constitution; for the conditions were such 
that very few natives had the required amount of property left, and 
few Hawaiians received from personal services the amount of $600 per 
annum. Practically all aliens, however (except Asiatics) received 
much more. Thus, the control of the Legislature passed to aliens, 
most of them without any property interests, but servants in different 
lines of the planting and commercial element, who all belong to the 
Missionary party, and were hostile to the native Hawaiians. 

The nobles and representatives sat and voted together; and, though 
the Native party were to the revolutionary or Eeform party, as four 
or five to one, yet the latter succeeded, by the differential franchise, in 
controlling, by a large majority, the Legislature returned next after the 
revolution. This condition naturally exasperated the Hawaiian people, 
while many white men took up the native cause, some from sentiments 
of pure justice, others as a matter of political expediency, to restore 
domestic contentment, yet the tremendous advantage given by condi- 
tions which enabled a small minority to elect half the Legislature clear, 
and gave them even chances in the election of the balance, has kept 
political power in the hands of the few, and the country has continued 
t in a constant and growing state of ferment. 

When the revolution of 1887 took place the ex- Queen Kalakaua's sis- 



204 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

ter was absent in England at the Victoria! 1 , jubilee. On and after her 
return she evinced, on every opportunity, ber disgust at the turn of 
affairs, and her determination to reestablish the royal prerogatives at 
the first opportunity. She did not await her own succession She 
eagerly accepted a proposition from friends of the then cabinet to 
enter into a conspiracy to force the King to abdicate. The intention 
of the cabinet of the day was to intimidate the King by a division 
in the royal family, he being then unmanageable, and continually 
violating the conditions of the new constitution respecting the veto, 
during the legislative session of December, 1887. 

The object being accomplished by the submission and promised loy- 
alty of the King, Mrs. Dominis continued the conspiracy to a point 
where some 300 armed conspirators, all natives, had assembled in thv 
barracks of the royal guards (the guardsmen having already been won 
over) and sent a committee to the King to demand his abdication. This 
was in January, 1888. The King induced this committee to give him 
forty eight hours to deliberate. During the intervening time the conspi- 
racy was discovered by a Government offi cial by the purest accident. The 
leaders were quietly brought one by one before notaries and sworn eon- 
iessions taken which are now among the Government archives. On 
account of personal relations between Mr. Thurston (then minister of 
the interior) and some of the half- white leaders in this affair, the Gov- 
ernment did not prosecute anyone, or even divulge the facts to the 
public, only insisting that Wilcox, one of the leaders, should leave the 
country. This was done, but events showed that the then princess 
immediately reembarked in a further conspiracy in the same direction, 
and which resulted in the Wilcox insurrection of July 30, 1889. Besides 
WiJcox, the committee who, on the occasion above mentioned, were sent 
by the conspirators to force the King's abdication, were Maj. Nowlein 
and 0*. B. Wilson. The latter had been for many years notoriously one 
of Liliuokalani's paramours. The former was commanding officer of 
the Second Battalion, Hawaiian volunteers, an organization of native 
Hawaiians, which was subsequently disbanded by the Government for 
disloyalty, disobedience, and insubordination in refusing to turnout to 
suppress the in surrection of 1889; and later on (until the abrogation 
ol the monarchy) was commander of the royal guard. 

Ever since the year 1887 the political record of R. W. Wilcox has 
been so closely interwoven with Hawaiian events that it is proper to 
make a passing reference to him at this point. A native of tne island 
of Maui, of mixed Hawaiian and American parentage, his father came 
from the State of Connecticut, and still follows the occupation of a 
rancher on Maui. The young man taught school in his youth, and at 
20 j'ears of age (which is legal age in Hawaii) represented his native 
district in the Legislature. He was subsequently selected by the Gov- 
ernment as one of the young Hawaiians to be sent abroad to be scien- 
tifically educated at the public expense, according to the line of policy 
then in vogue, and had been seven years in the best military and en- 
gineering schools of the Italian Government, and was serving in the 
Italian artillery as a subaltern when the revolution occurred. There- 
upon our Government issued an order of recall to a number of their 
students abroad, and with others Wilcox returned to Honolulu in No- 
vember, 1887. Being refused employment by the Government and 
boycotted by the "Missionary" party, he readily fell in with the ideas 
of the Princess Liliuokalani, as above stated. 

After going to California, on the failure of the first or " Dominis" 
conspiracy, he sought employment as engineer in the Spring Yalley 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 205 



waterworks till April, 1889, when Liliuokalani called him back to again 
assist her to "restore the rights of the native chiefs." He at once 
responded and, arriving at Honolulu in April, 1889, took up his abode 
at the princess Palaina residence where she herself then lived apart 
from her husband. Here he organized the movement, held revolution- 
ary meetings, gathered arms and munitions, collected men for the expe- 
dition, and moved out in regular military order on the early morniDg of 
July 30, 1889, with about 100 armed men to the Government head- 
quarters. After taking possession of the parliament buildings and 
palace grounds, recruits were collected by messengers hastily sent out, 
and by daylight (which was the first the authorities knew of themove- 
ment) he had possession of everything, with an armed force of 400 to 
500 men. 

In addition to this, the royal guard were all on his side, although 
their captain held immediate possession of the palace itself with 30 
men, and with orders from the King to allow none to enter till further 
instructed. Kalakaua was in the conspiracy. He had joined issues 
with his sister (the princess), the plan being to restore, by force, the 
constitution of 1864. His suspicions as to his sisters bona fides had 
been strongly aroused, however, and on the preceding evening they 
had been confirmed by some native friends, who persuaded him that 
Liliuokalani's real object was to compel his abdication as soon as the 
act of promulgating the proposed constitution should be carried out. 
He thereupon, at midnight, moved from the palace to Honuakaka, his 
Queen's private residence, taking 12 of the most trustworthy men 
of the guard, leaving 30 men at the palace, as above stated, and when 
the report came that Wilcox was on the move, he took refuge in his 
boa chouse in the harbor, but a stone's throw from the TJ. S. §. Adams. 
In this position he could avoid all chances of capture, as the only 
access to the boathouse was over .wooden causeways of considerable 
length, giving him time to escape to the Adams on the least alarm. 
There he remained till the battle was over and the insurgents dis- 
persed or captured. 

Two days previously the King himself had taken Wilcox through 
the palace and barracks, and showed him the position of the cannon, 
reserve small arms, ammunition, etc., and on the afternoon of the 29th 
of July he sent word to Wilcox to move at once, as, for certain rea- 
sons connected with a quarrel which happened the day previous 
between the King and cabinet, in regard to the transfer of Gatling gun 
carriages from the royal guard to the police authorities, and which the 
King refused, he considered immediate action necessary. When, there- 
fore, the expedition arrived at the palace, and Wilcox found the King- 
had gone, leaving instructions for the guard to hold the palace subject 
to his further orders, he was paralyzed. However, he seized every 
point of vantage, posted cannon, and sent a message to the King thus: 
"Your Majesty : We are here, at the palace, according to the plans 
agreed upon f to which Kalakaua replied: " Eemain there and com- 
plete your part of the undertaking. I will be there when the proper 
moment arrives." The above was developed at the subsequent trial of 
Loomens, a Belgian ex-artilleryman, for treason for participation in the 
insurrection. He was convicted, sentenced to death, had his sentence 
commuted to life imprisonment, and was subsequently turned loose on 
condition he should leave the Kingdom. At the same trial the letter 
mentioned above, from Liliuokalani to Wilcox calling him home to 
"restore the chiefs, etc.," came to light. It was discovered in a pocket 
of his clothing, in Liliuokalani's house, upon search being made on the 



206 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



night of the 30tli July, after the defeat of the movement and Wil- 
cox's capture. 

After this, the princess deserted Wilcox, denied all knowledge of 
his plans and of the conspiracy, and showed her entire willingness 
that the men who had taken their lives in their hands at her solicita- 
tion should now hang. This treacherous conduct of the woman was 
the beginning of Wilcox's conversion from " chief" rule to the rule of 
the people. His disgust for her was also heightened by her treachery 
to her brother, whose place she was ready at any moment to occupy by 
any means necessary to replace him. In fact, her conduct succeeding 
the failure of the Wilcox insurrection alienated many of her old-time 
friends, and was the beginning of her downfall in the aifections of 
the natives. Naturally Wilcox has ever since been an advocate of 
annexation to the United States, although his idea was to accomplish 
this end by first establishing an independent republic, and proceeding 
as in the case of Texas. 

It should be here mentioned that some 10 Hawaiians were killed in 
the action, or died of wounds, and as many more wounded; the above- 
named Loomens was the only man convicted by the courts, most of 
the others having been either acquitted or discharged, while a few 
pleaded guilty to minor charges and received light sentences. Wilcox 
himself, after his acquit! al, became the acknowledged leader, bothin and 
out of parliament, of the Hawaiian people, who composed the great 
bulk of the new Liberal party, whose shibboleth was equal civil rights. 
Under this as a first principle, the Liberals rolled up an immense 
majority of the entire vote at the general election of February, 1890, 
and actually secured a handsome majority of the legislature, with which 
they succeeded in ousting the so-called Thurston cabinet, in June of 
the same year. But a number of those foreigners whom the natives 
had elected on the Liberal ticket deserted to the "Missionary" party; 
and, forming a coalition cabinet, carried on the Government in a way 
which increased the discontent of the people, till the death of the 
King, in San Francisco, on January 20, 1891. 

The magnificent manner in which the King — alive and dead — had 
been treated in America by the governments of the Eepublic and of the 
State of California, by the city of San Francisco, and by the people at 
large, mollified in very great measure the hereditary aversion of the 
Hawaiians towards American political -affiliation — a feeling growing 
out of their dislike for the mercenary land- grabbing qualities of the 
"missionaries" on whom they mistakenly looked as specimens of Amer- 
icanism. For although their aloha for the King was not the aloha they 
formerly bore to their real chiefs, yet each Hawaiian seemed to look 
upon the ourtesies of Americans to the sovereign as a personal compli- 
ment to himself. It was long well known that large numbers of both 
whites and natives had determined that Kalakaua should be the last 
Hawaiian monarch. But the surprise accompanying his almost tragic 
return completely balked any organization till his successor was 
nailed won, as it were. It was also well known that Liliuokalani was 
determined that the constitution of 1887 should be abolished, at latest, 
on the moment of her accession. But the same surprise had a similarly 
opposite effect (if the term be allowable) upon her. 

The cabinet of the day, realizing that delay would cause a movement 
for the abolition of monarchy on the one hand or the reestablisLment 
of the royal prerogatives on the other, promptly went in a body to the 
then Princess Be gent and compelled her to take the oath to the exist- 
ing constitution. She has since repeatedly said that she was so taken 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 207 

by surprise that she was cowed into obedience, especially as some of 
the ministers threatened her that in case of refusal a republic would 
be at once established and she would become a political prisoner. She 
has further stated to Mends that she would have refused and at once 
proclaimed a new constitution, containing all the old (and added) 
prerogatives, had she but received sufficient warning to prepare her- 
self; but, even as it was, that she swore with a mental reservation. 
This, then, was the status of monarchy in Hawaii when Liliuokalani 
became Queen — a reigning sovereign who had at least twice striven to 
supplant her brother even at the expense, if necessary, of walking 
over his strangled corpse to the throne; a woman notoriously loaded 
with the grossest social vices, such as had contributed so largely to 
the late King's downfall in 1887, but still strongly upheld by the 
majority of the native people, who believed her professions and prom- 
ises to restore them to an equal franchise; possessed, as her friends 
claimed, of qualities of justice, firmness, and courage, which events 
proved to be but selfishness, mulishness, and savage ignorance; a 
hater of whites and a promoter of race prejudices; an idolatress, a 
kahuna worshiper, and an advocate of the most abominable methods 
which distinguished the ante-Christian epoch. The natives soon turned 
from her in disgust. 

The so-called "Be'form" party, consisting chiefly of the " Mission- 
aries," could do nothing with her. Foreigners, generally, feared and 
hated her. She gradually began to interfere in official appointments 
and Parliamentary elections, and to usurp autocratic authority in all 
directions. Her dismissal of Government officials and appointment of 
known thieves, vagabonds, and vicious ignoramuses from among her 
personal favorites and paramours to the most lucrative and responsi- 
ble positions exasperated everyone outside her personal following. 
Her tour in state about the islands (as is the custom of Hawaiian mon- 
archs upon their succession) was marked by the studied absence or the 
open insults of the great body of the Hawaiian people. Her retainers 
could not procure a supply of food from the natives and had to rely on 
the whites, while the hookuou, or giving of presents (an ancient 
Hawaiian custom), was a pitiable failure, only participated in by offi- 
cials, or those otherwise dependent on royal favor. Secret leagues were 
formed, both among the whites and the Hawaiians, to remedy the 
existing conditions. Of these the Hui Hawaii Alohaaina (Hawaiian 
Patriotic League) was the most prominent, from the arrest of nearly one 
hundred of its members and their trial for treason. 

I was myself a member and one of the organizers of this league, as 
also of a white league (under the same name), among the latter ot 
whose members were most of those who actually u carried guns" in the 
overthrow of the monarchy last January. The mass of Hawaiians had 
by this time become possessed of a bitter hatred to the ruling dynasty. 
Of the most stable class of natives, the following sentiment, related to 
me by one who, under Kalakaua, had held in succession all the most 
distinguished positions in public and political life, is a sample of the 
then prevailing thought: a I have been trained from childhood to love 
and obey my alii (chiefs) ; no one would more gladly give his very life 
for them. But the days of the alii are past; they are no more; their 
successors are unworthy the name; my aloha for them has withered. 
I weep for Hawaii. The Kingdom must come to an end; and who can 
say what will be the best for our country — annexation or a republic?" 
And amid such sentiments the u Hui Hawaii Alohaaina" came into 
existence the 1st day of March, 1892. 



208 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

But before entering into the details of this league, reference may be 
made to some of the Queen's official acts which had a strong bearing 
upon its origin and development. Though she took the oath to the 
constitution as above, the event proved it to be with a mental reserva- 
tion, as she had claimed to her friends, and she at once laid plans to 
overturn it. She first refused to recognize the ministers, on the ground 
that they were the King's cabinet and "died with the King", thus 
voiding the constitutional provision rendering it necessary to precede 
dismissal by a vote of want of confidence of the legislature. Then fol- 
lowed several weeks of practical anarchy, political unrest, and severe 
busiuess stagnation, during which the opposing parties literally slept 
on their arms. Finally, at the importunities of the mercantile class, 
who were most anxious to avoid such troubles as would ruin commerce, 
the cabinet were induced to refer the matter to the supreme court, 
under a constitutional provision which permits such reference by either 
the sovereign or cabinet, although the opinions promulgated in such 
instances are not conclusive, but merely advisory. The decision went 
against the cabinet, on the ground that as the constitution made no 
provision for the contingency the cabinet died with the King and the 
prerogative of appointment lay with the sovereign. 

The Queen's obstinacy was caused by her determination to appoint 
C. JB. Wilson to the portfolio of interior, where the great bulk of the 
public moneys are controlled and expended. This scheme was so 
grossly objectionable to the people, however, that, fearing a revolution 
if she carried it out, she selected men who were either personal friends 
of Wilson, or from whom she obtained a promise in advance that they 
would appoint Wilson to the marshalship of the Kingdom. This offi- 
cial had, by law, absolute command of the entire police force of the 
Kingdom, complete and unrestrained power in all appointments in 
that department, and practically controlled the administration of jus- 
tice. Both his appointment and dismissal must be by the attorney- 
general, "by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet," accord- 
ing to law passed by the revolutionary (or "reform") legislature of 
lS87-'88. It was openly stated at the time that she compelled the 
incoming attorney-general to sign a commission for Wilson in advance, 
before receiving from her his own commission as a minister, thodgh 
the attorney-general subsequently denied this charge on the floor of 
Parliament. 

Wilson's "pull" on the Queen consisted in the fact that formany 
years he has been her favorite paramour (she has several). He openly 
and in the most shameless manner assumed family relations with her 
years before the death of her husband ; and, although himself a man 
with a family, he moved into the dead man's own house and occupied 
his bed almost before his corpse was cold. The Queen had a private 
gateway cut through the palace wall immediately contiguous to her 
apartments in the "bungalow," that he might alone enter by a near 
and more convenient Way — a scandal at which even the most obtuse of 
the native people drew the line. The pair openly lived together in the 
Queen's cottage at Waikiki (a suburb of Honolulu) during and suc- 
ceeding the "sandbag" episode at the palace, just preceding the 
descent upon the league. This place was formerly an assignation house, 
built by the Queen, and openly used for that purpose, under the per- 
sonal charge of her business manager, formerly her native coachman. 
All these and many other equally scandalous acts are matter of public 
notoriety at the capital, and have been aired and commented upon in 
scathing terras by the native press of Honolulu; but the English press 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 209 

were either gagged by the palace party or kept silent to avoid the 
effects of the scandal abroad. 

Through the Queen's influence over her brother (during his absolute 
power of official patronage) Wilsonwas given the superm tendency -of 
the Honolulu waterworks, though, he was utterly ignorant of all theory 
regulating hydraulics, and the real work was necessarily done by 
another highly paid official. Wilson collected the water rates, however, 
and an investigation being demanded by a member of the Legislature 
of 1886, a parliamentary committee found he had stolen in the neighbor- 
hood of $16,000 from the receipts. Then through the same influence 
the cabinet of the day entered into a stipulation whereby the matter 
was compromised, Wilson repaying into the treasury $10,000. The 
princess paid over 85,000 of this amount in cash, and by her further 
influence, exerted in the same direction, prevailed on the Legislature to 
pass an " act of indemnity n restoring to her the $5,000 out of the public 
funds. To save further scandal, friends of the ministry indorsed Wil- 
son's notes for another $5,000 on the Government's pledge to retain one- 
half of his salary till the amount was recouped, 'while he himself of 
course retained the office, although members of the Legislature, from 
their place on the floor of the house, expressed the opinion that he 
should be breaking stones on the street with a ball chained to him. 

At the revolution of 1887 the fellow was a spy on both sides. 
Whether he gave truthful information to either is hard to say; but the 
King subsequently informed friends that he at least betrayed him into 
the enemy's hands as soon as the revolutionary cause began to promise 
success. He was in the "Dominis conspiracy," so-called, in 1888, already 
described, and was the man to run over his coconspirators to first 
reach the Government officials and betray his comrades when he sus- 
pected the plot was discovered. Unless the official documents were 
stolen while he and his tools were in power, there are still confessions 
of his own, under oath, in the Government archives, " which would 
hang him" — to use the words of the then minister of the interior. The 
particulars of this conspiracy were suppressed by the Government of 
the day to prevent a lowering of Hawaiian bonds then selling in 
London on a two-million dollar loan, and for other reasons already 
stated. He was in the Wilcox insurrection of 1889, but kept out of 
harm's way; and it was developed at the trial of Loomens that it was 
he who introduced Loomens to the King, and sent him, by the King's 
order, to join the conspirators. 

During the Queen's reign and his incumbency of the marshal- 
ship he was the absolute dictator in Hawaii. It is known that no act 
of importance in governmental functions transpired without either 
emanating from him or receiving his approval. He over and over 
again insulted the people, the Legislature, and the cabinet by openly 
commanding the Queen to disregard the premier, on behalf of the cab- 
inet, when that minister was urging upon her the adoption, modifica- 
tion, or rejection of contemplated public acts. (By the way, the law 
recognizes no ''premier," but the Queen insisted on so calling that 
minister who officially communicated with her outside her meetings 
with the entire cabinet.) Boodle, thievery, blackmailing, bribe taking, 
and general disregard of the laws were alarmingly common, and gam- 
bling houses, dives, illicit liquor dens, opium joints, and the wholesale 
importation of that deadly drug have been positively traced to his 
acquiescence for monetary considerations. He kept a body guard 
about him, composed in part of fugitives from justice from other 
countries, accused of all degrees of crime. He is a half-breed Tahi 
10518 U 



210 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

tian, who, as a waif, was brought to Honolulu by an old Hawaiian sea 
captain. He grew up here, learned the blacksmith trade, and followed 
it til] his physical development attracted the attention of Mrs. Dom- 
inis, who at once procured a Government office for him and advanced 
him as occasion offered. Though physically large, active, and well- 
proportioned, he is morally and intellectually of a low order — a cir- 
cumstance which is true of all the ex-Queen's favorites, and illustrates 
her savage tastes. 

The feeling of disgust resulting from the palace scandals, as well as 
the general repugnance to having the laws maladministered by such 
notorious corruptionists and worthless paramours, combined to origin- 
ate the league "to promote justice and equal rights in the political 
government of Hawaii" (as the oath expressed it) — the exact means 
being left to the development of events and the personal directions of 
the league leaders, to whom all swore obedience, but to include in any 
eveut the suppression of the monarchy, with close political connection 
with the United States as the ultimate object. Among the wrongs to 
be remedied Avas of course the differential franchise; and it was this 
belief of the Hawaiian leaguers that annexation would mean equal 
civil rights, which most strongly tended to bring the annexation view 
into prominence among them as the true solution of the question. At 
first the palace party encouraged the league. They thought to use 
them in the promulgation of a new constitution by throwing to them 
the sop of "equal rights" in exchange for their actual cooperation in 
the Queen's intended coup; or at least relied on their non-interference, 
or perhaps upon their preventing the reform party from interfering, 
while the Queen's party, supported by the royal guard and the 
Honolulu police (both under direct command of tools of the Queen, 
Nowlein and Wilson), would proclaim the instrument and set matters 
running thereunder. 

The constitution was prepared, being identical with that which Her 
Majesty attempted to promulgate on January 14, so far as evidence of 
the latter's contents can now be furnished. It was practically the con- 
stitution of Kamehameha Y, with the added prerogative of dismissal 
and appointment of the supreme court at will — a project dear to Lil- 
iuokalani since long before her accession — as that body had always 
been regarded, both by sovereigns and people, as the bulwark against 
unconstitutional encroachment upon the liberties of the masses by 
Hawaiian monarchs. The league preferred to take chances of getting 
equal rights by their own methods, especially as one of their greatest 
complaints had been as to certain unconstitutional acts already exer- 
cised by the Queen, through her hated paramours, with the connivance 
of a servile cabinet — acts involving interference in official appointments 
and with the administration of justice. The league, however, did not 
at once openly quarrel with the Queen's representatives, but "negotia- 
ted" at arm's length, with the object of being left unmolested by the 
authorities, or, rather, by Wilson, who was directing the "new consti- 
tution" conspiracy, from the Queen's side, and giving only such infor- 
mation to the ministers of the Government as the Queen's party chose 
they should know. 

The league rapidly increased in numbers, and included many of the 
best natives and half- whites in the country. By May 1st there were over 
300 sworn members. There was a quasi-military organization, con- 
trolled mostly by ex-officers or non-commissioned officers of late native 
volunteer companies, or of the guard; spies reported that the leaders 
of the league had arranged for a large supply of arms, to be landed 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 21 1 



by smuggling from small craft at out-of-the-way points; the Legislature 
was about to meet, and it was the Queen's plan that the new order 
of things must be inaugurated in time to prevent its meeting. Evi- 
dently something must be done, and done quickly. The introduction, 
also, of a large number of " Queen Emma" men into the league — men 
who were known to be hostile to the house of Kalakaua — increased 
the suspicions of the palace party, and Wilson instructed his spies to 
report the " arms'* story, to compel the Government to move, as soon as 
he became satisfied that the league Avas against the monarchy. The 
members of the Government were strongly opposed to it at first, but suc- 
cumbed to the personal pressure of Wilson and the Queen. Certain 
of the ministers told me this themselves, and others sent their personal 
friends to me to assure me of the fact. They said, in effect, "Wilson 
is the Queen : the Queen is absolute : we cannot control Wilson.'' One 
member of the cabinet used those very words. 

On the morning of May 19th two confidential Mends of the Queen, 
Kanui and Kekipi, both defeated parliamentary candidates on the 
Queen's side at the elections in the previous February, came to Wilcox 
(representing the league), and the three had a long interview. These 
emissaries represented that they had been authorized and instructed 
by Her ^lajesty to request his immediate presence at the palace to con- 
sult with Her Majesty in regard to the new constitution which she had 
prepared, and which she now held for his perusal and advice before its 
promulgation; further, that the time had arrived when the league 
must commit itself positively and irrevocably to this plan, or be con- 
sidered enemies of the Crown. It is now positively known that Kanui 
and Kekipi came directly from the Queen's presence when they visited 
Wilcox, who was taken by surprise by this ultimatum, and tried to 
ledge by further " negotiating,'' there being special reasons why he 
should not at that time give a positive refusal. The Queen's men, how- 
ever, forced the game, and finally the natives and Wilcox quarreled 
and a definite answer being insisted upon under a threat; and, Wilcox 
thereupon sent to Her Majesty a positive refusal, accompanied by a 
defiance, upon which, being reported at the palace, warrants were 
immediately made out for every member of the league whom the spies 
had " located 77 — some 87 in number. 

Plans were laid to attack and shoot down in cold blood the executive 
council of the league, who were (according to information from spies) to 
hold a meeting at my rooms that night. This was to be done under 
cover of an alleged but bogus resistance to arrest in face of warrants; 
and to make the thing complete, martial law was to be at once declared, 
and the " disturbing element," who were not already assassinated, to be 
disposed of by court-martial, composed of officers of Her Majesty's per- 
sonal staff' and the royal guard. But the league had friends in the 
palace and at the headquarters of most of the Government .departments, 
and were from time to time informed as to what was there transpiring; 
so the meeting did not take place; but, instead, Wilcox and other 
league leaders attended a public meeting of the liberal party on that 
evening and denounced the Government, the Queen, and royalty in the 
bitterest terms. If there was basis for the "arms" story no evidence 
was found in the searches by the police of residences of all known to 
belong to the league. But the details of the first move having failed, 
it was still contemplated by the Queen to remove at all hazards those 
she considered her enemies. It is positively known that a proclama- 
tion of martial law was drafted by one of the advisers of the Queen, and 
passed for revision through the attorney-general's office, and was 



212 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

carried for some days in the pocket of one of the Queen's staff, while 
the authorities were busily engaged in hunting up more evidence. 

The palace party calculated to stifle all necessity for such evidence 
as would convict in a court of justice by establishing a "military" 
court composed of ignorant kanaka partisans and body servants of 
the Queen. In this search for evidence (after the arrests) the author- 
ities threw parties into prison without warrant or form of law, kept 
some without food for days, plied prisoners with promises of reward 
and offices if they would perjure themselves in such way as to make a 
"case" against the liberal leaders, and with threats of death in case of 
refusal, and used means to extort " evidence" of the kind they wanted 
in a manner which would disgrace brigands. These facts were proven 
at the trial by witnesses for the prosecution. But the failure of the 
Queen to destroy all opposition to her abominable course is due chiefly, 
after all, to the interference of Maj. Wodehouse, British commissioner 
(now minister), on my behalf, as a Canadian, by compelling the Gov- 
ernment to try the conspirators in one of the courts of law instead of 
by a so-called military tribunal. 

Passing over the trying period of danger and uncertainty of the leg- 
islative session, and the bitter fight of the Queen against the constitu- 
tional x>arty, we come to the 14th of January and succeeding events, so 
near in time (and therefore in memory), coming down to the status in 
quo. The existing facts imply a Provisional Government treating with 
the Government of the United States for " annexation." Now, what 
is annexation ? It has been years discussed in this country as a possi- 
ble outcome of the near future, but always on the basis that it would 
necessarily include equal civil rights in the management of all affairs 
not in their nature under Federal control — as x for instance, in Texas, 
or in the Territory of Arizona. There is in this country a bitter objec- 
tion on the part of the majority against any unusual system such as 
proposed in the treaty laid before the United States Senate. This I 
firmly believe — and such, I feel sure, is the belief of the great major- 
tiy — that a governing commissioner (say) from Washington would, nay, 
must, be influenced by the missionary party here, and that it would 
result in a plutocratic rule of a half dozen or dozen men of a political 
family compact, who came here poor to serve the cause of religion on 
starvation salaries, and have developed by their superior thrift into a 
moneyed aristocracy, owning all the valuable lands and industries of the 
country. 

This class has always been considered the enemies of not only the 
native race, but of all classes denizened in the islands who are not of 
themselves. Their attempted monopoly of politics; their alternative 
subservience and hostility to the monarchy, according to their hold on 
office for the day; their changing to the cause of "Americanism," or 
their "Hawaiian patriotism," according to whether they are begging 
for differential duties, or fixing" a deal " with royalty; their contemptible 
airs of superiority over those not so rich as themselves ; and their con- 
tinually repeated efforts to grind the natives to inferior political posi- 
tion have alienated all classes against them. But having stolen in, 
like jackals, on the executive offices under the present regime, a great 
number of annexationists fear to openly object to their methods, lest 
it place the whole plan of annexation on the basis of swapping horses 
while crossing the stream. The commissioners arrived at San Fran- 
cisro with the war cry, "Down with the Hawaiians." This has turned 
nearly all Hawaiians against annexation, many hundreds of whom 
were formerly open and active in its advocacy. If even now assured 



TIEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 213 



that annexation would make them American citizens, as such is the 
case in say Texas or Arizona, they would forever abandon the thought 
of royalty and hail annexation with delight as the ultimate destiny of 
Hawaii. 

TSlli-the people of the United States, as represented in Congress or 
either branch thereof, permit the vast majority of the Hawaiian people 
to be driven by armed force into a distasteful political condition by 
a handful of political jackals of the missionary party, simply because 
the Hawaiians are poor and the other own the property ? And this is 
prrctically the reason advanced by the commissioners. Does the 
action of the United States Government on the Samoan question indi- 
cate that America will use her armed forces to permit a minority of 
foreigners to coerce a majority of the native people ; and would such 
a course be creditable to the American people? Would it be an expo- 
nent of the American principle of justice to the weak? But the entire 
question could be settled by forming a treaty which would remove 
the objections referred to, by interfering with no vested rights, and by 
giving political privileges to the Tich and the poor alike. And while 
this might not altogether please the monopolists, an accommodation 
which would give equal civil rights to the Hawaiians in the manage- 
ment of local Hawaiian affairs is the one only which is just, bene- 
ficial, or practical from the standpoint of the future, from either the 
American or Hawaiian point of view. 

It is not necessary to refute the arguments of that portion of the 
American press which opposes annexation on sentimental or economical 
grounds. That issue I assume to be already settled. It will be a sorry 
day for both America and Hawaii if annexation should now be 
deferred. Nevertheless, it will be a source of great grief to Hawaii 
and of future disgrace to the proclaimed political righteousness of the 
American people if the latter refuse us conditions which represent a 
fullness of political rights. The only hope of a condition of affairs 
which will make Hawaii a country in which a white man of self-respect 
and loving liberty can live and prosper is annexation, accompanied by 
an equal franchise to Hawaiians in matters of local administration. 

Referring to the idea of an American protectorate, this would be 
bitterly repulsive to the great majority of the Hawaiian people, native 
and foreign, as many degrees worse, if possible, than ••annexation" 
under the Thurston -Harrison treaty, with carpetbag government con- 
trolled by the family-compact oligarchy. It would, to our minds, mean 
the presence of a foreign armed force to bayonet into submission any 
resistance to tyranny, however great, if only perpetrated in the name of 
law and by the authority of the Government for the time being. It 
would mean the engrafting of a moneyed aristocracy into place and 
power, who, representing only the Missionary party, could, by their 
unlimited wealth, drown the cries of the people of this' country from 
consideration of any man or body of men holding the power of review. 
Our appeals would not likely reach the Congress. This is the view 
which caused the unanimous uprising of the people agaiust what is 
generally known as the " Blaine treaty-' in 1889-*90. 

This was a treaty drafted, as was said, by Mr. Blaine, then Harri- 
son's Secretary of State, -and brought from Washington by H. A. P. 
Carter, then Hawaiian minister to the United States. A majority of 
the cabinet were in favor of it. and tried to force the King to sign it: 
but C. W. Ashford, who was attorney-general, resisted it on the 
ground that it contained a •• troops * clause, permitting the United 
States to land forces to -preserve law and order," which, he contended, 



214 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

would place in absolute power, backed by a foreign military force, any 
cabinet for the time being in office. The provisions of the proposed 
treaty having leaked out mass meetings were held, at which the entire 
plan was denounced by all classes, and in order to save forcible ejec- 
tion by the populace the majority of the cabinet were obliged to 
repudiate the entire undertaking. Later development proved the whole 
scheme to be one for the establishment of all power in the hands of an 
oligarchy of the Missionary party, with practical disfranchisement to 
all other classes of Hawaiians, whether native or foreign. This expe- 
rience satisfied everybody, including the Missionary party, that any 
" protectorate," from whatever source, must be imposed upon the Hawa- 
iian people by superior force. 

Regarding the protectorate proclaimed by Minister Stevens truth 
compels the statement that under no rule of international law or mili- 
tary or other necessity was there any cause for such action. On 
many statements of facts not materially differing the Provisional 
Government was stronger on February 1st than April 1st. for at the 
former date all annexationists were united (if the Government's claim 
is true), while at the last-named day disintegration was fast creeping 
in as a result of the methods pursued in relation to the annexation 
question — the opinion being very strong now in Honolulu that the 
Provisional Government have thus far thrown serious impediments in 
the way thereof by their treatment of the native side of the question 
and their mugwumpery, if not, indeed, their treachery, in official 
appointments. The threatening aspect of the Japanese question had 
not entered into the calculations, because no knowledge or suspicions 
existed on February 1st of the pending arrival of the Xaniica from 
Yokohama. 

It is not the intention to herein discuss the arguments in favor of 
annexation from an American standpoint ; but in this connection some 
reference should be made to the attitude of Japan. The possibilities 
from that quarter, as well as the chances of an English occupation (in 
case annexation falls through), have no doubt been given due weight 
from the American side. But observation of developments on the spot 
has convinced most people here that the invasion from Yokohama, which 
commenced some seven or eight years since, was designed as a means 
of turning Hawaii into a Japanese colony. As long as four years ago 
I had written articles, which appeared in Eastern and European news- 
papers, pointing out the ripproaching danger from Japan, and outlining 
a trend of events which has been fully justified by developments to date. 

I notice the American press has not apparently considered that any 
importance attaches to this question; but nothing seems more certain 
than this, that these islands must, upon any refusal of the United 
States to take advantage of the supreme moment now at hand, at once 
become an advance post of the empire of the rising sun and a hostile 
sentinel over the American Pacific coast. This is on the supposition 
that England would not interfere. But supposing she does interfere ; 
what is the difference, in case the United States let go, whether 
Hawaii falls to a rival (and perhaps hostile; power of the old civiliza- 
tion or the new, when the power which dominates Hawaii will domi- 
nate the Pacific, the future home of the world's commerce ? 

To revert, in conclusion, to the purely Hawaiian side of the case, 
monarchy is now dead, and Hawaii knocks for admission to America's 
door. Give us not an oligarchy. Give us democratic government. 
Give us a government of the people, for the people, and by the people. 
I remain, yours truly, 

Volley Y. Ashfobd. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 215 

No. 6. 

Statement of Vohiey V. Ashford. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 

April 8, 1893. 

Hon. James H. Blount, 

United States Ambassador to Haicaii : 

Dear sir: I inclose herewith a review of the political situation here, 
from the formation of the constitution of 1887 to its attempted abroga- 
tion by Liliuokalani on January 14 last. I can scarcely say that this 
covers all the points discussed, or upon which you requested informa- 
tion, though it probably includes most of them. 

There is, however, a strange circumstance which I now see I omitted, 
to wit, that the men, as individuals and as a class, into whose hands 
fell the executive offices and entire control of this movement, are those 
who (aside from the thick-and-thin apologists of monarchy at all haz- 
ards) have always heretofore been the bitterest enemies of those who 
were suspected of favoring annexation. Dole himself, though a mem- 
ber of the revolutionary league of 1887 and a member of the "Council 
of Thirteen" therein, tried his best to "throw" the whole scheme just 
as the supreme moment arrived. Failing in this, he resigned his place 
on the council and deserted the league, and tried his best to pull others 
out. He did manage to pull out P. 0. Jones, who was also a member 
of the "Thirteen," which position he resigned and deserted the league 
the same as Dole had done. 

About the same time W. O. Smith, who, through his great personal 
intimacy with Dole, Jones, and others of the league, was acquainted 
with the general plan, and had given his adhesion to it and arranged 
to swear in before the council, but had deferred it several times, did 
come before that body. After hearing a part of the oath repeated, he 
drew his hand from the bible, made a contemptible, cowardly speech 
in favor of the continuance of monarchy, and withdrew, and never 
became a member of the league. Other prominent members of the 
Missionary party worked with all their energy against the cause. It 
was subsequently learned that just about the time of the withdrawal 
of Dole and Jones, the King, suspecting the dangerous strength of the 
league, made overtures, through prominent members of the Missionary 
Colony, to recede from certain objectionable positions he had assumed, 
to dismiss the Gibson cabinet, and form one from the ^Missionary party. 
The above desertions, the consequent narrow escape of the league from 
ruin, and the resulting enforced modification of the entire plan (as 
referred to in my statement) only saved the leading non-Missionary 
leaguers from the gallows, as we then, and always since, believed. 

It is needless to say that this perfidy of that political element, at 
the supreme moment, convinced the non-Missionaries that treachery 
was the moving cause. When the demands for reform were made, 
under the conrproniise agreement, only the abject cowardice of the 
King and his chief advisers saved us from a bloody battle, in which, 
on account of delay resulting from the Missionary defection above, 
the King would have had an overwhelming advantage, having thereby 
time to fortify and strengthen his position. When the new constitu- 
tion came into effect, the cabinet soon became a Missionary body, by 
pressure brought upon the King in making appointments to fill the 
vacancies of Godfrey Brown and W. L. Green, who resigned, and their 
whole line of official conduct to the time of their resignation, in June, 



216 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

1890, was a series of insults and abuses to all the non-Missionary 
members of the league, and the filling of all the important offices of the 
kingdom between their brothers, the uncles and the cousins, etc., on 
the one hand, and the most vicious favorites of royalty on the other. 

One of these latter was 0. B. Wilson, whom Thurston, as minister 
of interior, kept in the office of superintendent of waterworks—' 
though he had already been proven guilty of serious embezzlements 
(as related in " statement") ; and although Thurston, then an opponent 
of Gibson, had said from his place in the legislature that Gibson, by 
retaining Wilson in that very office, was harboring a criminal who 
should be breaking stones, with a ball chained to him, Thurston con- 
tinued to make this vagabond his chief favorite, and it was to sav*> 
him, as a member of the " Domini s conspiracy," that he refused to pros- 
ecute the conspirators, as heretore stated. Of course, this was with a 
view to control Mrs. Dominis, when. she should come to the throne. 
Such conduct as the above/helped to alienate the non-missionary whites, 
who had belonged to the revolutionary or "lieform" party. 

So long as the Missionary party could hold all the political offices, 
Kalakaua, and after him Lilioukalani, were good enough, and it was only 
when that faction lost all hope of a prevailing influence over royalty 
that royalty became unbearable. During the organization of the 
Hawaiian Patriotic League, a year ago, one of the leading missionary 
politicians said to me: "Your charges against Liliuokalani are, no 
doubt, true; but what does it matter so long as we have the prevailing 
influence over her. A republic or annexation would lead to the domi- 
nance of the natives." 

This party, almost without exception, tried to hunt down all partici- 
pators in the attempt against the monarchy last year. I have heard 
from several sources, though not able to prove it juridically, that Dole, 
then justice of the supreme court, was in conference with Wilson 
many times, advising him what course to pursue, and what line to 
work up against us. Finally, he was the one who issued the warrants, 
a thing unheard of in the Hawaiian criminal practice, our criminal 
cases then all originating in the police or district courts. Mr. Justice 
Dole not only violated this precedent, but issued the warrants, (and 
then tried the cases) without consultation with any of the other 
judges, and against the advice (to Wilson — and known to Dole, as is 
said) of almost every attorney in town, and on the same statement of 
facts as were laid before himself. During the examination which 
lasted (with intermissions) for three weeks, he overruled every ruling of 
the common law courts of the United States and England — both on 
points of admission and rejection of evidence, as well as of construc- 
tion — against the defense, and invoked the rulings of the courts of 
Bloody Mary and her times, in construing the law of treason, especi- 
ally as to what constituted an overt act. His hatred to any and all 
who favored a change from monarchy was so marked as to excite gen- 
eral comment. And a chain of known facts points most strongly to 
the conclusion, at that time very generally believed, that the discharge 
of most of the defendants (including myself) was in accordance with a 
secret understanding that Wilcox and I should not expose at the trial 
the complicity of the Queen and her negotiations with the league in 
regard to their assisting her in promulgating a revolutionary and retro- 
gressive constitution. 

Of the " Councils" who now "rule" the country under the Star 
Chamber process, there are only three men, at most — possibly not a 
single one— who are independent of the sugar ring. In fact, fifteen of 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 217 

eighteen, in addition to all the commissioners, are either entirely or in 
very great measure dependent upon sugar for their very existence, 
commercially speaking. This class has always been bitterly opposed 
to any ideas tending to an abolition of monarchy. The cause of their 
change may be correctly judged from an American point of view, but 
this I can not help saying, that my personal knowledge of these people 
refuses to admit that " Americanism" has anything to do with it; and 
I have the word of many of them to the effect that they would prefer 
England to the United States, unless the latter give them terms which 
will exclude the Hawaiians from the franchise, and any apparent ten- 
dency they or any of them have recently exhibited towards admission 
of Hawaiians to vote has been caused by the lesson they have learned 
as to the sentiments of people in the United States. 

The natives distrust the whole missionary element, and it is very 
doubtful if those now at the helm can ''deliver the goods," except 
under some process of compulsion. 

- In expressing this want of confidence in the governing faction, I 
desire to say that it is fear for annexation, through the mismanage- 
ment of the present regime, which induces me to speak on this subject. 
I am, and always since my advent here, have been an annexationist, 
from both a HaAvaiian and American standpoint. I openly spoke, 
wrote, and acted in favor of annexation, when annexation meant 
treason, and when Dole, the present President, judicially construed 
a discussion of the possible future necessity for the same as an u overt 
act." 

I hope these additional points may be of some service or interest to 
you as bearing on the whole case under review. 
And I remain, yours truly, 

YOLNEY V. ASHFORD. 



INTERVIEWS ARRANGED ALPHABETICALLY. 



No. 7. 

Interview icith H. P. Baldwin, Maui, April 26, 1893, 

Mr. Blount. Please give rne your name and residence. 

Answer. EL P. Baldwin. I live really on Maui, where I am interested 
in two plantations, and also one in Makaweli. 

Q. Suppose you were cut off from the power to make contracts to 
bring labor into this country ; what would be the effect on your plan- 
tations ! 

A. Some of the planters consider it absolutely essential for us to 
have contracts, but I think that in order to bring about annexation 
most of them would be ready to yield that point. 

Q. How would they get labor? 

A. That is one of the most difficult questions to the planters here. 
The people have the same prejudice against the Chinese that you have 
in the United States. We imported a large number of Portuguese and 
a great many have left. I think if we were allowed Japanese and Por- 
tugese we might get along. We got Norwegians here. They stood 
it fairly well for awhile, but they got ill working in our hot cane fields. 
The Portuguese have been very good labor for us. 

Q. With the property qualification, such as now obtains, and add 
thereto a qualification requiring that the voter shall read and write, 
what sort of a local government would you have here ? Could you have 
a satisfactory government ? 

A. I do not think we would have a satisfactory government — as 1 
said in niy letter to you. I am convinced that it would be a very diffi- 
cult thing to form a local government to stand. 

Q. Suppose you were admitted as a State into the Union, what sort 
of Government would you expect 1 

A. I think a State government would be undesirable for us. 

Q. Well, what would you think, in the event of annexation, the 
form of government should be? 

A. My choice would be for a Territorial government. I mean the 
governor and secretary of state to be appointed by the Federal Gov- 
ernment, the legislature elected by electors with a limited franchise. 

Q. Giving the controlling vote to the intelligent classes ? 
V A. As far as possible. 

I have read the foregoing and pronounce it a correct report of my 
interview with Mr. Blount. 

H. P. Baldwin. 

Honolulu, H. I., June 13, 1893. 

218 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 219 

No. 8. 

Interview with C. B. Bishop, of Honolulu, April 27, 1893, 

Mr. Blount, How long have you lived In these islands? 

Mr. Bishop. Since October 12, 1846. 

Q. You have spent your life here since then? 

A. Mostly. A year and four months is the longest time 1 have been 
away. I was here twenty years before I went away at all. I was mar- 
ried in 1850. 

Q. To whom? 

A. Bernice Pauahi. She was a high chief's daughter. Her mother 
was a descendant of Kamehameha I. 

Q. You have large landed interests here? 

A. Yes ; I owned considerable land at times. I had control of large 
land interests. 

Q. And your wife had large interests? 

A. Yes ; you might call it large interests. Quite large interests by 
inheritance not very long before she died. 

Q. You have had occasion then to give more than ordinary attention 
to lands in the kingdom? 

A. Yes; I think so. I was intimately associated with Judge Lee, 
who was president of the land commission. We came here together. 
We roomed together. 

Q. You spoke of the land commission; for what purpose was it 
created ? 

A. It was created for the purpose of giving title to all the people 
who had claims to land — the chiefs and the people. 

Q. On what principle did they act in giving title? 

A. The King and chiefs made this division in 1847. It was then 
agreed that the people should have the small holdings which they had 
occupied and cultivated since 1839. That was conceded by the King 
and chiefs on the advice of the foreigners in the Government and the 
friends of the natives outside. 

Q. Why do you say it was occupied since 1839? 

A. That date was fixed upon because it was the year in which the 
first draft of the constitution defining the rights of the people was 
made at Lahina. That is the reason why they took this date as a 
starting point. That was only the draft made there as I understand 
it. The land commission was for the purpose of giving titles to the 
chiefs and to the people for the lands which belonged to the chiefs, 
and which came to the natives under this concession. 

Q. What was the principle upon which the lauds were divided? 

A. The chiefs had been given lands by former kings — by Kame- 
hameha I, especially. They could not sell or lease them without the 
consent of the King and premier. There were other lands supposed 
to be the King's private lands. When the division was made these 
lands which he claimed were his own were set apart and called crown 
lands. That was his private estate really, and the others belonged to 
the chiefs and the people — the Government, the chiefs and the people. 
The people got their's out of the Government- land and out of the King's 
land and out of the chiefs' land. These Kuleanas — it did not matter 
whether in the King's land, the chiefs' land or the Government land — 
they got them all the same by putting in a claim and having them sur- 
veyed. There were days set for them to come to prove claim. The 



220 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

laud commissioner took down evidence and made awards according 
to evidence. 

Q. What do you designate lands which belonged to, the King as his 
private estate? 

A. They were called crown lands. 

Q. Well, Government lands were intended to support the King in his 
administration of public affairs'? 

A. No ; he was expected to support himself mostly out of crown land. 
The appropriations made for the King were comparatively small. The 
expenses of Government would be paid out of sales of land, rents, 
taxes, and duties. The Kings clown to 1864 had the right and did sell 
more or less of these lands. They were really their private property. 

Q. Well, in this division you speak of made by this land commission, 
the lands went to what class of persons? 

A. They confirmed only the rights of the people to whom mostly the 
lands belonged. The crown lands was a large amount ; the Government 
got a large share, and the largest part of the remainder belonged to the 
chiefs. 

Q. You make a distinction between Government lands and crown 
lands? 

A. The crown lands belonged to the sovereign. The Government 
lands belonged to the Government for the support of the Government. 
Q. Were the Government lands leased out ? 

A. Yes, they were leased and they were sold. You might say they 
are nearly sold out. The Government appointed land agents in nearly 
every district of the islands, with authority to sell small pieces of land 
to the natives. It was intended to give land to the natives who were 
not entitled to lands under the law giving them lands occupied since 
1839. It was intended to give them an opportunity to purchase lands. 
They cut up a large number of the large lands into small holdings, and 
sold them to natives at very low prices. A large part of them were 
sold at half a dollar an acre. 

Q. Where one had already a holding did they sell to him, too? 

A. Yes; I think so. I do not think it was confined strictly to those 
who did not own lands. 

Q. ISTow, you spoke of the small holdings of land occupied by the 
natives from 1839 onwards being confirmed by this commission. Did 
the native occupiers of these Kuleanas generally take steps to have 
their lands set apart, or did many of them lose their lands by failure to 
comply with the mode of asserting and fixing their titles? 

A. Most of them put in their claims, and had the lands surveyed and 
got their awards. 

Q. You said a moment ago that the government sold land to natives 
at low prices on account of the fact that they had not gotten the lands 
assigned to them under the distribution authorized in 1839? 

A. ~No; not lands assigned to them, because in most cases they had 
not shown any right to take lands. 

Q. You mean to say that they were not occupiers of land ? 

A. They had not been occupiers and cultivators — that is, all the 
time since 1839,if at all. 

Q. Then the natives, under that arrangement, who had not been 
occupiers of land were homeless? 

A. Let me say this : Before this division and before this concession 
to the natives, allowing. them to put in claims which would give them 
the title to land, they had certain understood rights in the places 
where they lived, for which they were to do a certain amount of work 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 221 



for the chief, and so long as they did that they had the right to stay 
where they were, and that has always been recognized. It is even 
now. There were three days a month of labor. He had no land that 
he could dispose of. 

Q. Was not that true as to all the common class of natives? 

A. Yes, that was the title they all had. There would be a family — 
a number living together. The head of the family would put in a 
claim for the land which he had occupied and cultivated. Then 
he had grown-up sons who would want land, and this sale of land to 
natives gave them an opportunity to become land owners — and gave 
an opportunity to those who had not been constant occupiers and cul- 
tivators of land to buy land for themselves. 

Q. Up to that time they had no land ? 

A. They had no land. 

Q. Can you give me some idea of what proportion of the people were - 
not occupiers of land at the time of this sale of lands — 1839? 

A. That would be difficult: I don't know that I can. 

Q. I do not expect a definite, mathematical answer. 

A. But I can not do it. The natives never would have put in these 
claims aud followed them up. if they had not been advised and urged 
to it mainly by American missionaries and other friends. They were 
prettr well satisfied to live on in that old-fashioned way. They were 
slow in sending in these claims and time was extended more than once 
to give them opportunity to make their claims. I should say that a 
very large proportion of the heads of families got land either by put- 
ting in their claims, or by purchasing small holdings. 

Q. Please let me invite your attention to this question. You have 
alluded to a class of persons who were occupiers of land and those who 
were not occupiers of land. What was the mode of life of the persons 
who were not occupiers of land ? Were they migratory ? 

A. More or less so. A good many of them were a sort of servants — 
attaches of some chief, and there were a considerable number of them 
sailors. Some were mechanics and fishermen. Some were educated 
and employed as teachers. 

• Q, What per cent would you say were not located on lands? 

A. There were a good many people who lived about with one another. 
The natives were very free with each other's calabashes. A good many 
lived together — one man having the land and the others living with 
him. They were exceedingly liberal with each other. One man had 
plenty of food and the other hadn't any. The man who had any shared 
with the man who had none. It was as with the Indians — so long as 
there was food in camp they all had some. There was a class who 
spent a large part of their time in fishing, and I do not think that these 
were cultivators of land, not many of them. The people in the early 
times before my time became cultivators and fishermen. Those who 
were fishermen did not do much cultivating". 

Q. What was the theory upon which these lands were divided be- 
tween the King, chiefs, and people — in what proportion? 

A. I do not know as to proportion. 

Q. About what amount of land was there in a kuleana? 

A. All the way from half an acre to ten acres. Some of them per- 
haps more than ten acres. 

Q. What would you say the average was! 

A. I should say the average would be between two and three acres. 
Q. Was this division in which the native got his first title brought 



222 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

about through the influence of the missionaries with the Crown or Gov- 
ernment? 

A. Largely by the missionaries and by other foreigners in the Gov- 
ernment or out of the Government. It was a foreign idea. They were 
given in addition half an acre on which to build a house. They could 
not build on taro land. They had in addition to the land which they 
cultivated the right to go to the mountains for timber for bouse and 
fence building and for the ti leaf and for thatch gras^. The ti leaf 
is used in cooking and in packing food and carrying it. They also 
had the right to fish in the sea belonging to the land of the chief, 
within certain limits and to certain kinds of fish. 

Q. You mean that they got this under this 1839 settlement? 

A. Yes; they had all that defined in the law. 

Q. He lived principally upon his taro patch and fish? 

A. Yes, principally ; but in some districts they had some lands on 
which they cultivated sweet potatoes and bananas. Taro, fish, and 
sweet potatoes were the principal thing. They raised hogs. 

Q. What was their clothing made off 

A. The clothing was formerly made of tapa. At the time I speak of, 
1839, they used mostly foreign material — cotton and woolen goods. 

Q. Were they generally clothed, or were most of them in a compara- 
tively nude state ? 

A. In towns they were pretty generally clothed. In the country, 
except on Sunday, they were partially clothed. They wore very little 
clothing. You would see a well-educated native in the morning with 
his malo (a strip of tapa or cloth worn around the loins). After he 
had gotten through with his work he would wash himself and put on 
something of clothing. If he was a teacher he went to his school com- 
pletely clothed, but very likely barefooted — most likely barefooted. 
The clothing in the country was a good deal a matter of ornament and 
show. On Sunday they dressed up and went to church and came 
home and threw off their clothing. 

Q. Do the natives own much land? 

A. There are a good many natives who do. 

Q. I do not refer to the descendants of chiefs — I mean the common 
people. 

A. There are a large number of the common people who own lands. 

Q. What per cent of them, would you say? 

A. That is very difficult to say. These small holdings that were ac- 
quired at the time I speak of were too small to be divided — generally 
were not divided. The young men who have come on since that time 
do not own land. Many of them have not tried to get any land. These 
small holdings have descended to heirs, and in many cases are still in 
possession of the heirs of the original holders. 

Q. You do not know the percentage of the land owned by the natives? 

A. I do not. The tax collector or assessor could give you a pretty 
good estimate by taking a little time. 

Q. These lands were divided originally so that the Crown got a por : 
tion, the chiefs a portion, and the common people a portion. 

A. Yes. 

Q. These great sugar-planters — from whom do they derive their title ? 
Who were the original patentees of these lands? 

A. Mostly the Government and the chiefs,- and those chiefs are 
nearly all of them dead. Scarcely one of them from whom these lands 
have come is living. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 223 



Q. Do you mean that they have died without making a will or leav- 
ing heirs? 

A. In very few instances have they any heirs remaining. Some of 
them made wills and some didn't. The high chiefs who received these 
titles and their heirs are mostly dead. 

Q. And the lands themselves have gone where? 

A. Many of them were sold by those chiefs themselves. 

Q. To whom? 

A. To different foreigners: to graziers Some natives bought land. 
Q. Much? 

A. Not so very much. 

Q. The bulk of them were sold or given to foreigners? 

A. They were not given ; they were sold, to a large extent. 

Q. I saw some statements in some of your publications that the 
chiefs generously gave away large areas to foreigners. 

A. I do not remember any such case. Kamehameha I gave land to 
Young and Davis and to other chiefs. He gave them lands, but I do 
not think Kamehameha III or other Kings or the chiefs ever gave very 
much land to foreigners. The chiefs were an extravagant people. 
They had very little idea of economy, and lands to them had but little 
value. Large tracts of land had but small value. They were not used 
for anything. They were covered, many of them with grass or ferns, 
or shrubbery of some sort, and the first use to which these large tracts 
of land were put was for grazing. The horses increased rapidly ; the 
cattle increased, and a good many lands were occupied for grazing. 

The chiefs from the first were careless about property. They had 
no idea about saving. They got into very extravagant habits during 
the sale of sandalwood. There was a large sandalwood trade from 
1810 to 1825. Traders came here and tempted them with all sorts of 
handsome goods — sold them vessels and sold them goods. The kings 
and chiefs got very much into debt, and then had to pay. The only 
thing they could pay with was sandalwood. I believe the trade here 
one year amounted to something like $400,000 in sandalwood. They 
bought broadcloths and satins and vessels and all manner of things— 
and a good deal of liquor. They got into extravagant habits. They 
kept on with that kind ol habit. They kept getting into debt, and 
when they got the titles to the land so that they could dispose of them 
many paid their debts by selling land. They would sell large tracts of 
land without surveying — sell them by name. The chiefs took titles to 
their lands by name. 

The laud commission awarded them by name. The chiefs them- 
selves, during their lifetime got rid of a great deal of land. Some of 
them left, when they died, debts to be paid. I had the settling of my 
wife's father's estate. He did not own as much land as many of the 
chiefs. He built a house where the Boston's sailors have been stay- 
ing on King street. He built many houses for his people. He was a 
popular chief and very kind to his people, who were attached to him. 
He supported a company of soldiers. He had quite a large company 
— perhaps fifty to one hundred men. So in building and in fine cloth- 
ing, horses, furniture, etc., they got into debt. I had to sell off in set- 
tling his estate quite a quantity of land — fish ponds, and so forth, to 
get the estate clear. The plantation lands have come nearly alto- 
gether from the Government and the chiefs, and considerable of the 
land is leased. 

Q. Who owns what is called the Bishop estate lands? 



224 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A, It is in the hands of five trustees for the purpose of establishing 
and maintaining' two schools; one for boys and the other for girls. 
Q. How many acres are there in these lands? 
A. About 430,000 acres, a good deal of which is of no value. 
Q. What is the income derived from them"? 
A. About $50,000. 

Q. They were lands left bv your wife? 
A. Yes. 

Q. You have been out of the country for some time! 
A. Yes; six months. 

Q. You were not here during the period of the revolution 1 
A. ETo. 

Q. What is the feeling of the masses of the people towards the Pro- 
visional Government and annexation — those two ideas seem to run 
together — or have you been here enough to be able to answer ? 

A. Do you mean natives or people generally ? 

Q. You can answer it as to people generally. 

A. Well, I should think that a large majority of the natives would 
be against annexation if left to them. Of course the Chinese and 
Japanese don't think much about it one way or the other. The Portu- 
guese seem to be in favor of it. As near as I can get at it a large pro- 
portion of Americans, a considerable number of Germans, and some 
English are in favor of it. 

Q. If it was left to the people to pass on under your Australian- 
ballot system, with the present qualification of a voter for the house 
of representatives, that would likely be the result! 

A. They would vote against annexation, I think. They would vote 
against annexation unless they could see some immediate personal 
advantage in some way. I do not think they would consider very 
much what the advantage or disadvantage would be to them. It is a 
sentiment against any change. 

Q. Is there anything of a race feeling in it; that they would rather 
the Government be under native princes'? 

A. Yes, I think so. Their preference would be to be ruled by their 
own people even if everything went to the bad. Things might go to 
the dogs, they would adhere to that. 

Q. Well, your political contests which you have had since 1886 — 
have they been largely on the lines of a struggle for power between the 
native and the white races? 

A. That has been growing. For a long time back there has been 
something of that disposition on the increase. That feeling has been 
growing. It has been used more or less through native newspapers 
and in the elections. 

Q. Prior to the constitution of 1887 the Crown appointed nobles! 

A. Yes. 

Q. Then it was quite easy, with the native vote outnumbering the 
white, for the Crown and native people to control the legislative body, 
was it not ? 

A. Yes; if they had so determined. 

Q. Well, in 1886 was not the legislature in control of the crown and 
native people ? 

A. I do not remember now how they stood. We have always had a 
considerable number of foreigners as nobles, and a number always have 
been elected to the house of representatives. Some years the number 
of foreigners has been pretty large, and then again not so large. Kala- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 225 



kaua was inclined more to appoint natives. I was made a noble in I860. 
I sat in the house when there were two houses for several sessions. 

Q. Well, the complaint in the revolution of 1887 — one of the com- 
plaints — was against his exercise of that power of appointing nobles, 
was it not? 

A. I do not remember. 

Q. The constitution of 1887 took it away? 

A. Yes. That is, the power which he got partly through the appoint • 
ment of nobles. They felt he was abusing the power which he had. 
They complained of him for interfering in the elections and for getting 
people who he thought would favor any schemes of his, and also in in- 
terfering in the appointment of all the minor officers — like tax assessors, 
tax collectors, and district justices — getting everything as much as 
possible into his own hands, and of his extravagance. Through such 
a legislature he could get appropriations made to suit him. 

Q. The revolution of 1887 was to change that ? 
. A. Yes ; it was to change that. Now, a man can not be elected who 
is holding any office at all. Giving men these minor offices was one 
way of paying them. 

Q. Has there been discontent with the constitution of 1887 on the 
part of the Crown and native population more or less since then? 

A. Yes ; but I do not think the people generally were discontented 
if they had been let alone. The Crown was discontented all the time 
from the time of the revolution. It wanted to get power back again. 

The shorthand notes of the foregoing have been read to me by Mr. 
Mills, and it is a correct report of my interview with Mr. Blount. 

Chas. E. Bishop. 

(Mr. Bishop was on the point of leaving Honolulu for the United 
States.) * 



No. 9. 

Interview icith Sereno E. Bishop, Honolulu. Tuesday, April 11, 

Mr. Blount. Mr. Bishop, will you be kind enough to tell me — be 
cause I know you are a thoughtful man — the causes immediate and 
remote which led to the recent revolution ? 

Mr. Bishop. The immediate cause was a succession of aggressions 
upon liberty and good government by the Queen, and the final act of 
attempting to overthrow the existing constitution by violence. 

Q. Will you be kind enough to refer to these acts specifically ? 

A. The first definite act was the refusal of the Queen to appoint a 
cabinet in accordance with the choice of the legislature. 

Q. What day was that? 

A. I can not give you the precise date. There was a series of these 
proceedings from, I think, August. to November, during which time 
the legislature rejected, successively, three Cabinets which she had ap- 
pointed by vote of want of confidence, she persisting in sending in 
again and again men that the legislature considered unfit for the office. 

Q. You mean by that that the individual members of a cabinet were 
repeatedly rechosen and rejected? 

A. In some cases the same individuals were rechosen, but generally 
not more than one at a time. Other men equally objectionable were 
substituted in their places. They were men in whom the business 
10518 15 



226 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

community had no confidence. The next act of distinct importance 
was the manifest collusion of the Queen with the lottery ring. It 
finally appeared that the passage of the lottery bill was a definite part 
of her policy by which to render herself independent of the business 
people by means of a subsidy of $500,000, which that lottery paid to 
the government. 

Q. How would that render her independent? 

A. It would furnish a means of revenue of such an amount that she 
hoped to be able to dispense with the support of the banks. 

Q. Get along without taxation of other property? 

A. No; not get along without taxation, but to get along without the 
support of the business men, which was necessary to supply money in 
case of stringency, which has often arisen here. 

Q. Well, please proceed on that line. 

A. The matter culminated during the absence of the American Min- 
ister and the ship-of-war Boston by the passage of the lottery bill, 
driven through the House in the absence of several of the best mem- 
bers, and especially by the removal of the excellent Cabinet, in which 
all had great confidence, and which had restored financial confidence 
in the government and business prosperity. They were removed by a 
vote of confidence, the vote of the same men who passed the lottery 
bill. The Queen proceeded immediately to appoint another cabinet 
composed of the worst elements of previous cabinets which had been 
successively rejected by the House. 

Q. Can I interrupt you here? Who were the members of that ob- 
jectionable cabinet? 

A. They were four men — Parker, Colburn, Corn well, and Peterson; 
every one of which men, I am compelled to say this 

Q. I want to know the truth. 

A. Not one of these men possessed any confidence of the public. 
They were men of notorious character in some respects, especially as to 
their business reliability. Not one of them could by any means at his 
command have raised $10,000 for his own use, owing to his personal 
deterioration of character and failure in business. That was the gen- 
eral character of them. 

Q. Were they truthful men in their ordinary relations? 

A. I should speak differently about different ones. I should say that 
Mr. Parker might be regarded, for anything I know, as an honorable 
man in his ordinary relations, but a prodigal man. Mr. Colburn, the 
minister of the interior, was notably a falsifier in business matters, so 
that he would not be trusted in any business matter. 

Q. What do you mean by falsifier? 

A. He would give false weights and measures. 

Q. What was his business? 

A. He was a feed dealer. The next man was Corn well, minister of 
finance; I should say that he was a wreck financially and morally in 
every way. As to his character for truthfulness, I do not know. 

Q. What do you mean by a wreck morally? 

A. I mean that he was so far degraded in his personal character as 
to licentiousness and gambling that he had lost the ordinary shame 
which men possess. I am sorry to speak in that way, but you wish to 
be answered truthfully. 

Q. I do. I want to see the situation. I don't care what it is. I 
want to see it. 

A. He was in possession of large property which he has wasted. 
He has to my knowledge — not to my personal observation, but to my 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 227 

knowledge — displayed himself in public matters in a very gross way 
personally — particularly in connection with Hula dances. 
Q. You mean going to see Hula dances? 

A. No; but in cheering and publicly commending the vilest por- 
tions of it before the people present. Licentiousness is a common 
practice in a country where most of the women are weak, but he car- 
ried it to an excess of grossness. He has run through his property, 
so that he has hardly anything left. 

Q. And the next man ? 

A. The fourth man, Peterson, is of very old family — a native of the 
island, I believe. He was one of our promising lads, but when he 
came back here from the United States he fell into association with the 
lottery and opium rings, and he lost character and lost ground. 

Q. On that account? 

A. On that account mainly. I do not know of. any individual trans- 
actions of his. I never heard of any that indicated dishonesty, but he 
was associated with them in their proceedings and he was supposed 
to haA^e dealings with them in opium smuggling. I do not know what 
the facts are about that. He was intimately associated with them, es- 
pecially with Paul Neumann, who was the reputed chief of that company 
and has been for a long time. Paul Neumann was for many years 
the chief adviser of the King. He was a back stair adviser — a private 
counsellor of King Kalakaua in all his arbitrary proceedings toward 
the establishment of arbitrary power. It is unpleasant for me to speak 
evil of men. I said before, the culminating act was one which took the 
public by surprise. It was the drawing up of the household troops in 
line in front of the palace, which I personally witnessed, and the at- 
tempt to promulgate an entirely new constitution by arbitrary means. 

Q. What do you mean by attempt to promulgate a constitution by 
unlawful means f 

A. I mean that she presented such a constitution to her ministers 
and they demurred. She used violent language toward them. They 
fled, and after several hours of contest with them she finally yielded so 
far as to give an announcement to the natives that she would not pro- 
mulgate it — to her intense regret. She added it was her intention to 
promulgate that constitution in a short time. She gave the people 
hopes that she would do it. That act of the Queen put her in a posi- 
tion which practically wrecked her Government; that is, no further con- 
fidence or reliance could in any way be placed in her or her administra- 
tion from that time on. It was felt by the whole intelligent community 
to have gone to pieces. There was an absolute necessity for substitut- 
ing some other government in its place. I became informed of an ele- 
ment in the Queen's proceedings which .awakened an apprehension in 
my mind of some fanatical excitement. I heard that she was under 
the influence of Kahunas ; that she had been for two weeks in consul- 
tation with Kahunas before her endeavor to submit the constitution, 
and that on that very day she was conducting sacrificial worship. 

Q. How did you get that? 

A. I do not remember how the information came to menow. There was 
a good deal of excitement about the idolatrous doings in the palace. 
I was going on to say that my alarm was excited, that I handed in a 
note to Mr. Stevens on Sunday expressing my sense of the probable 
need of protection from the American forces for fear of some kind of a 
fanatical uprising among the natives. I never heard from Mr. Stevens 
on the subject. I do not know what he thought of it or what influence 
it had upon him. I was only speaking of my own apprehensions. I 



228 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



would say that it had been the custom on previous occasions to have 
the American forces landed for protection and public safety. On two 
previous instances, in 1887 and 1889, American forces were landed by 
the American Minister. 

There was a determined resistance of every effort to remove the 
marshal (who has the reputation of being her present favorite), Marshal 
Wilson, and this opposition was led more by John E. Bush than any 
other person in the legislature. A majority of the legislature was in- 
sisting upon it. It was one of their grounds for voting out ministers — 
because she would not agree to remove Wilson. 

Q. What was their objection to Wilson ? 

A. It was not so much that he was her personal favorite, but that 
he was obnoxious to them, especially to Wilcox. He had been active in 
the arrest of Wilcox for conspiracy. I do not know whether the 
grounds of opposition were sound or not. I know Mr. Thurston was 
not very ardent in the matter of having him removed. It was John 
E. Bush and Wilcox. John E. Bush was in the habit of calling her 
all kinds of foul names. 

Q. What is your opinion of the credibility of Bush? 

A. He has no character for veracity or morality of any kind. It is 
as bad as it can be. I have known his record for a long period. He 
has about as bad a record as anybody in these islands in. every respect. 
I will say about Bush that his earlier progress in public life was owing 
to the fact that his wife was at the King's service entirely. That was 
the secret of his success. It was a notorious fact. 

Q. What country was she from? 

A. She was a native. 

Q. Dead? 

A. Yes. When she died his influence with the King somewhat de- 
clined. In reference to this matter of the marshal it sliould be added 
that the Queen declared publicly to a committee sent to ask her to keep 
Wilson in office that he should be kept in office. It was an unconsti- 
tutional declaration. I give this as one of her unconstitutional acts. 

Q. The Provisional Government was established on the 17th? 

A. The 17th. 

Q. Three days. then, afterwards it was the avowed purpose to seek 
annexation with the United States? 
A. Yes; that is a matter of record. 

Q. Out of what did that declaration in favor of annexation come ? 
Did it come out of the moment, or had there been a progress of opinion 
for vears on the line of connecting this countrv with the Government 
of the United States ? 

A. There had been a progress of opinion growing for a good many 
years in favor of annexation to the United States, and looking to it as 
a certain event of the future. I would say that the royalist paper 
44 Bulletin 77 distinctly avowed that as a certainty in a year — either last 
year or the year before. 

Q. ^Nbw, was there a feeling in the mind of the people in that meet- 
ing reaching back through a period of months, looking forward to some 
opportunity of connection with the Government of the United States I 

A. There was nothing said about annexation in that meeting. 

Q. I do not know that I gave you my idea. 

A. As to what feeling existed among individuals or among leaders in 
that meeting — I suppose that is what you wish to know — it would be 
a matter of opinion with me. I should say that at that meeting there 
was no dennite thought about annexation among the people: that that 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 229 

was an afterthought which grew irp perhaps during the next day — 
that is, of actually proposing annexation as an immediate thing. I 
know that it was not in my own mind. I was not thinking about that. 
I was thinking about what kind of a government would be put up. It 
was quite evident there was going to be a change. Annexation might 
or might not come. People had to act and think rapidly. We had had 
some training in the revolution of 1887. That had been an education 
to our leading men. 

Q. What do you mean by education? In what particular? 

A. An education in planning for a form of government. An educa- 
tion in prompt action of the right kind. 

Q. What do you mean by prompt action of the right kind? 

A. I mean such action as was actually taken. Experience had taught 
the people that no confidence was to be placed in any royal promise ; 
that there was only one thing to be done — to make clean work and 
sweep the monarchy away. The people here had a very distinct educa- 
tion in what may be termed the strategy of a revolution. 

Q. Do you mean that the white element here had learned what they 
could accomplish by courage and organization ? 

A. Yes ; exactly. I would add to that also that the native popula- 
tion got an education in the impossibility of resistance to a determined 
action on the part of the whites. 

Q. Now, Mr. Bishop, was this change of Government brought about 
by any action from the other islands — or was it done entirely on this 
island? 

A. Entirely. There was no time to communicate with the other 
islands. The white population of the other islands were as thoroughly 
in sympathy as the white population of Honolulu. 

Q. Did they have any knowledge of it ? 

A. None. 

Q: Did the native population on the other islands know anything of 
the movement ? 

A. I think they knew of the movement to proclaim a new constitution. 
Q. That is not what I mean — 

A. Well, they could not. The whole thing was done so rapidly. 
There was no vessel going up to the other islands during those days. 
I think no vessel went up during that period. 

Q. In the education you say the whites received here and the natives 
received in connection with revolutions, was there in the minds of the 
whites to enable them to succeed, and in the minds of the natives to 
induce them to submit, any calculation as to the aid of the forces of 
any foreign government? 

A. I should say there was none whatever. I was myself fairly inti- 
mate with the public sentiment in that matter, and I am certain that 
there was no calculation of any such aid. ' There was a calculation on 
the maintenance of the usual practice of landing troops to maintain 
order against mob violence, and to protect the property of citizens. 
There was an expectation of that. 

Q. How was that force to be applied? The Queen's Government was 
in existence up to the time of your recognition ? 

A. It may be said to have had no manner of existence. It had no real 
existence. It was wrecked by the panic produced by the unconstitu- 
tional acts of the Queen. All persons had ceased to look to it; at 
least, all owners of property and intelligent people. 

Q. Then you did not expect the use of troops to enforce or sustain 
any action on the part of the Queen % 



230 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. We did not expect they would. We did not regard the Queen's 
Government as a source of order. The attitude of the Queen herself, 
as shown on the morning of that Monday, the 16th, in this terrified 
proclamation, showed that they themselves were in a state of panic. 

Q. The people then did not expect that in the use of foreign troops 
that the Queen's Government would derive any support from that 
quarter. 

A. No; they did not. Mr. Stevens' sympathies were well known by 
various manifestations. They were known to be in favor of the prog- 
ress of constitutional government. He had so declared himself on 
public occasions like the 4th of July. 

Q. What do you mean by that. Please be more specific. . 

A. I mean that on at least two public occasions — one of which was 
the 4th of July — Mr. Stevens had made addresses in which he spoke of 
the necessity of the Hawaiian monarchy conforming itself to constitu- 
tional progress. 

Q. How did that apply to any condition of things here? 

A. It applied because Kalakaua's Government and the Queen's Gov- 
ernment were manifestly seeking to establish absolutism. 

Q. And the condition of things here induced the interpretation of 
these two speeches to mean that 

A. He was heartily in sympathy with the movement of constitutional 
government. He was going to show himself as a good American. It 
was kindness in him to exercise his influence as the American repre- 
sentative. 

Q. You did not think the forces were going to be used when they 
came on shore in the interest of protecting the property and persons 
of American citizens in connection with the Queen's government, or in 
support of it. 

A. I was well satisfied they would not be used to support that gov- 
ernment. 

Q. Did you think that the new government was likely to be recog- 
nized and that in the protection of person and property the troops 
would likely act on a line in harmony with the new government? 

A. I did not suppose — I had some indications that led me to believe 
that the troops would not be used in any way to assist in establishing 
the Provisional Government. They would be left entirely to their 
prowess or strength to accomplish the end. 

Q. Were the troops landed before that government was recognized"? 

A. They were landed before the government was formed. They were 
landed on the evening of the lGth. The government was not formed 
until the morning of the 17th. 

Q. Now, suppose disorders had broken out in that condition of 
things — in executing the power — the purpose of protecting persons and 
property here — what was expected as to the tendency of the action of 
these troops — that it would be with the white population or with the 
native element — with the new political movement or with the Queen's 
Government? 

A. Well, it was expected that they would repress any mob violence 
whatever — that they would assist in preventing any incendiarism in 
town, or attacks upon private property. 

Q. Suppose there had been a conflict on the streets — a battle on the 
streets — what side do you suppose the United States would have taken ? 

A. My belief was at that time that the United States would have 
remained entirely neutral. I have no doubt of that. I had no doubt 
then. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN [SLANDS. 231 

Q. Did you look for any trouble at the time these troops were put on 
shore? 

A. We were apprehensive at that time of secret disturbance — at- 
tempts to crea te insurrection and disturbances. We were apprehensive 
about incendiarism. 

Q. Insurrection against what? 

A. Attempt on the part of the natives to injure the whites. 

Q. You mean race conflict rather than insurrection? 

A. Well, I do not mean any organized insurrection — we were afraid 
of local disturbances in town. We were in a state of uncertainty and 
apprehension. We felt we needed protection. We had not organized 
Government forces. 

Q. You wanted these forces here to preserve order until you had 
organized? 

A. And after that if they chose. We were accustomed to have such 
forces landed — Mr. Merrill had had such forces. 

Q. I am not questioning the propriety of it, but I am trying to find 
out the public mind in this situation. 

A. I understand. Now I am expressing what my own view is as an 
intelligent person, knowing what the customs and proprieties of things 
would be internationally. I am only giving you my opinion. 

Q. I am only asking your opinion. I am inquiring from you because 
you have the reputation of being an intelligent man, a man of charac- 
ter. These troops were landed at the instance of whom? 

A. I understand that they were landed at the request of the com- 
mittee of public safety — organized before the Provisional Government 
was organized. It was felt that the community was in great danger, 
and it was necessary to take immediate steps. 

Q. The protectorate was established to continue during the progress 
of negotiations, was it not? 

A. So far as it was a protectorate. I do not know how far it was 
entitled to be called a protectorate. I think the proclamation of Mr. 
Stevens settles that matter. I do not know anything outside of that. 
I think it was pending orders from the United States Government. 

Q. Was there a fear here that were the troops aboard, the govern- 
ment would not be able to protect property — the Provisional Govern- 
ment? 

A. The troops had been on shore all the time to assist in maintain- 
ing order. They took no active part then and were always confined to 
their barracks. 

Q. Do you think that during all that period and up to the establish- 
ment of the protectorate that these troops were necessary on shore in 
order that order might be preserved? 

A. Well, it is hard to say. I cannot judge. I will say this: I know 
from my personal knowledge of volunteers of the force that they con- 
sidered themselves very hard worked in controlling the town, and while 
they encountered hardly any signs or disposition to make disturbance 
they had a sense of insecurity. They were called off from their business 
to a degree that was a great trial to them, and the putting up of the 
American flag enabled martial law to be dispensed with and gave a 
feeling of general confidence and security which was agreeable to us all. 

Q. Martial law and the United States troops you felt necessary to 
give adequate protection and restore confidence here. Is that true or 
not? . 

A. I should not say that the presence of the United States troops 



232 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



was a necessity. It was very desirable. I think that the Provisional 
Government could have maintained our security without them. 

Q. Mr. Bishop, there has been a controversy (if I am not correct you 
can correct me) for a good many years on the part of the people of the 
white race here and the native race in the matter of governing the 
country. Is that true or not ? 

A. It is true. 

Q. Have the political alignments here been as a general rule racial — 
white race against other races? 
A. Not until recently. 
Q. How recently? 

A. My first recollections of any indications of such an alignment I 
should say were early in the reign of Kalakaua, about eighteen or twenty 
years ago. 

Q. And did it take shape in the form of questions of taxation, or 
what form did it take? 

A. In the shape of appointments to public office. They claimed that 
natives should hold a larger proportion of public office than tliex had 
been accustomed to. 

Q. And the other side did not like it? 

A. The other side did not feel that the natives were fit for office; 
They were notoriously incompetent. The first indication I remember 
of such a feeling was one day seeing Samuel Parker — then a young 
man — landing at Lahaina from a vessel from Honolulu and proclaim tug 
loudly that Kalakaua was going to do the right thing by the Hawaiian^ 
— give them a proper share in the Government. 

Q. What had been the share before this announcement of Parker? 

A. It had been customary to have one or two natives or half whites 
in the King's cabinet of four. 

Q. How about the court ? 

A. The supreme court? 

Q. Yes. 

A. It has always been customary to have three white judges. 

Q. Because they were learned in the law? 

A. Yes 5 the natives were incapable of being learned in law. 

Q. That had for some time been accepted as proper ? 

A. It has ever since it has been the rule. It has never been changed. 

Q. How are your judges selected? 

A. Appointed by the Sovereign with the advice of the cabinet. 
There has been a very satisfactory administration of law and justice. 
Q. How about your foreign ministers — any rule obtained? 
A. They were always white men. 
Q. And appointed by the Grown? 
A. Yes. 

Q. On confirmation by anybody else? 

A. The cabinet, I think. 

Q. Not confirmed by the legislative body ? 

A. No 5 a large part of the offices sought to be occupied by natives 
were subordinate civil offices. 

Q. Was that what Parker had in mind, or did he want to enlarge it? 

A. He wanted to enlarge it, to have more natives in the cabinet. 

Q. In the constitution of 1887 did the qualifications of electors leave 
the whites in the majority in the election of nobles, or the natives? 

A. The whites in the majority; that is, a majority of nobles. 

Q. The constitution allowed citizens of other countries who were liv 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 233 



ing here at that time to vote, not thereby forfeiting their citizenship in 
other countries. Was that intended to strengthen the white vote? 

A. It was intended to strengthen the white vote by enabling them 
to vote, as they were not willing to renounce their citizenship. 

Q. With a view of giving the white element strength in political 
controversies ? 

A. Yes ; to give them adequate representation in the legislature, so 
that they should not be entirely overridden by the native representa- 
tives. 

Q. This constitution was extorted from Kalakauaby a mass meeting! 

A. Yes; by force of public sentiment manifested through a mass 
meeting. That demonstration of the determination and unity of the 
white citizens so terrified him that he was ready to do what he was 
wanted to do. 

Q. Now, is it to be inferred from transactions like that that the intel- N 
ligent people here are of the opinion that the native population as a 
mass are qualified for government, capable of carrying on a government ? 

A. I should say quite the contrary. 

Q. Eeferring to the mass meeting which extorted the constitution 
from Kalakaua and to the recent mass meeting which brought about 
the change here — are we to believe from these that the intelligent 
classes in this community — the whites — do not believe that the mass of 
the native population are capable of self-government ? 

A. Not without assistance. 

Q. What is your view about that ? I do not know these people at 
all. I am trying to get at the inside facts of the case. 

A. My view is that, while the native people here are lacking in ade- 
quate intelligence and force of purpose to conduct self-government 
long, they are so well disposed that with a sufficient power of white 
guidance — white cooperation — and the removal of racial contention, 
which has been sedulously cultivated by the late dynasty, they will use- 
fully cooperate in republican government. They possess sufficient in- 
telligence and good disposition so to do. 

Q. On that point of being led by the white element, and easily in the 
absence of attempts to excite racial feelings, could you trust to uni- 
versal suffrage? 

A. Without limitations we could not. 

Q. What limitations could you trust to in the matter of suffrage? 
A. I think the limitations would have to be quite high, as to educa- 
tion and property qualifications. 
Q. What would you put them at? 

A. As to education, I should require a good knowledge of the Eng- 
lish language — sufficient to enable the voter to read and understand 
the Constitution of the United States. 

Q. In regard to property qualifications? 

A. I think it should be made so high as to exclude unskilled laborers. 

Q. You have about 9,000 voters among the native population — how 
many would that exclude? 

A. The educational qualification woiua exclude two-thirds — the 
number qualified would rapidly increase. 

Q. What property qualification? 

A. The same property qualification as now required of voters for 
nobles — 1600 income. That would exclude unskilled laborers. 
Q. How many skilled laborers do you think would vote? 
A. I do not know. There has been very great carelessness in admit- 



234 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



ting such voters. I think the number of sucb voters having that prop- 
erty qualification would be about one-fifth. 

Q. That is your opinion ? 

A. Yes ; my private opinion. 

Q. What w<nld you think would be the opinion of the intelligent 
people here on this question ? 

A. I think they would generally agree with it, except as they are 
governed by a strong American prejudice of universal suffrage. 

Q. A majority of the whites, would they adopt your opinion or the 
manhood suffrage idea ? 

A. I think the great majority of the whites would adopt my idea as 
a matter of necessity, although contrary to their theoretical principles. 
They would sacrifice their theory for obvious necessity. 

Q. Mr. Bishop, what would be the effect on values here if you were 
to go into the United States — property values ? 

A. I think there would be an appreciation of most property values 
within two years of at least 50 per cent. 

Q. Why do you think that? 

A. On account of the immediate restoration of financial confidence. 
It would put into operation at once a great variety of new enterprises, 
such as the proposed railroad around Oahu, which is now waiting for 
the result of the present negotiations. 

Q. Anything else? 

A. Yes; there are other causes. The rapid immigration here of ener- 
getic whites from America, from the United States, which would follow 
annexation. 

Q. What would bring them? 

A. The sense that they were going to be in the United States, that 
they were coming to their own country — the protection of the Ameri- 
can flag. 

Q. They have that already there. I mean what would bring them 
here? 

A. Attractions of land. Opening to enterprise. They are deterred 
from doing so now by the political uncertainty of the country. 
Q. Any other causes ? 
A. I think those are the main causes. 

Q. The sugar bounty — has it had any influence at all in the matter? 
A. In promoting annexation? 
Q. Yes. 

A. Ever since the bounty has been put on it has increased, I think, 
the desire for annexation, but at the same time there was an apprehen- 
sion that the bounty would soon be removed, so that it was not a very 
powerful influence. 

Q. What would be the effect on your labor here? 

A. Very unfavorable to sugar-planters. It is apprehended it would 
be. I think it would be. I think the planters would suffer a good deal 
in reference to their contract labor. 

Q. Suppose they had no contract labor, could not they bring Japan- 
ese here and Portuguese in sufficient quantities to supply plantations? 

A. Their passage would have to be paid by the planters. 

Q. You think they would not do that unless there was a contract? 

A. No ; they could not get their money back unless they were bound. 

Q. That would seem so to me. I saw a statement from Mr. Paul 
Neumann, in which he took a different view, but did not give his rea- 
sons for it. 

A. Paul Neumann would say anything that would suit the occasion. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 235 

Q. You think the contract labor system would be done away with 
if there was annexation? 
A. It is so understood. 

Q. When these contracts are out do the laborers leave the country? 
A. Not necessarily. 

Q. Some of them — the Chinese — would have to go back, would not 
they, under your last legislation ? 

A. I am not very familiar with the last legislation. My attention 
has been taken up with other political aspects. 

Q. Do you think the Chinese would remain here? 

A. They have remained here in very large numbers. There has been 
a very large decline in Chinese population. 

Q. Would you expect the United States Government to permit the 
Chinese population to remain here in the event of annexation? 

A. Just as they permit the Chinese population to remain in the United 
States. I suppose on the same terms. 

Q. The Japanese population — would you expect them to remain 
mostly when their term of service was out? 

A. I believe the Japanese are under some obligation to their own 
Government in the matter, which may constrain them. 

Q. Do you think if that is not true that they would like to remain — 
most of them? 

A. I think they would. 

Q. Well, the Portuguese element — is that permanent here? 
A. I think it is — unless they are compelled to leave here for want of 
employment. 

Q. Sow, taking your native population — the Portuguese population 
and the Japanese population that remain here — it would be over- 
whelming in point of numbers against the white element? 

A. The Portuguese we count as whites. They are whites. They are 
whites in intelligence when they receive education. 

Q. I do not care whether 3-011 call them whites or not. 

A. I am disposed to insist that they are whites. They have the 
European Christian ethics. They belong to Christian civilization by 
inheritance. 

Q. With the Japanese population living here, and the Portuguese 
population here, and the white population here, what would you do 
with the question of suffrage? Would you be incliDed to the lines you 
have already indicated in that condition of things? 

A. Well, it would establish English as an absolute condition of suf- 
frage. 

Q. And the property qualification ? 

A. Yes ) but the English would exclude the ignorant Portuguese, 
and exclude the Japanese and Chinese almost entirely. 

Q. You mean the qualifications for reading English would exclude 
most of the Portuguese and most of the Japanese? 

A. Yes; it would exclude Portuguese who were not educated. I was 
going to say that it is my opinion that there should be an exception 
made from the educational qualification in reference to all persons who 
had voted hitherto for a considerable number of years — say fifteen. It 
would be an injustice to a large class of intelligent and excellent natives 
not to let them exercise suffrage. 

Q. You desired to express some views a while ago on some subject? 

A. On the question of the expectation of intelligent people here in 
respect to the action of the troops of the Boston. On the Sunday fol- 
lowing the establishment of the Provisional Government Mr. P. C. 



236" ft E POET OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Jones, the minister of finance, and myself held a conversation on the 
steps of the Stone church, where we were about to conduct Bible 
classes. Mr. Jones expressed himself confidentially to me about his 
feelings on the occasion of assuming office. He stated to me that he 
thought he had never had such a sense in his life of personal peril he 
felt at the time when he and the other members of the Provisional 
Government left Fort street to proceed to the Government house for 
the purpose of seizing the Government. From that I am convinced that 
the members of the Provisional Government expected no assistance 
whatever from the United States forces. 
Q. What day was this? 

A. It was the Sunday following the day they took the Government — 
was Tuesday, the 17th. It was the 22*1 of January. 
Q. The American flag was then up? 

A. So; the American nag was not put up for two weeks afterwards. 
Q. Were the troops on shore all the while. 

A. Yes; they were on shore all the time. They were out of sight 
mostly on the premises which they occupied. My son-in-law, Jonathan 
Shaw, was active as a volunteer from the moment of the assumption of 
power by the Provisional Government. He has always spoken to me 
of experiencing a great sense of danger at the time that he took up arms 
to assist the Provisional Government in occupying the government 
house. He had no expectation of support at that time from the United 
States troops. He is a bookkeeper and general business man of intel- 
ligence. I would urge the point that the proclamation made by the 
Queen and her cabinet on Monday morning, the 16th, demonstrated a 
coudition of panic on the part of the Queen's Government. It was a 
m< >st humiliating proclamation for her to make. It proves that the Gov- 
ernment had practieally gone to pieces — and this supports the theory 
that the reason why not the slightest opposition was offered by the 
large force assembled and armed on the Queen's side to the Provisional 
Government. It was due entirely to a state of panic on the part of the 
natives. 

Q. The natives here in the city of Honolulu '? 

A. The organized native forces. They could not possibly have been 
brought up to face the whites. This feeling was enhanced by actual 
experience they had had of being shot down by the whites in the insur- 
rection of 18S9. in which no white man was wounded. Twelve natives 
were shot down. 

Q. \\ as that the Wilcox insurrection! 

A. Yes. 

Q. Xow let me ask you there, was that an insurrection against Kala- 
kaua ! 

A. It is hard to say what the inside intention of the revolution was. 
but my opinion is that Kalakaua was privy to it. It was purely an 
attempt to restore the old constitution in the interests of absolutism. 

Q. Where was he at the time: was he at the palace ? 

A. So: he was not at the palace: he was at his house on the beach, 
and at an early hour he went on board the American ship-of-war, which 
was in port. 

Q. For what purpose? 

A. For safety. 

Q. From whom? 

A. I do not know. His royal guard in the palace was instructed to 
keep Wilcox and his men out of the palace so as to save the palace from 
injury. Wilcox made no attempt to gain possession of the palace, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 237 

although he went to the barracks, in the rear of the palace, and ob- 
tained all the rifles and cannon he could use. They were freely given 
to him by the King's forces in the barracks. 

Q. Now, did the whites suppress the insurrection ? 

A. Yes ; it was done entirely by the whites. It was done by authority 
of the Thurston cabinet. The King's own cabinet suppressed the insur- 
rection as being an insurrection against the King. They understood it 
very well that the King was conniving at it. It was also stated that 
Liliuokalani aimed to destroy the King and put herself on the throne. 

Q. How much was that believed here among the white people ? 

A. I think the general concensus of opinion was in favor of the former 
theory that the King was privy to the whole thing. 

Q. Now, you say that the shooting down of the natives on the part of 
the whites in the Wilcox insurrection was probably the cause of the 
panic in the royal troops in the late movement ? 

A. I think it contributed to it. 'No native would face a combination 
of white volunteers. The men who shot down the natives were volun- 
teers — not organized, but riflemen gathered for the moment. 

Q. Mr. Bishop, I notice in correspondence between the minister here 
and the State Department a letter in which he speaks of arms being 
landed here from San Francisco for the whites in connection with the 
movement of 1887? 

A. Yes j there was. That was an organized movement. 

Q. What became of those arms? I do not want you to answer it 
unless you feel perfectly free about it. Were they retained by private 
citizens ? 

A. My impression is that they were retained by private citizens. I 
think they were owned by private citizens. 

Q. Is it true or not that the white people here with a view to their 
own security keep themselves supplied with arms in their houses ? I 
mean as a general rule? 

A. I think it is quite extensive, but I do not think it is universal. 

Q. That would indicate a feeling on the part of the whites that it 
was necessary for them to be in a condition always to protect them- 
selves by force, although they might never have it to do? 

A. That is the feeling undoubtedly. 

Q. I was led to ask you that question by a man named Lillie. He 
spoke of keeping arms in his house. 

A. I would say that apprehension is felt solely in regard to the 
adherents of royalty. There is no fear from other sources. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate 
report of my interview with Mr. Blount. 

Sereno E. Bishop. 

Honolulu, May 12, 1803. 



No. 10. 

Interview with William Blaisdell of Kealia and Kapaa Kauai, Wednes- 
day, April 19, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. Mr. Blaisdell, please tell me your occupation ? 

Mr. Blaisdell. I am a plantation manager. 

Q. What plantation? 

A. The McKee Sugar Company. 

Q. What is the amount of capital involved? 



238 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. About 81,000,000. 

Q. How many hands employed? 

A. An average of 700. 

Q. Where are they from — what race? 

A. Principally Japanese, Chinese,;Portuguese ; Hawaiians ; and a few 
South Sea Islanders. 
Q. How many Japanese? 
A. About 400. 

Q. About how many Chinese? 
A. About 100. 

Q. About how many Portugese? 

A. Something like 120. 

Q. How many natives? 

A. Not more than about 75 or 80 at present. 

Q. You are here representing an annexation organization? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. As a delegate? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Who were the gentlemen who came up with you representing the 
annexation organization on the island? 
A. H. P. Baldwin, George N. Wilcox, George Mundon, and J. Konoho. 
Q. What is the occupation of Mr. Baldwin? 
A. He is a sugar planter. 

Q. Do you know anything of the capital he represents? 
A. He represents from that island a capital stock of something like 
$2,000,000. 

Q. Does he represent any interest on any other island? 

A. Yes; he is the principal owner of several plantations on Maui. 

Q. Is he from the State of Maine? 

A. I do not know. His father was one of the original missionaries. 
Q. Well, Mr. Wilcox, is he interested in sugar? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. What is his business? 
A. He is a planter, 

Q. How much capital does he represent? 

A. Well, in the sugar business he is estimated at being worth some- 
thing like $1,000,000, and his plantation business I should think is 
something like half a million. 

Q. Do you mean in addition to his sugar interest? 

A. No, sir ; his sugar interest would amount to about half a million 
dollars. He has other interests besides. He is a principal shareholder 
in the Inter-Island Steam Navigation Company. In fact, he has in- 
terests all over the islands. He has a great deal of sugar stock outside 
of his own plantation. 

Q. You are speaking of Mr. Wilcox? 

A. Yes. 

Q. He is the principal owner of the steamship line also? 

A. I don't know that he is the principal owner. I know he owns 
considerable stock. 

Q. Is he the Wilcox knoAvn in connection with the phrase, "Wilcox 
Cabinet?" 

A. Yes. His father was one of the early missionaries. 
Q. What is the business of those two natives who came with you? 
A. George Mundon does a little business in the way of hauling^ wood, 
cutting wood, and supplying wood to the plantations. 
Q. What plantations? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 239 



A. Ours principally. 
Q. Is he in your employ*? 
A. Not directly — well, I suppose he is. 
Q. The other native. His business? 
^A. He is a minister of the Gospel. 

Q. You all came in together yesterday evening. Did you represent 
the same organization? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Do you represent the same locality? 
A. No, sir; we represent about the whole of the island. 
Q. Will you tell me the causes which led to the dethronement of the 
Queen? 
A. Well, poor government. 

Q. Could you not be more specific? Poor government is a very loose 
phrase, and won't carry much information with it. 

A. Of course it was something that has been coming for some time, 
but what decided the question was the Queen's wishing to put a new 
constitution on the people — force a new constitution on the people. 

Q. What do you mean by the phrase, "has been coming for some 
time?" 

A. Things had been drifting into disorder and corruptness in gov- 
ernment matters. 
Q. What sort of disorder? 
A. Mismanagement. 
Q. Well, was life and property safe? 

A. No, sir; well, I won't say that altogether, but things were drifting 
that way. We felt that property at least was not safe. 

Q. Was there a looking forward to a change of government on ac- 
count of the discontent with the political condition in the islands? 

A. Well, I do not think so. Of course we are not as well posted on 
the other islands, away from the capital here. 

Q. You were not here during the scenes immediately preceding and 
during the dethronement of the Queen? 

A. No, sir. 

Q. Then, on that question you can not answer? 
A. No, sir. 

Q. You have already said you are representing annexionists ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What is your opinion as to the feeling in favor of the existing 
Government with a view towards annexation ? 

A. When the Queen was first overthrown there were very few in 
favor of annexation, very few of the planters especially. I was one 
that did not see that we could be improved, especially in view of the 
contract-labor system which is our mainstay. 

Q. You mean mainstay for sugar interests or for the islands ? 

A. Well for the islands, because it is the main industry of the islands ; 
but as things developed, and after looking over the matter carefully 
and talking over the matter with other interested parties — that is, 
planters principally — we came to the conclusion that we would rather 
take our chances on the labor question than to take the chances of an 
independent government. We, were in hopes that if annexation was 
secured that the United States would take our labor question into con- 
sideration and allow us some privileges in that way. 

Q. In what way? 

A. In bringing in Asiatic labor or not interfering with our present 
system of labor. We feel, of course, that good government is the 



240 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



foundation of prosperity, and that without good government we nave 
no use for labor. I think if we could have been assured of a good in 
dependent government we should have preferred it. 

Q. What sort of an independent government? 

A. A thoroughly reliable home government. 

Q. Without annexation'? 

A. Yes, sir; because the benefits we might get are very obscure. We 
^didn't feel that we could depend on that at all. 

Q. What would be a reliable government here do you think? 
A. I do not think it is possible to have good government and free 
suffrage. 

Q. Just there I would be glad if you would give me your views with 
precision. 

A. Knowing the native race as well as I do — have worked them for 
years, was raised among them and had them in responsible positions — 
I know their character and know they can not be relied upon. They 
are not educated to it. 

Q. They are not educated to what? 

A. To manage themselves — to govern themselves. 

Q. You mean for participation in governmental affairs? 

A. Yes; a native can never conduct any business for himself. In no 
instance that I know of has a native attempted to go into business for 
himself and made a success of it — that is, any business of any extent. 
He has always been associated with some foreigner and the foreigner 
at the head always. It is very hard for them to understand business. 
They have not got the knack of acquiring, and what they do acquire 
they can not hold on to. They are very weak in this matter. 

Q. Well, now, when it comes to voting, how are they? 

A. Very easily led, one way or the other. Up to within the last 
three or four sessions of the legislature they were very indifferent about 
it, but since then there has been a little race prejudice. 

Q. For ten or twelve years ? 

A. I won't go back as far as that. I will say six years. Of course 
it was anything to beat the Hoivle (the white man). Very often now in 
elections, especially outside of Honolulu, you ask them how they ex- 
pect to vote, they say, "Oh, it makes no difference to us. As long as 
the plantations are running of course we can always expect employ- 
ment, and we look to the plantations for support.' 7 

Q. How long is it since the Australian ballot law was enacted? 

A. Only the last election. 

Q. In your legislature you have nobles and representatives. Xow I 
want to speak as to representatives. Were a majority of the repre- 
sentatives elected to the last legislature in sympathy with the reform 
party or against them? 

A. Against them. 

Q. What was the effect of the Australian ballot system on the native? 
Was he more or less easily influenced under this system as compared 
• with the former ? 

A. I think that if the candidate was a Hawaiian; that is. if there 
were two candidates, a white man and a Hawaiian, he would, of course, 
vote for the Hawaiian. 

Q. Under the secret ballot system? 

A. Yes, sir; that is, speaking of the majority. 

Q. Suppose the question was left to the native population to deter- 
mine by ballot under the Australian system whether they desired to 
return to loyalty or annexation, what do you think that vote would show? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 241 



A. I think it would show a return to royalty — that is at the present 
time. In talking with natives I found a great many were in favor of 
annexation, but they are afraid that they would lose their civil rights, 
that is, they think they would have to forfeit that. 

Q. Let nie ask you if this is the situation. That when they are 
approached by their employers, desiring to be in accord with them, they 
declare themselves willing for annexation subject to an expression of 
fear that they will lose the right of suffrage? 

A. I do not quite get your question. 

(Question repeated.) 

A. Yes. sir. 

Q. In other words you think you can influence a considerable native 
vote by reason of the relations existing between you, but for the fear 
that they would lose the right of suffrage under annexation ! 

A. I can hardly answer that. Of course there is their regard for 
their Queen on the one hand. They feel that anr cxation is inevitable— 
a good many of them — and they would express themselves as in favor 
of annexation provided they were allowed their free suffrage. But I 
think under any circumstances if it was put to a vote and no financial 
interests involved, if they were not dependent upon others for support, 
they would vote against annexation. 

Q. Do you think they are in favor of the restoration of the Queen? 

A. A majority of them ! 2s"o, sir. You cannot depend upon the Ha- 
waiians. They say one thing to-day and another to-morrow. 

Q. !Now, the class of men they elect to the legislature — are they in- 
telligent, reliable people? 

A. Xot always: no, sir. 

Q. Your constitution provides that a voter for nobles shall have un- 
incumbered property of the value of 63.000 or an income of $600? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. If the nobles were elected by persons having the same qualifica- 
tions as those who elect representatives, would that place the control 
of the nobles in the hands of the native voters ! 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. You have said that they elect a majority of the representatives 1 
A. Yes. sir. 

Q. The same thing then would obtain as to the noblest 
A. Yes. sir. 

Q. Then that body would likely sustain a ministry in accord with 

native ideas? 

A. Yes, sir. decidedly. 

Q. And that would leave the property of the Kingdom and the rights 
of foreigners to the disposition of native voters? 
A. Yes, sir, entirely. Property would not be secure. 
Q. Property would not be secure ? 
A. Xo. sir. 

Q. Please tell me why? 

A. I would have to answer that in a general way — that no property 
can be secured under bad government. 

Q. You think a body elected in the way last indicated would be a cor- 
rupt bodv of men? 

A. I do. 

Q. You think it would be an ignorant body of men? 
A. Yes, sir; as regards the science of government 
Q. You think the business conditions of the islands would be disre- 
garded in legislation! 
10518 16 



242 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. Yes. sir: I think the natives would be controlled by unscrupulous 
people. The natives are very easily influenced, one way or another. 

Q. Do you think the animosity towards the white people would con- 
tinue? 

A. I have no doubt of it. 

Q. Please tell me this — do you think that it is necessary to the pre- 
servation of order and the making and enforcement of good laws that 
the foreign element should give direction to political affairs on these 
islands ? 

A. Yes, sir; I do. Of course, in speaking of the Hawaiians, I speak 
of the majority, There are exceptions, of course. There are some very 
good Hawaiians that I have a great deal of respect for, but their not 
being interested to any extent financially — having nothing to lose iu 
that way and being dependent upon others for support — they are not 
l careful, they are easily influenced. 

Q. Are they easily influenced with liquor in elections? 

A. Since the Australian ballot system was adopted, not so much so. 
Previous to that and previous to the formation of the Reform Party, it 
was % custom for the candidates outside of the polling places to have 
feasts — laaus — and the native would get a free feed and a free glass of 
gin provided he would vote for a certain representative. His ballot 
would be handed to him and he would go to the polls and put it in. 
There was a great deal of that. I think that was one of the main rea- 
sons for the formation of the Reform Party. 

Q. Were there a majority of them subject to this influence you have 
just spoken of? 

A. Yes, sir. I have seen it open and aboveboard. 

Q. That thing, then,' often determined the election of a representa- 
tive? 

A. Yes. sir. 

Q. Was that generally the case in elections for representatives prior 
to the Australian ballot law? 

A. I think it was a good deal so. 

Q. Well, is there anything else you want to add ? 

A. We have been charged as sugar men with being at the bottom of 
this movement. I want to contradict that emphatically. 

Q. Was it not really a Honolulu movement ? 

A. Yes, sir. Although of course we felt that something of the kind 
might happen. In talking over matters with our president. Colonel 
Spaulding, I told him I thought something might be done to oust the 
Wilcox cabinet. He said he didn't think the Queen would dare to do it. 

Q. Well, if she did oust them did von expect anv trouble to come out 
of it? 

A. I did. Things had gone so far and we had had so much of it, 
that I felt sure something would come of it. At the same time I was 
surprised that she did do it. 

Q. That she did remove the Cabinet? 

A. Yes, sir; and that she signed the lottery bill and the opium bill. 

Q. You think the peace of the islands depends on the power of the 
white element to direct this government ! 

A. Yes, sir ; I think so, I feel so — decidedly so. Of course, we are 
at a little disadvantage, as property holders with large interests away 
from Honolulu. We feel at a disadvantage compared with the Hono- 
lulu people. There we are pretty much at the mercy of the people at 
large, that is,- the natives, and our property being scattered over thou- 
sands of acres, and being very easily destroyed by fire, of course we 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 243 



feel concerned. We can not call for protection from any force — naval 
force or anything of that kind. A few natives with a match could de- 
stroy thousands and thousands of dollars' worth of property in a short 
time. Fire in the sugar cane is very hard to fight. A great deal of 
property Avould be destroyed in a short time. Therefore, of course, we 
feel justified in asking for annexation or for protection against civil 
disorder. 

Q. Is there anything else you want to add? 

A. I want to deny again the charges made, that the planters are at 
the bottom of this movement. You can easily see how annexation 
would affect us. It would undoubtedly do away with our contract sys- 
tem of labor. 

Q. What would be the effect on, you of laws prohibiting contract 
labor t 

A. It would require 25 per cent more labor to keep up the supply. 

Q. Suppose the United States should prohibit contracts being made 
by corporations with people in Asiatic countries, what would be the 
effect of that % 

A. It would raise the price of labor. 

Q. What would the effect be on crop products *? 

A. It would increase the cost of a ton of sugar. 

Q. Can you get any European labor of any amount here; could 
you look to Europe as a source for labor % 

A. No, sir. We have tried that. It was a failure. We got some 
German families, but we had to give it up. They did not seem suit- 
able. They could not stand working in the sugar cane. 

I have carefully read through the foregoing and pronounce it a cor- 
rect report. 

W. Blaisdell. 

Honolulu, April 20, 1893. 



No. 11. 

Statement of William Blaisdell. 

Kealia, Kauai, Hawaiian Islands, 

May .9, 1893. 

Dear Sir : I hereby take advantage of the privilege granted me by 
you to communicate by letter anything of interest in addition to my 
statement made to you a fortnight or so ago. 

If I remember rightly, I forgot to reply, in answer to a question asked 
me, "Whether the planters had introduced any other nationalities than 
Asiatics in this country as laborers," that for several years during the 
time we received 2 cents a pound for our sugar several thousands of 
Portuguese families were induced to come to the Islands from Azores 
under contract to this Government, and then transferred to the planters. 

They proved to be the best and most reliable class of laborers brought 
to this country; no other class of labor has given as good satisfaction. 
But when the price took such a tumble and we were obliged to make 
sugar for $40 a ton less, we were compelled to look elsewhere for less 
expensive laborers, or go to the wall. 

The first cost of importing Portuguese was a considerable expense as 
the distance is so great between the two countries: that expense had 
to be borne by the planters. They also received higher rates of wages 
than any other class of labor in the country, and, in addition, were fur- 



244 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

nislied free house room, fuel, medical attendance for the whole family. 
Notwithstanding their greater expense to the Planters as laborers 
than the Japanese or Chinese, they were, on the whole, a more desirable 
class of employes than any other class of labor, and I hope that, if we 
are annexed to the United States of America, our circumstances will 
be so much better, financially, that we can again encourage the immi- 
gration of that class of labor to this country. There may be some 
trouble in getting them here, if the contract-labor system is abolished, 
for they have not the funds wherewith to defray the expense of bringing 
their families out here, let alone themselves. The Planters, therefore, 
would have to advance them that much, and the binding of the laborer 
to serve for a certain time is the only security the employer can obtain 
for the refunding the amount of the advance, which is deducted from 
his wages in monthly installments, and as the new settler can spare 
but a very small portion of his earnings each month, he is as a rule two 
years working out the debt. 

Much has been said against the contract-labor system by people who 
do not understand it; much more can be said in its favor by those who 
do. As a rule the contract laborer is better off in every respect than 
the noncontract man. A contract man is free to do as he pleases when 
his ten hours of work are over. It is true he is compelled to work 
when physically able, and if a man claims to the contrary, he reports 
to the physician, and if, after an examination, the physician finds the 
least thing ails the laborer, he is excused from work, and if, on the 
contrary, he is sound in health, is lazy, and feigns illness for an excuse 
to get a day or two to idle or gamble, he is ordered to work, which 
order should he disregard, he is taken before a magistrate, and, if he 
fails to prove that he is physically unable to work, he is ordered by the 
court to go to work, and, should he still refuse, he is sent to jail, there 
to remain until he agrees to do as ordered. # 

It is a common rule on all plantations to occasionlly grant a leave of 
absence for several days to a man who has proved himself worthy of it. 
A good man is seldom, if ever, denied that privilege. 

The fact of the laborer being compelled to work when able, enables 
him to earn more wages than the noncontract men. He, therefore, 
always has money laid by for a rainy day ; whereas the day laborer or 
noncontract man does not work more than 80 per cent of his time, and 
spends that time, when not at work, in idleness and gambling, and in 
running from one part of the country to another. 

I maintain that where there is a large number of the lower class, as 
there is in this country, and also Avhere the rate paid to the laborer is so 
far in excess of what it costs them to live, that some such system is 
necessary in order to discourage idleness and its consequent evils. In 
fact, it is as necessary as compulsory education is in this country. 
Every Government school has a truant officer and he is kept busy 
bringing in truants and recruits. That will explain my reason for the 
statement made you that "if the contract-labor system is abolished 
we will require 25 per cent more laborers in the country to supply the 
demand as well as it is supplied at present." 

Since my return from Honolulu I have be*en from one end of this dis- 
trict to the other (50 miles) to ascertain as near as possible what the 
sentiment is among the natives in regard to Annexation. The Koyalist 
politicians have sent several agents down here from Honolulu to influ- 
ence the natives against it by every means possible. A certain Capt. 
Boss, a noted character, of whom, no doubt, you have heard much, was 
one of them. The misleading statements that he has made to these 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 245 

simple-minded people regarding America, its people, and form of govern- 
ment, and saying everything possible that a base- hearted person can say 
to encourage race prejudice, is enough to disgrace him in the eyes of 
every American, or anyone else that can boast of having an enlight- 
ened mind. 

He has told them that America can not take care of her poor people, 
of which there are many thousands in every city in the Union, and 
that they are dying off by the hundreds for the want of something to 
eat. It is that class of people, he has told them, that the United 
States will send here among you, and as they have nothing, they will 
kill off you natives in order to get your lands, etc. You will be treated 
like slaves, and run over by the white people. The above is only a, 
sample of what he told the natives, and although the better class do- 
not place much confidence in all that he told them, yet they are some- 
what alarmed at what he said, and do not know which way to turn. 

As they are not directly interested in any of the industries and enter- 
prises of the Islands, and are only small landowners, they therefore 
feel that they can not be materially affected by bad government, and 
that it would be better for them to take their chances in that, rather 
than Annexation and its doubtful benefits. And, again, the exciting of 
race prejudice, which has been intensified by the Royalists, has been 
an important factor in influencing them against desiring to annex their 
country with that of a white man. They are a timid and simple- 
minded lot of people as a rule, and are therefore easily influenced 
against anything foreign that they imagine may do them harm. 

Almost all of the better educated natives are officeholders, such as 
district judges and policemen, and they, for fear of losing their posi- 
tions under a new form of government, do all they can to encourage 
their less fortunate countrymen against annexation, and this is not a 
difficult task when you understand that they have never read the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and all they know of America is that 
there is such a place some 2,000 miles away from the Islands, where all 
manner of crime is committed, and that there is a possible chance of 
such criminals coming to the Islands to flee from justice, consequently 
the islands will be overrun with all sorts of bad characters; this, in 
fact, has been told them by the Royalists. 

I have worked hard to explain away such delusions and stories, and 
am also having the Constitution of the United States translated into 
the Hawaiian language, and will distribute copies of same to all natives 
on the Island, and will have it explained thoroughly to them. I feel 
sure that this course will do much to dispel many points of doubt that 
they now adhere to. I also feel sanguine that, after a few years of 
Annexation, and they enjoy all the benefits and privileges thereof, few, 
if any, will be willing to give it up. 

But to ask them to decide in favor of it under the present circum- 
stances would be very similar to asking the Indians of America a hun- 
dred years ago whether all the white people should be allowed to remain 
in that country or not, and if they had had an idea that their decision 
would result in expelling the whites, every one of them would have had 
to emigrate from whence they came. The result would undoubtedly be 
the same in the present case here on the Islands if the question of Annex- 
ation were put to a popular vote, as the natives and dependents upon 
Royalty are in the majority. 

But it must be acknowledged by the whole world that the foreign- 
ers or white people have done all in their power to educate the 
Hawaiian race to rule and govern their own country ; made all efforts 



24G REPORT OP COMMISSIONER TO THE II AAV A II AN ISLANDS. 



to guide them on to prosperity and develop their resources; acted as 
their advisors and only took part of managing the affairs and occupy- 
ing such positions themselves as the natives were incapable to con- 
duct. A number of attempts have been made in the course of the last 
fifty years by the white people to place well-educated Hawaiians in 
those positions, but for the lack of strength of character (a natural 
failing of the whole Hawaiian race) the experiments have proved 
utter failures, and the positions filled again by honest and reliable 
white men. 

All positions that natives were competent to fill have been given 
them; even then they would have disgraced themselves were they not 
held in check by the white men at the head of the several depart- 
ments in which they were employed. But a short time ago, not over a 
month, it was proved beyond a doubt that the deputy sheriff of this 
district and subordinates (all Hawaiians) w^ere paid a regular salary 
by keepers of Chinese dens to wink at their operations, and to permit 
the carrying on of same, free from molestation. One of the gambling 
dens was in the house owned by the deputy sheriff' and rented to Chi- 
nese for that express purpose by him. 

A proprietor of oue of the dens refused to pay the sum of money 
won by one of his countrymen at one of their games ; the cheated party 
threatened to exj)ose the place if he did not get the money due him, 
but the threat did not alarm the offender, inasmuch as he thought the 
matter would be reported to the deputy sheriff, the landlord, with whom 
he felt secure. But the injured party knew of the local police being- 
bribed and reported the whole matter to Mr. Wilcox, the sheriff of the 
Island. He sent a constable from another district to make a haul on 
the den. They succeeded in doing so and exposed the whole matter. 
The foregoing is an illustration of the character of a native, even when 
placed in a responsible position. 

Is it a matter of wonderment that the white people, and especially 
those who have so much at stake in this country, and whose patience 
has been so sorely tried and confidence abused, have at last taken 
matters into their own hands and ask for protection from those whom 
we are sure can give it. 

Any independent form of government will not stand very long under 
existing circumstances; we can not see any way out of the predicament 
than annexation with the United States. Those who have extensive 
investments in this country can not depend upon the future security 
against corrupt legislation until the United States has the management 
of public affairs and the handling of the revenues of the Islands; and 
I claim that we have the right and are justified to ask the United 
States to protect us, and to accept the trust, for patience has ceased 
to be a virtue. 

As an example to illustrate how far the native will allow his feelings 
to be influenced by race prejudice, I will mention a circumstance that 
occurred here in this district, and, as I am familiar with every detail 
connected therewith, I have no hesitancy in giving it to you as a fact. 
During the last election for representatives for election in this district 
two candidates were in the field, one a Hawaiian-born white man, Mr. 
A. S. Wilcox, brother to G. N. Wilcox, of the " Wilcox cabinet,' 7 and 
in opposition a native by the name of Kahilina. A. S. Wilcox was 
nominated by the foreigners and those natives of the better class. 
Kahilina was asked to run by the Queen. 

A. S. Wilcox is a man with an irreproachable character and his con- 
duct as a man throughout his life is an honor to human nature. He 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 247 

was bom and raised in this district, where he has always lived, and 
has been a sugar- planter for the past twenty-five years, employing 
natives in preference to any other class of labor, and his conduct 
toward them has won their love and respect. He has never let an 
opportunity go by to do the native a favor. 

A few years ago a number of natives in the neighborhood of his 
home, Hanalei, desirous of replacing their grass huts with wooden 
houses, and not having funds to carry their plans into effect, went to 
Mr. Wilcox for aid, as has always been their custom in such cases. 

He gave them the necessary funds and as security for the payment 
of same they gave him mortgages on all their lands and other property. 
They built their houses and, native-like, the time for the redeem- 
ing of their mortgages came around and found them unprepared to do 
so. Mr. Wilcox allowed the matter to go on for years and finally, tir- 
ing of carrying it along on his books, he canceled all the mortgages, 
on which he had never received a cent of interest let alone the prin- 
cipal. Likewise in many other instances, too numerous to mention, he 
has "b'efriended the native and does so to this day. 

The other candidate, Kahilina, is a full-blooded Hawaiian, well 
educated. For a while he held a position as district judge in Hanalei, 
Kauai. But that position was taken from him before many months 
had elapsed, as it was proved that he accepted bribes and appropriated 
court funds for personal use and lived in open adultery. This is the 
character of the man that the Queen and her party put up as their 
representative to run against Mr. Wilcox. I may here state that Mr. 
Wilcox refused the nomination, but when he learned that Kahilina 
was to run for election, and rather than to have such a man go to the 
Legislature to represent a district where the foreigners had invested so 
many millions and had so much at stake, he consented to contest the 
election against Kahilina. The first thing Kahilina did when he found 
that Mr. Wilcox was in the field against him was to run down the 
white man, and did all in his power to excite race prejudice, as he could 
find nothing in the character or past life of Mr. Wilcox with which to 
weaken his chances with the natives. 

Prior to the day of election Kahilina went into the precinct where 
Wilcox was born, and among the natives he had befriended, as men- 
tioned above, knowing that there Wilcox was a favorite, and there he 
told the natives not to vote for a white man. " Wilcox may be all right, 
and a good man himself, but he represented the white people, and they 
would treat the natives as the white people treated the Indians in Amer- 
ica; they were overrunning the country and would soon gobble up all 
their land." This had the desired effect. When the election was over 
and the count made of the votes cast in each precinct of the district it 
was found that very few natives voted for Mr. Wilcox, and none of those 
whom he had befriended. Mr. Wilcox was elected, but by only the for- 
eigners, Americans, English, Germans, and Portuguese. When the 
natives were upbraided for voting against Mr. Wilcox, after all his kind- 
ness toward them, they acknowledged their indebtedness to him for all 
past favors, but they did it "because he was a haole (white man) and 
represented the white people." 

Only in political matters is that sentiment expressed; outside of that 
the natives acknowledge their dependence upon the foreigner, and 
will go to them first to ask a favor in preference to one of their own 
nationality. There is not a foreigner on this Island, and I will go as 
far to state on any of the Islands, but what feels that the native is a 
special charge and do all in their power to administer to their comfort 



243 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

and welfare. A visit through the Islands would convince you of that 
fact at every step. Leave the race To themselves and they would 
drift right back to where they were fifty years ago. They would do so 
now were it not for the fact that the foreign element is continually tug- 
ging at the other end. They have no conception of the great watch- 
word of the enlightened world, " progress:" they have no objection, 
however, to be carried along with it so long as they are pampered like 
, a lot of children. 

To a person who thoroughly understands the character of a Kanaka 
it is no surprise that matters have taken the turn that they have in the 
past two months. According to all rules of progression, it had to come 
some time, and now that it has arrived, we who have the welfare of 
the country at heart, and for the good of all concerned, feel that there 
is no hope for domestic tranquillity in the future unless the United 
States will accede to the prayers of the respectable people of this 
country. Left to ourselves domestic strife is inevitable, and will ruin 
the whole country in a very short time. This must not be permitted. 
It is the unquestionable duty of the United States to ward off that 
danger and consequent destruction of homes and interests of thou- 
sands of her citizens, and if she should not do it she would be shrinking 
from a duty that she would always regret. She will have to do it 
sometime and probably not at a time so favorable to all concerned. 
"A stitch in time will save nine.*' 

This country's resources can be increased tenfold if the large tracts 
of Government and crown land were taken out of the hands of large 
leaseholders and divided up among enterprising citizens as homesteads. 
There are thousands of acres of the richest land to be found on the face 
of the globe in the hands of a few. and only a small portion of which is 
under cultivation, whereas if settled upon by enterprisiug people with 
small means, they can be made to produce millions of dollars annually, as 
sugar and rice are the only products that are admitted into the United 
States free of duty. Those industries alone have received attention, con- 
sequently on an extensive sugar estate there are thousands of acres of 
land that could be made to produce almost anything else under the sun. 
but are given up to cattle grazing, because they are not altogether 
suitable for either cane or rice. 

Upon such lands thousands of families could build beautiful homes 
live in a climate second to none on the face of this globe, where flowers 
bloom and all kinds of vegetables grow all the year round. This will 
surely come about with good government and an available market for 
all products of the Islands. 

I would give much if you could visit this, the garden Island of the 
Group ; you would then learn from your own observations the truth of 
the above statements. You could see from your carriages some of the 
grandest scenery to be found on the Islands — a beautiful country 
covered with verdure from the tops of the mountains to the water's 
edge, and an abundance of water everywhere, and yet there are miles 
and miles of this beautiful country unsettled, with the exception of the 
rich valley bottoms. 

I shall regret very much if you leave this country without honoring 
us with a visit: youeould do it and be absent from Honolulu only three 
or four days. I therefore on the part of all the people on Kauai cor- 
dially invite yourself and party to pay us a visit. Everything possible 
in a quiet way will be done for your comfort, etc. I fear that I have 
already imposed too much upon your patience and valuable time, and 
will therefore close, trusting that you will do all in your power to gain 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 249 

for us the protection that we feel so much the need of and is oar only 
hope for future prosperity. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

W. Blaisdell. 

Col. James H. Blount. 

United States Commissioner, Honolulu, 



Ko. 12. 

Interview with Crister Bolte, of Honolulu, May 5, 1893, 

Mr. Blount. What is your occupation, Mr. Bolte? 
Mr. Bolte. I am a merchant in the corporation of Grinbaum & Co. 
Q. Are you connected with the Planters' Labor and Supply Asso- 
sociation % 
A. I am. 

Q. Are you a stockholder in sugar plantations? 
A. I am. 

Q. Is the Planters' Labor and Supply Association made up of per- 
sons interested in planting, either directly or by owning stock? 

A. Yes j it is made up of persons owning stock in plantations and 
plantations themselves. There is hardly any person of property in 
this country who is not an owner of some sugar stocks. 

Q. Are the members of this Planters' Labor and Supply Company 
all owners of sugar stocks ? 

A. I believe so. 

Q. Were you here on the 14th. 15th, 16th, and 17th of January, 1893? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Please tell me what you know about the occurrences during that 
time ? 

A. Previous to the 14th of January we had a cabinet consisting of 
Wilcox, P. C. Jones, Cecil Brown, and Mark Robinson. These were 
all people of intelligence, integrity, and property. They commanded 
the confidence of the whole community. Various attempts had been 
made by the legislature to get rid of them. Finally, on the 13th of 
January, they did oust them. 

The cabinet, consisting of Sam Parker, Billy Cornwell, John Colburn, 
and Peterson, was appointed by the Queen, and on the 14th of J anuary 
the legislature was prorogued. These people did not command the con- 
fidence of the business community. Sam Parker has squandered away 
all his money. He is considered a big boy 5 no stability in him. Billy 
Cornwell is of the same character also ; has no property. John Colburn 
is a man of property, but of very doubtful character — not considered 
honest and straightforward. Peterson is an able lawyer. He has had 
the best of chances here to be a respectable man, but he seems natu- 
rally inclined towards associating with a class of people who have no 
respectability to them. 

Q. What do you mean by the word "respectability ? " 

A. A man who leads a pure family life, pays his bills, keeps his 
word, and various other ways. 

Q. What is his business ! 

A. He is a lawyer. He goes off on carousals. Does not go home at 
night. There is trouble in his family. Xow to proceed : The legisla- 
ture was prorogued on the 14th at 12 o'clock, and before that time news 



250 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 



came down town that the Queen was going to proclaim a new constitu- 
tion and abrogate the old one. The business men down town came to- 
gether and talked matters over. 
Q. At what place? 

A. W. O. Smith's office. They came to the conclusion that if tie 
Queen can alter the constitution to suit herself she might as well alter 
any other law to suit herself. Anyway through altering the constitu- 
tion alone she would get perfect centrol of the affaire of the country, 
because, in this constitution it says — as Minister Colburn told us at 
this meeting — that she intended to appoint the nobles, which is one- 
half of the legislative body. We decided to let things go on for a 
while to see how it would end up. At 4 o'clock we had another 
meeting, which was largely attended. 

Q. At the same place? 

A. At the same place. It was then stated by Minister Colburn and 
Minister Peterson that she had not proclaimed a new constitution: had 
told the people to go home, abide their time, be of good cheer, and she 
would give them a new constitution anyhow. At the first meeting- 
Paul Neumann was present and said the Queen was going to proclaim 
a new constitution. At this last meeting it was decided that the 
people who were there could not be satisfied with the Queen just with- 
drawing from this as if nothing had happened, and they came to the 
conclusion that the people must have guarantees tor the future, and 
appointed a committee of thirteen people, of which I was a member, to 
devise ways and means by which such guarantees could be gotten. 

This committee met several times at various places, and decided that 
the only perfect safeguard against future occurrences of this kind 
would lie in annexation to the United States, or in a protectorate, or 
in anything of that kind, but that we could not go on with the form of 
government as it was then. They decided to call a mass meeting of 
citizens on Monday afternoon at 2 o'clock, and see what people there 
would say about it. At this meeting were various speakers, some of 
the committee of thirteen and also others. The people were asked by 
the speakers if they were satisfied with the promises the Queen had 
made and let the matter drop — let everything go on as it was before, 
or if they wanted a change and guarantees , for the future. They 
desired guarantees for the future, and appointed the committee of 
thirteen — or rather continued the committee — to take such further 
steps as might be necessary. 

Q. Let me ask you what you meant and what people meant by say- 
ing they wanted guarantees ! 

A. I meant a change of government. What the people meant I can 
not say. but I am fully convinced that they meant the same as it has 
been very often spoken of during the last few years. 

Q. What has been spoken of so often? 

A. Annexation to the United States has been advocated publicly in 
the papers — I meant change of government. 

Q. Why didn't you use language that conveyed distinctly the idea — 
dethronement of the Queen and annexation to the United States ? 

A. The Hawaiian Government, as it was then, was still in existence, 
and in stating there publicly we wanted to dethrone the Queen and 
have a government of our own with an intention of being annexed to 
the United States, might be going a little too tar. 

Q. You mean making you liable to interference on the part of the 
local authorities'? 

A. Yes. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 251 

Q. And that you were trying to avoid at that time 1 ? 

A. Yes, especially for this reason. We did not know whether the 
action of the committee would be indorsed by this large majority of the 
people at the mass meeting. We thought it would. 

Q. Was there any expression in that meeting asking for guarantees 
for the future in a shape of a vote? 

A. Yes ; the resolution was all prepared. 

Q. It was a resolution indorsing the report of the Committee of 
Safety"? 

A. Yes. The meeting dispersed, and the committee of safety went 
back to W. O. Smith's office to talk matters over. 
Q. What time in the day was that? 

A. About half past 3. After talking matters over and seeing that 
the Queen had concentrated her forces — meaning thereby that the 
soldiers were all in the barracks — the palace barricaded with sand 
bags and the station house barricaded 

Q. How about the Government house? 

A. I didn't notice anything going on there. The station house has 
always been considered the stronghold of the Government. It looked 
as if there might be trouble. So we came to the conclusion to ask Mr. 
Stevens if he would protect the life and property of the citizens by 
sending some soldiers ashore, stating that we considered the situation 
very grave — even dangerous. After a short while Mr. Stevens sent 
his answer that he would. 

Q. Sent it to the meeting? 

A. Yes; sent it to the meeting, and then at 5 o'clock the soldiers 
came ashore. They were quartered at various places. That same 
evening, Monday, January 1(3, the Committee of Safety had another 
meeting. 

Q. Where? 

A. At Mr. Henry Waterhouse's house. They called in, besides the 
Committee of Safety, a few other gentlemen. 
Q. Who were they? 

A. Mr. Young, Fred Wundenburg, Cecil Brown, and John H. Soper. 
We talked matters over to see what would be best to do, and came to the 
conclusion we would form a Provisional Government and ask Mr. Dole 
if he would be the President, and that this Provisional Government 
should try to get annexation with the United States, because so far as 
we could make out at that time that was the only solid basis on which 
we could safely rely. Mr. Dole was not at the meeting. I had my 
horse with me. I was detailed to speak to Mr. Dole. I arrived at his 
house about half past 8, I think. 

I told him what decision we had come to, and asked him if he would 
accept such an office. He was utterly surprised at it. He had had 
nothing to do with the affair before, only had been at second meeting 
at W. O. Smith's. He said he could not then quite see that the view 
we had was quite correct, but still he had not given the matter much 
consideration. After a lengthy discussion I induced him to go along 
to the meeting, so that he could hear what they had to say. After 
everything at the meeting had been thoroughly explained to him and 
discussed with him he said that he felt it was his duty, as well as the 
duty of any other citizen of these islands, to do all they could to get 
pure and stable government, but he was not quite convinced then that 
it was necessary, to take so radical a step as to overthrow the old Gov- 
ernment. Later on, at about 12 o'clock that night, he had come to the 
conclusion we could not go on the way we were, but whether he would 



252 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

become President or not he would not say until 10 o'clock the next 
morning. 

The next morning at 10 o'clock we met at W. O. Smith's office, and 
he said he had resigned his position as judge and would do what lie 
was requested to do by us. We then proceeded to form the Govern- 
ment. It took us up to about 12 o'clock. We made all the necessary 
arrangements and adjourned to meet again at half-past 1. At half- 
past 1 we talked all matters over again for a little while and went to 
the Government house and took possession of it. At the Govern- 
ment house there was nobody, no armed men, supporters of the 
Queen, except Charles McCarty, who was doing some clerical work for 
the lately adjourned legislature. He said he was waiting for some- 
body to come to help him defend the Government house. 

Q. To you? 

A. No. 

Q. You don't know that he said itf 

A. Only from Mends who told me. 

Q. Who did he tell? 

A. I think Andrew Brown. 

Q. What does he do? 

A. He is a coppersmith. He worked in the Honolulu Iron Works. 
Lately became superintendent of the water works. At 2 o'clock when 
we arrived at the Government house there came our supx>orters — 
brought their rifles and pistols with them. 

Q. Do you mean at the same time, or do you mean that they got 
there a little before or a little after you? 

A. There was preconcerted action. We told them we would go to 
the Government house at 2 o'clock. 

Q. Had you commenced to read the proclamation before your troops 
got on the ground ? 

A. I do not recollect distinctly. They were there before we finished 
reading the proclamation. The chief clerks at the different depart- 
ments were called in to confer with the newly- appointed ministers, 
among them Mr. Hassenger and Mr. Hastings. They were told to go 
right on with their work. Letters were written at once to the repre- 
sentatives of foreign countries informing them that the Provisional 
Government was now the Government of the Hawaiian Islands. After 
a short time they answered, recognizing this Government. 

Q. That same day? 

A. Mostly the same day. When we arrived at the Government house 
the ministers were not there. Mr. Hassenger, chief clerk of the inte- 
rior department, said he believed they had gone over to the palace. 
He telephoned for them, but he got no answer, or they answered they 
were not there. Later on in the afternoon — I should think about 4 
o'clock — Deputy Marshal Mherton came to the Government house to 
ask some question of Mr. Dole. I forget now what the question was. 
He then said, incidentally, that the ministers were at the station 
house, and he was handed a copy of the proclamation to give it to the 
old ministers. They had not been officially informed of anything, 
because we could not find them. Also a verbal invitation was sent to 
them to come over to the Government house to talk. Sam Parker 
came over to the Government house. He said in effect this: "You 
have possession now. We can not do anything." He was asked to get 
his colleagues. He said they did not like to come, but would some of 
us come to the station house and talk there? 

Q. Had you then been recognized by the United States minister? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 253 

A. No. We liad not been recognized by anybody at that time. Sam 
Damon and I were appointed and we went there to talk with them. 
Q. To try to induce them to give up? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What reason did you give them? 

A. That we had possession of the Government house now and that 
it would be useless shedding of blood if we got into a fight over this 
thing. 

Q. Did you give any other reason? 
A. No; only just stuck to facts. 

Q. Any mention of United States troops on your part or the part of 
anybody during that conversation ? 
A. No ; I did not say anything about it. 
Q. Did anybody? 

A. I can not say whether Sam Damon said anything. 
Q. Did they say anything to anybody in your presence? 
A. No. 

Q. How did they answer you? Did you have no discussion? 

A. Not there. We invited them to come to the Government house 
and talk with Mr. Dole. 

Q. Did they make any agreement with you, or did they postpone it 
and go to the Government house? 

A. Peterson said if we would guarantee him his liberty 

Q. Safe-conduct? 

A. Yes. We promised him that and all went together to the Gov- 
ernment house. 
Q. What time of day was this? 
A. About 5 o'clock. 

Q. What time is it dark at that season of the year! 

A. Between 6 and 6 :30. At the station house was Ned Macfar- 
lane. He said to me that he thought the old government would give 
up or the Queen would give up if we would accept a protest of her. 
He said, "I know such a protest does not amount to anything, but still 
she wants it and so you had better accept it." I told him that so far as 
I was concerned in the matter they could put all the protests they 
wanted. 

Q. Was this conversation at the barracks or Government house? 

A. At the station house. The four ministers, Sam Damon, and I took 
two hacks and went to the Government house. All said about the 
same thing, that they would have to give up, but they wanted to enter 
a protest. Then Sam Damon went with the ministers to the Queen. 
He reported after he came back that the Queen had said in substance 
the same thing. 

Q. What time was it when they came back? 

A. Fully 6 o'clock. 

Q. About quarter of an hour before sunset? 

A. Yes. Yery soon after Billy Cprnwell came over bringing the 
protest that 3^ou know of. Mr. Dole "acknowledged the receipt of the 
protest on the back of it, stating the hour, and he then said the Queen 
would send orders to the station house that her people should vacate 
the premises. Yery soon after that Captain Zeigler with a number of 
our men went to the station house and took possession, and the others 
went away leaving their arms. 

Q. Who was in command of the station house f 

A. Charles B. Wilson, marshal. 



254 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. What do you mean "by very soon after? What time was the sta- 
tion house given up ? 
A. About five minutes after Billy Corn well delivered the protest. 
Q. How do you know that ? Were vou at the station house? 
A. No. 

Q. You did not know then what time it was given up? 
A. We heard immediately. Thev telephoned from there. 
Q. How long after? 

A. I e.an not say. It was all done in a short time. I went home and 
got dinner. I was home about 7 o'clock. 

Q. You said that same day Mr. Stevens and all the foreign govern- 
ments recognized your Government. At what time in the day did 
they recognize you ? 

A. First came Mr. Woodhonse and Mr. Fuji. 

Q. What time was that ? 

A. Four o'clock. 

Q. What time in the day did Mr. Stevens send his recognition! 
A. I can not say. 

Q. Won't you try to approximate? 
A. I can not. 

Q. Had the sun set or not ? 

A. If Mr. Pringle brought the letter then the sun had set. and I think 
he was the one to bring the letter. 

Q. When did you learn of the recognition? How long before you 
went home! 

A. Just before I went home. That was what I was waiting for. 
Q. How did you learn that ? 
A. By letter bein^ read aloud. 
Q. Who had the letter? 
A. Mr. Dole. 

Q. Do you know how long he had that letter? 

A. He did not have it until — I think — Mr. Pringle brought it in. 

Q. Are you sure about that? 

A. I am not positive about that. 

Q. You do not know that Pringle brought that letter at all ? 

A. No ; but I am under that impression. I believe he delivered the 
letter, but I did not see him hand it over. 

Q. Now will you say how long before you went home before you 
heard of that letter? 

A. I was waiting for that letter to go home. 

Q. You do not know who brought the letter? 

A. I think Mr. Pringle. 

Q. You do not know but what that letter was there half an hour 
before that ? 

A. I did not see the letter unless it was Pringle who brought it. 

Q. You do not know but what that recognition was delivered to Mr. 
Dole sometime before you knew of it ■ 

A. No; but I have reason to believe not, because some way or other 
I know that they said we can not be recognized as fully in possession of 
the Government until we had the station house and barracks in our 
possession. We were among ourselves wondering why Mr. Stevens did 
not send his recognition. This was what mv friends said. 

Q. What friends? Mr. Dole didn't say that— Mr. W. O. Smith 
didn't? 

A. He may; I don't know who. 

Q. Did Mr. Thurston tell 3*011 anything of that sort? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 255 



A. It is impossible to tell you what individuals said. There were so 
many there ; it was not like a regular well conducted quiet meeting. 

Q. How many attempts were made to oust the Wilcox cabinet before 
it was voted out? 

A. Only one definite attempt. 

Q. You were speaking of the character of members of the last cabinet 
of Liliuokalani. What do you say as to Mr. Parker's character for 
truth and veracity? 

A. I do not know. I have never had dealings with him. 

Q. What is his reputation? 

A. I do not know. Nobody expects very much out of him. They 
look upon him as an overgrown boy. 

Q. What do you say as to Mr. Peterson's reputation for truthfulness? 

A. I would say myself that I do not believe he is a truthful man. 

Q. What is his general reputation in that way ? 

A. That question I do not like to answer. I would rather state from 
personal knowledge. 

Q. W^hat about Mr. Oolburn ? W T hat is his reputation for truth ? 

A. His truthfulness and honesty is very poor, I know. 

Q. What is CornwelPs reputation for truth and veracity? 

A. The same as Sam Parker's. He is considered a boy. With re- 
gard to truthfulness I can not say. 

Q. How many persons were present in Mr. Smith's office at Satur- 
day's first meeting? 

A. Perhaps thirty. 

Q. How many at the second meeting? 

A. More than one hundred. People standing out in the street. 
Could not get in there. 

Q. You talked of annexation to the United States in there, did you 
or did you not, on Saturday? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Why did you think of annexation to the United States ; was there 
a disposition of that sort in the country ? 

A. Yes j it has been discussed openly m newspapers over the signa- 
ture or name of various people, among them, Hartwell, Sereno Bishop, 
and others. 

Q. Was that the general disposition amongst the whites in this 
country ? 
A. It is. 

Q. Was it at that time ? 
A. It was. 

Q. So you felt sure of that on that day — Saturday ? 

A. We knew that was the feeling of all who were at the two meet 
ings on Saturday, as well as the large meeting in the skating rink. 

Q. Before that, was it the general inclination of the whites in the 
Hawaiian Islands? 

A. Yes j I should consider it so. 

Q. You had a meeting on Monday about 3 o'clock of the committee 
of safety, after the mass meeting? 
A. Yes $ about half-past three. 
Q. You were present? 
A. Yes. 

Q. At that time how many arms did you have? 

A. They were not collected, but they were all over town. I had seen 
some of my friends on Saturday, and at one house they told me that 
they had between 50 and 60 men armed. 



256 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. Of course you made some estimate of your arms. How many 
men do you think you had and how many guns do you think yon had ? 

A. I can say what I thought myself. My own opinion was that we 
could have three or four hundred easily. 

Q. You appointed a committee to wait on Mr. Stevens and ask that 
troops be brought on shore? • 

A. Yes. 

Q. Who carried that communication to Mr. Stevens? 
A. I am not sure. I think Thurston and Waterhousc. 1 am not 
sure. It may have been somebody entirely different. 
Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens that day? 
A. No. 

Q. Y/ho reported Mr. Stevens' reply about troops! 
A. The same committee. 
Q. What did they say ? 

A. They said that Mr. Stevens had heard their request and con 
versed with them about matters, and he considered that the situation 
was sufficiently dangerous to send troops ashore. 

Q. Was he informed of the purposes of the mass meeting? 

A. He did know about it. Everybody in town knew. 

Q. And knew of the purposes of the movement? 

A. I can not say. 

Q. You say everybody in town knew? 

A. That we desired annexation had not been said by us at the mass 
meeting. We said we wanted stable government. The committee was 
to devise ways and means to get stable government. 

Q. Was it known that one of the methods of getting it was to get rid 
of the Queen? Was that the impression of the meeting? 

A. Yes. 

Q. That meeting was composed of a large class of whites, and it is a 
fair inference that the white people here knew what it meant? 
A. Yes; I think so. 

Q. The meeting that called for troops — they determined then and 
there to dethrone the Queen — the meeting after the mass meeting? 

A. After the mass meeting we said we have to decide what to do 
about this, and the first t hing we have to do is to get things into safety, 
audit was only in the evening on Monday, the 16th of January, at 
Henry Waterhouse's house, that we definitely made up our minds 
which course to pursue. 

Q. What course? 

A. The course we have pursued — dethroning the Queen and forming 
the Provisional Government. 

Q. Your committee that met after the mass meeting were all in favor 
individual^ of dethroning the Queen? 

A. Yes, individually. 

Q. Why did not you determine to do it then instead of postponing 
it until night? 

A. Because we wanted to go home to get our dinner and come back 
after dinner. 

Q. Then, the night meeting was a continuation of the discussion 
which began after the mass meeting, and concluded with the determina- 
tion to dethrone the Queen and establish the Provisional Government ? 

A. The night meeting was an adjourned meeting of the 3 o'clock 
meeting. 

Q. What did you do at the 3 o'clock meeting? 

A. We said we are a committee of safety. We must get tilings safe 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



257 



first. We will appoint a .committee to wait upon Mr. Stevens and ask 
him to send soldiers ashore. 

Q. And having done that you adjourned? 

A. We waited until the committee came back. The committee said 
Mr. Stevens was willing — the soldiers would come ashore at 5 o'clock. 
Then we adjourned to meet in the evening. 

Q. Was there any communication between any of the gentlemen who 
met at Mr. Waterhouse's house that night and Mr. Stevens? 

A. ^None to my knowledge. 

Q. 2so committee went to see him ? 

A. tfo. 

Q. Why did you want the troops to come on shore? What was the 
idea of the committee? 

A. The idea of the committee was this: The natives were armed — 
at least the soldiers and friends of the Queen were all armed — that 
evening. We didn't have any armed forces in readiness. Each indi- 
vidual had his own arms, but we had no organized forces 5 so in case 
of a row we would not be able to resist anything. 

Q. Suppose they had made an attack on the committee of safety, 
what would you have done? 

A. We could not have done anything. They would simply have 
caught us. We had our men out watching. We were afraid of an 
attack. 

Q. By the government troops? 

A. Ko, by the natives, because there were some among the natives 
who had been preaching for them to set houses on fire. 

Q. Ton wanted troops to keep them from setting houses on fire? 

A. Yes ; as soon as the natives in this country know that there is a 
strong force anywhere which they can not subdue or will show real 
fight it is then their character to be very quiet and keep still. 

Q. If the troops had not been landed you would not have been safe? 

A. We would not have considered ourselves safe. 

Q. If you had not gotten a favorable answer from Mr. Stevens about 
the landing of the troops, what would you have done then? 

A. That is impossible to answer, because we had not made any plans. 

Q. You were not willing to do anything until you got the answer. 

A. That is a question I can not give an answer to. We did not 
decide about it. 

Q. You said you met to do one thing — to ask for troops and to stay 
there until you got Mr. Stevens's answer, and then you adjourned. Is 
that correct. 

A. Yes. 

Q. Having gotten that answer and the troops on shore you assem- 
bled at night, and at that night session you determined to dethrone 
the Queen and establish the Provisional Government? 

A. Yes. 

Q. You never took up that subject until you got the troops on shore? 

A. At previous meetings. Saturday afternoon we were appointed. 
Sunday we had a meeting. At this meeting we talked over matters. 
The general feeling was that annexation to the United States would be 
the best solution of the whole question, and this, of course, would neces- 
sitate the overthrow of the Queen's Government. 

Q. That was known at Saturday's meeting and at Sunday's meeting? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Did you have any meeting before the mass meeting on Monday? 
A. We had another meeting on Monday morning. 
10518 17 



258 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. And still the same feeling ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Was there anything said in this meeting with reference to the 
use of troops ? 

A. No; although I can not state so positively. 

Q. Was anything said on Sunday about the use of troops ? 

A. Only that we expressed the wish that we could get the troops to 
make things safe. 

Q. Then on Monday before the meeting, was there anything men- 
tioned about the troops ? 

A. It was still said if we could get annexation to the United States 
and have United States troops on shore there would be no trouble. 

Q. You thought if you got troops on shore everything would be 
quiet? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Did you think it at the mass meeting? 
A. Yes; still thought the same thing. 

Q. And you thought at night when you assembled and determined 
on dethroning the Queen that you would have no trouble, the troops 
being on shore? 

A. Exactly so. 

Q. You thought the presence of United States troops — an organized 
armed body of men — would prevent any hostile movement on the part 
of the government forces ? 

A. Not of the forces, but of an excited mob. 

Q. You went up to the government building — the troops were near 
by. Did you still feel that the presence of those troops would likely 
restrain hostilities ? 

A. No; I can hardly say that. I expected that there would be 
somebody in the Government building — that there might be some for- 
malities. 

Q. What sort of formalities? 

A. The same formalities as we have had before at the 1887 revolution. 
They trotted out with their guns and talked. 

Q. You expected there would be a talk and thev would surrender? 
A. Yes. 

Q. The opinion you have expressed about the presence of troops — 
was that the general opinion in the meeting of the committee of safety ? 

A. The committee of safety thought that as soon as the United 
States troops were on shore the property of everybody would be safe — 
no house-firing ; no plunder. 

Q. When the troops came on shore what did you expect of them in 
the event of a conflict between the Provisional Government forces and 
the Queen's Government? 

A. We did not expect them to do anything. 

Q. Just to stand and see the fight ? 

A. I do not know. My opinion is that they came on shore to protect 
life and property. Their presence ^ould avoid any attack upon 
property or life. 

Q. How would they accomplish it ! You are proposing to depose the 
Queen; she has armed forces. Suppose those forces had gotten into 
battle. What did you expect the United States troops to do in the 
way of protection of person and property during the battle 1 

A. This is a peaceable country. We only scare one another. No 
blood shedding happens here. This is the third revolution since I am 
Uere. At the first revolution not a shot was fired. At the second 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 259 

there were two or three young native men who had had a military 
training in Europe. They fired a lew guns that they had. There 
were seven or eight native people killed — wounded and killed. As 
soon as these people had been wounded and killed the rest of the 
natives ran away. Hid away in the house in the palace yard — the 
bungalow it is called. During the whole afternoon was kept up a 
fusillade from both sides. Nobody was hurt. In this instance I per- 
sonally expected there would be something similar to either the first or 
second revolution. 

Q. What were the deliberations of the committee of safety in that 
meeting! 

A. No further than this : We must get the soldiers on shore. Their 
very presence on shore without doing the least thing will make life and 
property safe. We did not expect any resistance, because we had as 
many men as they, or more. But their being there, there would not be 
any trouble at all. But even without them we did not expect any 
trouble. 

Q. Then why did you determine to try to get them there before you 
determined to dethrone the Queen ? 
A. Because we wanted to protect property. 

Q. What need had you of the protection of property if you did not 
expect the people to fight? Suppose the troops had not been on shore, 
what danger was there to property? You just expected to march up 
and take the Government building without fighting? 

A. Yes; but we wanted to have the troops. 

Q. And you determined to ascertain whether you could get the 
troops before you went further. Is not that true? 

A. Yes; if we could not get them we must make our own arrange- 
ments. 

Q. Do you mean to say that if Mr. Stevens had said you should not 
have the troops you had determined to go on anyway? 

A. We didn't come as far as that, we were waiting for Mr. Stevens's 
answer before we decided anything further. 

Q. If you did not think the natives would fight, whether the troops 
were on shore or oft* shore, why did you need the United States troops 
to prevent the burning of houses and other riotous acts ? 

A. We wanted them to stay over night, because things of that nature 
are generally done at night. 

Q. Was it your idea that those troops were just to protect you that 
night? 

A. No ; it was our idea to have them on shore and keep them on 
shore as long as possible, until everything was quiet again. 

Q. Now let me ask you, did the committee or not, in their delibera- 
tions, consider the presence of those troops on shore as important to 
your success in the effort to dethrone the Queen and set up a new gov- 
ernment ? 

A. When we asked for them we had not made up our minds to 
dethrone the Queen. We had not made up our minds to anything 
definite. A change of government was to come, but we had not decided 
as to what means should be taken. 

Q. They had to be quartered somewhere. You had to have a large 
house. What did you do ? 

A. Arion Hall was vacant. It was the handiest place and we chose it. 

Q. Did you all think that was the best place? 

A. Yes, 

Q. To whom (Joes it belong! 



260 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 
A. Arion Hall belongs to Mr. Waller. 

Q. And in the meeting after the mass meeting you concluded that 
was the best place to put them? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did you all think that the natives and the Queen and her follow- 
ers would think that those troops were in sympathy with your move- 
ment? 

A. I do not know what was in their minds. 

Q. You said the meeting of the committee of safety in the afternoon 
of Monday was assembled to do its first work, to wit, to ask for troops. 
A. Yes. 

Q. Was it not the idea in the minds of you gentlemen at that time 
to do away with the royal government? 

A. Why certainly. It has been in our minds for many years. 
Q. Did it show itself in your discussions? 

A. At the very first meeting at W. O. Smith's office they talked 
about such things. 

Q. I invite your attention to the meeting of the committee of safety 
at half past 3 o'clock on Monday afternoon. In the interchange of 
views that took place there was there an expression in favor of the land- 
ing of the troops, and of taking up in the night session the question of 
dethroning the Queen? 

A. What is our first duty? It is to make things safe. For that 
purpose we must ask Mr. Stevens to let us have his soldiers. The 
committee came back and said the soldiers would be on shore at 5 
o'clock. 

Q. Was not anything said in that meeting about taking steps towards 
dethroning the Queen at the night session? 

A. Not by me or to me, nothing definitely said, but it was the pre- 
vailing idea since the first meeting. 

Q. It was in the minds of the mass meeting and in the minds of the 
committee of safety at the time that call took place, so that there was 
no occasion to interchange any opinion on that subject at that time? 

A. Yes. 

Q. So, understanding each other, your object was first to get the 
troops on shore. Is that true? 

A. Yes j to get things safe. I say that the intention of getting 
troops on shore that afternoon was only considered from a standpoint 
of safety. 

Q. And that consisted in the fact that you thought the presence of 
the troops would prevent the burning of houses. 
A. Or any disturbances of any kind. 

Q. Suppose the Queen's troops should have been ordered to arrest 
people, what would you expect? 

A. We knew most likely they would not be ordered to arrest any- 
body. 

Q. But suppose they had commenced to make arrests of the com- 
mittee of safety and other persons, or commenced to fight against the 
followers of the committee of safety, what did you expect the troops 
to do at such a moment ? 

A. Nothing. I fully understand the situation. These people did not 
come to prevent anything by the existing Government, but knowing the 
character of the Hawaiian people so well there was small risk that we 
took. 

Q. What time did the committee of safety adjourn on Monday after- 
noon? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 261 



A. I think about half-past 4 or quarter to 5; something like that. 
Q. What time did it assemble in the evening? 
A. Half-past seven, about. 

Q. In your evening session after the troops were landed, did you 
take up the question of dethroning the Queen? 
A. We did. 

Q. And determined to dethrone her, and determined on a Provisional 
Government for the purpose of annexation? 

A. We did then definitely determine these things, and more especially 
decide upon the manner in which it should be done, but about annex- 
ation was spoken at the first meeting at W. O. Smith's. 

Q. At whose house was this meeting? 

A. Henry Waterhouse's. 

Q. How far is that from the American minister's house? 
A. Next door. 

Q. What is the distance between the houses? 
A. Twenty yards — maybe thirty yards. 

Q. Were many Americans in this movement in the mass meeting? 
A. People of all nationalities. 

Q. Which nationality had the largest number there? 
A. I believe Americans. 

Q. How many Americans do you think were there? 
A. It is impossible to say. 

Q. Would you say that the great body of Americans in Honolulu 
were there — all the men? 

A. I believe so — I can not say. It is impossible to recognize each 
person. I will say that I saw many Americans, many Grermans, many 
English, and some Portuguese. 

Q. How many Portuguese. 

A. I took a Portuguese friend of mine, Mr. Mendonca. There were 
not many Portuguese. Some of them do not understand English very 
good. There was a large crowd of people, which has been estimated 
by different people at different numbers. I estimated it at 1,200. 
Others claimed there were more. How they were divided I do not 
know. 

Q. Did you ask any other power to send troops on shore? 
A. No. 

Q*. Anything said about it in the meeting of the committee of safety? 

A. Nothing that I know of. There were no other warships anyway. 

Q. Well, you had troops on shore on Monday night, and your idea 
was to prevent the burning and destruction of property that night? 

A. For the future. Not only for that night, but until things were 
settled. 

Q. Do you mean until you could organize the affairs of government? 
A. Yes. 

(Mr. Bolte was at this point shown the letter from the committee of 
safety to Mr. Stevens — dated January 16, 1893 — and asked in regard to 
the nationality of the signers thereof.) 

Q. What nationality is Mr. Cooper ? 

A. American. 

Q. Mr. McChesney? 

A. American. 

Q. Mr. Wilder. 

A. American. 

Q. Mr. Bolte? 

A. German. 



262 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. Mr. Brown ? 

A. American. 

Q. Mr. W. O. Smith? 

A. Hawaiian. 

Q. Mr. Water house? 

A. Hawaiian. 

Q. Mr. Lansing? 

A. American. 

Q. Mr. Suhr? 

A. German. 

Q. Mr. Thurston? 

A. Hawaiian. 

Q. Mr. Emmeluth? 

A. American. 

Q. Mr. Castle? 

A. Hawaiian. 

Q. Mr. McCandless? 

A. American. 

Q. Do they all vote here? 

A. Yes: they all vote here. 

Q. This was a call, then, from Germans, Hawaiians, and American 
citizens for troops, was it not? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And they were landed to protect all classes? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Who drew up the application to the American minister? 
A. Either Mr. Thurston or Mr. Smith. 

Q. In this paper you set out your reasons for your application? 
A. Yes. 

A. With a requirement that each elector shall be able to read and 
write could you have stable government on these Islands ? 
A. What language? 
Q. Either Hawaiian or English. 
A. We could not. 
Q. Tell me why. 

A. Because the Hiwaiians are indolent people. They do not want to 
do any work to earn money. They prefer easy jobs, such as Govern- 
ment offices of any kind — either as clerks in the Government house, as 
judges, sheriffs, policemen, poundkeepers, or anything of that nature. 
That gives them a living and also a sort of authority — a sort of power 
of domineering over others — which they like immensely. They know 
that they can get this power only by keeping together and getting a 
government of Hawaiians — whether they be brown- skinned or white- 
skinned — I mean with Hawaiian sentiment. They want to domineer 
over people who have some property. They let their horses go into the 
sugar cane of others, let their cattle run on the pasture of others, and 
various things of that sort. You cannot get justice when they are 
brought into court. Hawaiian judges will let them go, or fine them 
such a small amount that property holders do not care to go into court. 
You cannot get justice in jury cases with Hawaiian jurymen. They 
never convict anybody on testimony. They judge by sentiment. 

Q. Do you think you could have and maintain an independent gov- 
ernment here with the population you have without aid from outside 
power? 

A. I do not thiuk so. 

Q. Why? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 263 



A. Ever since 1887 there have been attempts at revolution from the 
native Hawaiian side. One real outbreak occurred in 1889 — the Wilcox 
insurrection. At that time the people who were implicated in this 
revolution were found not guilty in court by a jury of their own coun- 
trymen, and only one man of the revolutionists, who was a Belgian or 
German, I do not remember now, was found guilty by a white jury and 
punished. You will see anywhere aud on all occasions that the native 
element runs together like mercury to confront anything that comes 
from the side of the white people. 

Q. You mean in politics ? 

A. In anything, and"it is a very strange thing to see that the half- 
whites almost invariably go with the natives. 

Q. Do you ever have any white men of intelligence and courage and 
ambition for place — without property — who will go with them and lead 
them? 

A. We have men of ambition, intelligence, courage, and no property. 
The last point I can not say, but the first three applies to V. Y. Ash- 
ford. There are others. I could give you a whole string: 

Q. I only wanted to know if the native population could get and 
accept that class of white men as leaders of their race and party? 

A. They would, because they have done so already. 

Q. Have you been troubled much with this class of men ? 

A. Very much indeed. 

Q. For how long ? 

A. Ever since I have been in the country — since 1879. 
Q. And for these causes you have felt that to have stable govern- 
ment you have to look to some power outside the islands ? 
A. Yes. 

q! You still feel that way? 
A. I do. 

Q. Now, without indicating anything by my question as to the dis- 
position of the United States (for I have no right to do so), suppose 
you should undertake annexation to the United States, what form of 
government would you think necessary in order to maintain order, 
security, life, and property in these islands? 

A. I should prefer personally an oligarchy — submitting my interests 
to the judgment of respectable men. - 

Q. Appointed how? 

A. I suppose after we were annexed the President of the United 
States would appoint a governor, and let this governor or the Presi- 
dent of the Unites iStates appoint three or four secretaries and let them 
appoint advisory boards, but I do not think that would satisfy the 
people. 

Q. What property qualification would you consider sufficient for a 
voter ? 

A. I think a man ought to earn $2 or $2.50 a day. 

Q. That would be about how much in the course of a year? 

A. Between $600 and $750 a year. 

Q. Would that disqualify enough of the natives to give you political 
power? 

A. I think if it was about $2.50 a day that it would, because people 
who earn $2.50 day are mechanics, and people who earn less than that 
are mostly laborers. Mechanics are naturally of a higher class than 
laborers. 

Q. Are there many mechanics among the natives? 
A. Very few in proportion to their large number. 



264 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. What proportion of them would you say are mechanics — one in 
fifty? 

A. No ; one in twenty -five. 

Q. What would be your idea about the American notion of not allow- 
ing anybody to hire labor from abroad ? 

A. I want stable government first. Annexation to the United States 
in any way, and I will take my chances as to the rest. 

Q. Suppose you were not allowed to send agents abroad and the in- 
dividual citizen was not allowed to send abroad to bring laborers to the 
sugar plantations, what would be the result on the value of the product 
and the value of the property ? 

A. The United States laws permit a board of immigration to make 
known in other countries how things are there with reference to 
laborers, what wages they may expect, and how much, work there is. 
The laws also permit that people may come as free immigrants; also, 
that personal friends and relatives may assist their friends and relatives 
to come to this country, and I know a good many people among the 
laboring classes here who are willing and ready to do so. I think there 
are a great many among the Japanese as well as the Portuguese, who 
are most desirable classes, who would assist their friends to come here, 
but it will be necessary that these people should he entitled to a small 
piece of land after they have been in the country for a certain number 
of years; say three or five years. They do not require much. 

A Portuguese family would be satisfied with a piece of three acres. 
We would establish villages all over the country in the neighborhood 
of plantations. The men and boys would go down to the plantation to 
work, and the women and children stay at home to look after the 
garden, etc. The men go home from their work at 5 o'clock, so there 
are almost two hours of daylight. They can do whatever hard work 
there is after that time. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate re- 
port of my interview with Colonel Blount. 
Honolulu, June 10, 1893. G. Bolte. 

(This page was handed in by Mr. Bolte June 21, 1893) : 
The answers which I have given to Mr. Blount's questions, u When 
was for the first time anything said about deposing or dethroning the 
Queen," might lead to misunderstandings in reading this report. I 
desire, therefore, to hereby declare as follows : Words to the effect that 
the Queen must be deposed or dethroned were not uttered to my 
knowledge at any meeting of the committee of safety until Monday 
evening, January 16, 1893; but at the very first meeting of citizens at 
W. O. Smith's oifice, on Saturday, January 14, at about 2 p.m., or even 
before this meeting had come to order, Paul Neumann informed the 
arriving people that the Queen was about to promulgate a new constitu- 
tion. The answer then given him by Mr. W. 0. Wilder, by me, and by 
others was : That is a very good thing and a splendid opportunity to 
get rid of the whole old rotten Government concern, and now to get 
annexation to the United States. Paul Neumann thought that that 
might be going a little too far. At the second meeting at W. O. Smith's, 
between 3 and 4 p. m. on Saturday afternoon, January 14, 1893, when 
the committee of safety was appointed, sentiments of the same nature, 
that this is a splendid opportunity to get rid of the old regime, and 
strong demands for annexation, or any kind of stable government 
under the supervision of the United States, were expressed. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 265 



Therefore, even if the words that the Queen must be deposed or 
dethroned were not spoken, surely the sentiment that this must be 
done prevailed at or even before the very first meeting, on Januarv 14, 
1893. • 

G. Bolte. 

Honolulu, June 10, 1893. 



So. 13. 

Interview with W. Porter Boyd, consular clerk. Honolulu, Tuesday, June 

'13, 1893. 

Q. Mr. Boyd, what is your occupation? 
A. I am in the consular service. 
Q. In what position*? 

A. I am a consular clerk and vice-consul-general at this place. 
Q. Were you at your office on the 16th of January. 1893? 
A. Yes. sir. 

Q. Were you on the streets on that day ? 

A. Xot until the afternoon about the time of the meeting. 

Q. Where was the meeting held? 

A. At the armory. 

Q. Was there any signs of disturbance on the streets! 
A. No, sir. 

Q. Business going on as usuaH 

A. Yes. up to the time of the mass meeting, when they closed to go 
there. 

Q. Women and children on the street as usual ? 
A. I think there were very few women and children about. 
Q. Was there any excitement looking like disorder ? 
A. Xo : I do not think there was. I didn't see any of that. 
Q. Was there any suggestion of disorder except what might come 
from the movements of the committee of safety ! 
A. So far as I know there was not. 

Q. What I wish to know — was there anything exciting the public 
mind except those events growing out of the movement of the com- 
mittee of safety ? 

A. I should say there was not. 

Q. Was there any indication of hostility manifested by the carrying 
of arms or threats on the part of what may be termed the royalists ? 
A. To my knowledge there was not. 
Q. Did you attend the mass meeting? 
A. Yes. sir. 
Q.As an observer? 
A. Yes. 

Q. How many people do you suppose were there? 
A. I should say from eleven to twelve hundred. 
Q. Many Portuguese there ? 
A. I can not answer. I do not know. 

Q. What did you understand to be the object of that mass meeting 
from what you saw and heard ? 

A. It was first to hear the report of that committee of thirteen, and 
then take other steps for the protection of the persons and property of 
citizens of the islands. 



266 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. What did you understand them to mean by the protection of the 
persons and property of citizens? 

A. I understood that it was to prevent the change of the Constitution. 

Q. Did you understand that it was to dethrone the Queen and set 
up another government? 

A. That was not my understanding at the time. 

Q. Was that the understanding in the community so far as you can 
gather from contact with people? 

A. I should say that of the very pronounced annexationists that was 
their wish — that was their object — but whether this meeting was for 
that purpose I do not know. 

Q. There was no expression in the crowd, so far as you could gather, 
containing the idea that this was a movement to dethrone the Queen 
and set up another government? 

A. J$b, sir. 

Q. Had you heard of any meeting of the committee of safety before 
that ineetiug? * 

A. I had heard that they had had meetings, and that they had a 
report to make. 

Q. Did you hear what it was to be? 

A. 2fo, sir; and I do not believe any one else did. 

Q. After the mass meeting, what did the people do? Did they go 
to work again that afternoon ! 

A. I think they did — I think the stores were open. 

Q. Don't you know? 

JSo; but that is my impression now. On second thought I am 
sure that they opened their places again. 

Q. Do you think that the crowd that came to that meeting and then 
went away and went back to their business had any impression that 
the Queen was going to be dethroned the next day ! 

A. I do not believe that they thought that. Everything was left in 
the hands of the committee. The mass meeting gave the thirteen 
power to go ahead and do what they thought best; and only that thir- 
teen knew, so far as I can learn. 

Q. But there was no mention that the power to do what they thought 
best went so far as to dethrone the Queen? 

A. Xot any further than the way they denounced the action of the 
Queen on the Saturday before. 

Q. But would that indicate that they meant to dethrone her by de- 
nouncing her action? 

A. Yes; it was my impression that it would be either that or she 
would remain on the throne under certain restrictions. 

Q. Was there any excitement when the troops landed that evening 
other than that growing out of the fact of seeing troops landed? 

A. Yes; of course much more than if troops had been landed as they 
have been before for drill. 

Q. Were many people down at the wharf when they landed? 

A. I do not think so. They did not seem to know until the troops 
were landed. Both central offices rang us up and asked us why the 
Boston troops were landed. 

Q. Was it understood that they landed at the request of the com- 
mittee of safety? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Why did the committee of safety want tliem to land if every- 
thing was quiet? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 267 



A. They knew what they were going to do, and they feared some 
trouble or some interference in their plans. 

Q. Now, was it understood, so far as you could gather by both annex- 
ationists and antiannexationists, that those troops Were friendly to the 
movement of the committee of safety? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Was it encouraging to one side and depressing to the other? 

A. I should say it was — for the reason that it was at the request of 
this committee, and the others did not know what it was for. 

Q. Did antiannexationists seem to be depressed when they found 
the troops had been landed? 
. A. Yes. 

Q. Were they apprehensive that they would be favorable to the other 
side? 

A. I should say they were. 

Q. Was this a continuing feeling up to the dethronement f 
A. Yes. 

Q. Now, Mr. Boyd, in view of what you have stated and what you 
observed that day, would you suppose that this feeling restrained 
action on the part of the Queen and her friends against the committee 
of safety? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens on Monday, the 16th of January? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Had he been aboard the Boston ? 

A. I was told he had been there all afternoon, 

Q. By whom? 

A. Mr. Severance. 

Q. How did Mr. Severance know it? 

A. Mr. Stevens, I believe, had told him. 

Q. Did he say what he was there for ? 

A. No, he didn't. 

Q. Was Mr. Stevens at the consulate? 

A. Yes. He said the Boston boys were going to land and would de- 
tail a guard for the consulate. 
Q. Had Mr. Severance any desire for it? 
A. No; it was the first knowledge he had of it. 
Q. Had you any uneasiness at the consulate-general? 
A. None whatever. 

Q. Did you hear anything from the telephone or otherwise in refer- 
ence to the landing of the troops? 
A. Only that they were landing, and asked why they were landed. 
Q. Who asked? 

A. The central office asked first. 

Q. Did the people in the city make any inquiry? 

A. Yes; some. 

Q. Did it seem to be a surprise generally! 
A. Yes. 

Q. Was it a surprise to you? 
A. It was. 

Q. There was nothing in the city to indicate the need of military 
forces, so far as you could see ? 
A. Nothing, so far as I could see. 

Q. Did you have any conversation with Judge Hartwell January 14, 
1893; did you hear any conversation between him and Lieut. Y r oung? 
A. Not further than that he said that something would drop about 



268 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

3 o'clock, and asked if lie was going to be aboard. He said all the 
officers will know. 

Q. Are you sure that was on Saturday? 

A. That was immediately after the prorogation on Saturday. 

Q. Did Mr. Atherton say anything on the day of the proclamation 
dethroning the Queen? What did he say? 

A. Mr. Draper, I think, Mr. Severance, and myself were with some 
others in the office, as was Oapt. McCullough of the TF. G. Irwin. We 
were all impatient. Everybody was anxious to know what was going 
to happen. He said something was going to happen about 3 or 4 
[o'clock.] 

Q. He didn't say what it was? 

A. No. I had no idea what it was. Of course I had some idea. 
Q. Were you not thinking about dethronement? 
A. Yes; I was. 

Q. Is this Mr. Atherton the man in whose yard the Boston men 
stopped when they first landed? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. After they landed they went up by the palace? 

A. Yes. The main body went on up to Atherton's yard. They 
stopped there a few hours. It was after dark before they went back to 
Arion Hall — back of the opera house. 

Q. Did Mr. Atherton seem to be satisfied over what was going to 
happen? 

A. Yes. He seemed to be satisfied that everything was coming out 
as he wished. 

Q. Any excitement on the street before the pistol shot? 
A. No; just the ordinary crowds walking about. 
Q. Did they seem to know what was going on! 
A. No. 

Q. Were the stores open? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Any ladies on the street! 

A. Very few. 

Q. Any children ? 

A. I do not know that I noticed any children. 
Q. What time did they close the stores f 

A. They closed them when the report of the pistol was heard, so far 
as I remember. 

Q. What did they do then? 

A. They went out on the street, towards where the shot was fired. 
Q. Did they go armed ? 
A. Not to my knowledge. 

Q. As if thev were going to fight, or onlv as if to see what was going 
on ? 

A. Just for curiosity. 

Q. No manifestation of any hostile movement ? 

A. None whatever. A Mr. Paris, connected with the "Advertiser," 
was our authority. We used to question him, and h.3 used to tell us 
what was going on. In the afternoon he told us there were three dif- 
ferent places where they were enlisting to support any movement the 
committee wished to make. 

Q. Did those men who were enlisted have arms? 

A. He didn't say so, or where they were going to get them. 

Q. Was that after the proclamation or before If 

A. It was before. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 269 



Q. Did he say what they were enlisted for? 

A. To carry their point. He did not say what it was. 

I have read the foregoing and it is a correct report of my interview 
with Mr. Blount. 

W. P. Boyd. 

Honolulu, June 13, 1893. 



No. 14. 

(Statement of J. O. Carter. May 3, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's 
No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.) 



No. 15. 

Interview with J. 0. Carter, Honolulu, May 13, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. Are you a brother of the Mr. Carter who was at one 
time minister to the United States? 
A. I am. 

Q. What business are you engaged in? 

A. I am a sugar factor and commission merchant. 

Q. I see in the correspondence between the American minister at 
this point and the State Department, during Mr. Harrison's adminis- 
tration, reference to the relations between the ex-Queen and Mr. Wil- 
son, the ex-marshal. Please tell me what you know of the character 
of the Queen. 

A. So far as I know I have always found her to be a gentlewoman, 
very kindly and generous, and I do not know anything against her, 
except what parties have circulated in Honolulu. 

Q. Do you give any credit to these stories? 

A. No; knowing this community as well as I do, I do not credit them. 
Q. In what way do you mean? 

A. There is more loose talk about men and women in this town than 
any place I have ever seen in my life. I never knew such a place for 
loose talk. 

Q. Was she invited to private houses to entertainments by Ameri- 
cans and Europeans? 
A. She was. 

Q. Did the ladies of these nationalities tesort freely to the palace 
and manifest respect for her ? 
A. They did to my certain knowledge. 
Q. To any considerable extent? 
A. It was limited only by her. 
Q. She was welcome at any house? 

A. I never knew anything against her being invited. She was most 
certainly welcome. 

Q. What is the foundation of these rumors against lier character? 

A. I suppose the fact that Wilson and bis wife resided in that bun- 
galow and resided in the cottage at Washington Place when she was 
there. 

Q. Did they live in the house with her? 

A. Not to my knowledge. I understand that Wilson and his wife 



270 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

lived in the bungalow at the palace and in the cottage at Washington 
Place. 

Q. The bungalow was 30 or 40 yards from the palace? 
A. Certainly; all of that. 

Q. Did Mr. Wilson and his wife live in that bungalow? 
A. I understand so. 1 never called on them. 

Q. What were the relations between the Queen and Mrs. Wilson? 

A. I think she very largely brought Mrs. Wilson up. Mrs. Wilson 
was the daughter of an American, John S. Townsend. He deserted 
his wife and family, and the Queen showed her kindness to the girl. 
But that was before she was Queen ; before she was heir apparent. 
Natives have a way of bringing up children in that way. 

Q. She took this Mrs. Wilson up at about what age ? 

A. I can not say; but at quite an early age. There are two kinds 
of children among the natives — Keikehanai and Keikehanau. The lat- 
ter is a child of the body the former an adopted child. 

Q. Has she (Liliuokalani) ever had a child? 

A. She never had any children. 

Q. What do you know of Mr. Wilson? 

A. I know that he is reputed to be half Tahitian; that he was a 
blacksmith and that he was marshal of the Kingdom. 
Q. His father was of what nationality? 
A. I do not really know. 

Q. Does he seem to be about the same type of person as the half- 
castes are? 
A. Just about. 

Q. His associations generallv are with those people? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did he come here as a child? 
A. That I can not tell you. 

Q. What reason did the Queen have for appointing this person to 
the office of marshal and for having him to live in the palace grounds 
when she was at that place and in the cottage when she was at Wash- 
ington Place? 

A. She believed thoroughly in his loyalty. He has the reputation of 
being courageous, and she believed that he would protect her against 
persons who were disposed against her. 

Q. Protect her in wh at sen se \ Was she apprehensive of any assault ? 

A. I think she has been from all that I could gather. 

Q. Of what? 

A. Of this party of revolutionists. 

Q. Do j^ou mean that she has not felt sure but what some movement 
would be made looking to her dethronement ? 

A. Whether it was that or overturning of the State I can not say. 

Q. And you think that was the reason, in connection with Wilson's 
loyalty to her and his courage, that she persisted in holding him in 
office? 

A. I can not think of any other reason. 

Q. What was the reason of the desire on the part of the opposition 
or Reform party to get Wilson out of that place? What sort of officer 
did he make? 

A. He was in charge of the police. He was a very good marshal, 
and the proof of that is that when the Reform party came into power 
they did not put him out. 

Q. In 1887? 

A. I do not mean that. I mean lately — in the Legislature they did 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 271 

not put him out. Mr. Neumann invited them to come before him and 
a committee and make their complaint about Mr. Wilson; said that he 
would listen to them, and if they gave sufficient reason why he should 
be deposed they should do it. Neumann told me so himself. 

Q. What reason do you suppose they had for the attacks on Wilson? 

A. He was in their way. 

Q. In their way in what thing ? Do you imagine that there was any 
annexation movement in the minds of the Keform party! 

A. Individuals in the party were always pronounced annexationists. 
Hartwell was ; Mr. Gren was; Mr. Thurston — 1 won't say that of Thurs- 
ton. The only insight I got as to his feelings was that he remarked to 
me one day that he believed in bringing things to a smash. 

Q. How long ago was that? 

A. During the session of the Legislature. It was at a meeting of the 
compai iy we were in. He said, " I believe in bringing things to a smash 
and then we will rebuild." 

Q. What is your interpretation of all that turning out of cabinets 
and putting in of cabinets? Did it illustrate that smashing-up policy? 

A. Thurston was a ringleader in all that work and I believe it was 
to that end. 

Q. How in point of intelligence did the Wilcox cabinet compare with 
the Macfarl an e- cabinet, take them as a whole? 

A. In point of intelligence there was not much difference. In the 
matter of having the confidence of men of wealth the Jones-Wilcox 
cabinet was undoubtedly the superior. 

Q. What is the character of Mr. Samuel Parker as to truthfulness ? 

A. I have never heard it questioned. He is a frank, open sort of 
person, and such persons are not liars as a rule. 

Q. Does he circulate in the best society in Honolulu, he and his 
family? 

A. Yes, they can circulate wherever they want to. 
Q. He and his wife are both half-castes? 
A. They are. 

Q. What is Mr. Peterson's character as to truthfulness? 
A. I would always accept his statements. 
Q. Is that generally true here? 
A. That I can not tell you. 

Q. Do you know his general reputation for truth and veracity? 
A. I think I do. 

Q. From that character would you believe him on oath? 
A. I would. 

Q. Do you regard him as a truthful man? 
A. Yes, sir. • 

Q. Do you know the general reputation of Gornwell as to truth and 
veracity ? 

A. I have never heard it questioned. 

Q. From that reputation would you believe him on his oath? 
A. Certainly. 

Q. How about Mr. Colburn; from your general knowledge of his 
reputation for truth and veracity, would you believe him on his oath? 

A. He has the reputation of being sharp in business practices. I 
am loath to say I would not take his word under oath. 

Q. Has it been the practice of any foreign nation or nations to land 
troops here in case of disturbance? 

A. I never saw it done except on the part of American forces. When 



272 REPORT OP COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Kalakaua was put on the throne both English, and American forces 
were landed. Admiral Skerrett was the captain of the Portsmouth. 

Q. What effect was produced on the mind of the native population 
by the landing of American marines on the loth of January, 

A. The effect was to intimidate them. 

Q. Was that intimidation helpful % to the movers in the revolution ? 
A. Most certainly. 

Q. Oonld they have succeeded without the impression that they 
were backed by the United States forces ? 

A. They would not have undertaken it without. I feel sure of that. 

Q. What was the condition at that time in the city as to peaceful- 
ness? 

A. It was the most peaceful, law-abiding community you would see 
anywhere. 
Q. The stores open as usual? 

A. Yes. They closed the stores on the 16th so as to let everybody 
attend the mass meeting. 
Q. W^ere women and children going about on the streets as usual? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did the people go back to their stores after the mass meeting? 
A. I think not. It was late in the afternoon. 

Q. Was it on account of the lateness of the hour that they did not go 
back to tbeir stores! . . 

A. Yes ; that was the only reason. There was no disorder. Women 
and children on the street. 

Q. The next morning, the morning of the 17th, were people going 
about as usual? 

A. I saw no difference. Our place opened up and I think all the rest 
of the places on Queen street opened up. 

Q. Sometime during the day of the 17th were you sent for to go to 
the Government building? 

A. Yes, sir*. 

Q. What time in the day was that? 

A. About 6 o'clock, I think. I dine at half past 5, and during din- 
ner I was rung up, and went down to the Government building with 
Mr. Mehrtens, who came for me. 

Q. Were you sent for by the parties in this new movement? 

A. I do not know that. I was taken by Mehrtens right to the Gov- 
ernment building. 

Q. And brought in the presence of whom? 

A. The Provisional Government. 

Q. Please state what occurred there? 

A. There was a deal of excitement. I asked why I had been sent 
for. I do not know who answered me. I was told a committee was 
going over to the Queen — that I was to go with the committee. I 
went with the committee. 

Q. They didn't ask you to go, just told you you were to go? 

A. I was told that there was a committee to be sent to the Queen 
and I was wanted to go. 

Q. For what purpose ? 

A. To state to her that the Provisional Government had been formed 
and that she was deposed, and to assist her in making any protest she 
might want to make. 

Q. Did you go ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Please state what occurred! 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 273 

A. We went into the blue room. Her Majesty and one or both of 
the princes were there. Her ministers were there — Mr. Wideniann, 
Mr. MacFarlane. Mr. Damon I suppose was the committee. I do not 
know whether there was more than one. I went with him. Mr. Damon 
made a few remarks, in which he said that the Provisional Govern- 
ment had been formed; that she was deposed, and that she could make 
a protest if she desired. There was a pause. I spoke up and said it 
was an unpleasant thing to be present on such an occasion. She 
had my sympathy; that it was a question of yielding to force; that if 
she would accept my advice she would yield and counsel her people to 
be quiet and orderly ; that I should advise the surrender of the sta- 
tion house and barracks ; that in case she acted in the line I marked 
out, I believed her case would be a better one for presentation at Wash- 
ington. 

Q. What force did you refer to? 

A. The forces of the Provisional Government, backed by the Boston. 
Q. Was it your impression that the Boston forces would cooperate 
with the Provisional Government forces ? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Had the Provisional Government been recognized? 
A. That is a matter of hearsay. It was commonly reported so on the 
street. 

Q. You were in the crowd at the Government building when they 
sent for you ? 

A. I overheard that Mr. Stevens had recognized the Provisional Gov- 
ernment. 

Q. Was it the common acceptation in that crowd, so far as you could 
see or hear? 

A. In the afternoon it was the understanding on the street that Mr. 
Stevens had recognized the Government. I heard a rumor that Stevens 
had recognized the Government and that a steamer was to be char- 
tered and sent Avith commissioners to Washington. 

Q. That occurred on the streets ? 

A. Yes ; I heard it on the streets before I went to dinner. 

Q. In a conversation with me you referred to certain newspaper 
articles pointing to the character of the Queen. What were they? 

A. A sermon in the Commercial Advertiser of February 17, 1893, 
preached by the Eev. E. G. Beckwith on the accession of the Queen. 

Q. Who is he? 

A. Pastor of the Central Union Church. 
Q. Is he an Englishman? • 
A. An American. 

Q. What denomination is his church. 

A. Congregational. 

Q. What was the other article? 

A. A leading article in the same paper of February 5, 1801, and the 
Bulletin of June 26, 1891, containing an account of the Oahu College 
jubilee, naming the persons present, among whom was the Queen. 

Q. Did you ever attend a breakfast given by the American minister 
to the ex- Queen? 

A. 1 did, with my wife. 

Q. When was that? 

A. April 19, 1892. 

Q, Who was present besides the Queen ? 

A. Hon. Jonathan Austin; Hon. S. M. Damon and wife; Hon. and 
Mrs. Samuel Parker; Mr. Haines, of San Francisco ; Mr. and Mrs. H. 
10518 18 



274 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



W. Severance; Mr. and Mrs. Mizner, late United States minister to 
Guatemala; Hon. and Mrs. W. G. Irwin; Lieut. Dyer, U S. Navyj Dr. 
Clarke, CJ. S. Navy; Mrs. Henry Waterhouse and others. 

Q. These people were invited to meet the Queen, were they? 

A. Yes, sir. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it to be an accurate 
report of my interview with Mr. Blount. 

J. O. Cahter. 

Honolulu, June 10, 1893. 



No. 16. 

Interview icith H. Center, Honolulu, June 24, 1893, 

Q. Where do you reside ? 

A. Spreckelsville, Maui. 

Q. What is your occupation. 

A. Manager of the Hawaiian Commercial and Sugar Company. 
Q. How long have you been in the Hawaiian Islands ! 
A. Nearly sixteen years. 

Q. When a laborer works carelessly, what remedy have you under 
the law to compel him to work 1 

A. W T e sue him for damages in court. If I can prove what is a 
proper day's work, and a man does not do it, I can sue him for the 
amount of work not performed. You can not deduct by law from their 
pay. We do sometimes deduct and the man stands it because he es- 
capes thereby the cost of court, which is about $3.50 in addition to the 
loss of pay. If they were paid 50 cents a day, if he did only half a 
day's work, we should only sue him for 25 cents, but if he lost his case 
he would have to pay 83.50 in addition. 

Q. If a laborer leaves his employer during the contract term what 
remedy does the law furnish to compel him to return to his employer! 

A. Upon producing the contract before the district judge and enter- 
ing a complaint the judge issues a warrant, which is served by the 
Government police, and the party must be tried forty eight hours after 
being put in jail. If convicted and it is his first oifense on that con- 
tract he will be reprimanded, ordered back to work, and charged costs. 
On the second offense on the same contract he is fined or imprisoned 
and charged costs if convicted, and after the expiration of his im- 
prisonment ordered back to work. The third offense he is fined or 
imprisoned three months, and all further offenses are punished at the 
discretion of the court. 

Q. Can the natives generally read and write? 

A. Yes ; it is very seldom you find a native who can not read and 
write very well. Generally the Kanaka language, but very frequently 
English. They are learning more English now. 

Q. What is the disposition of the native population towards the 
Provisional Government ? 

A. Hostile, altogether hostile, so far as I have come in contact 
with them. They dread to lose their ancient customs and rights, and 
also because there was an attempt made to disfranchise them. 

Q. What is their general character for uprightness? 

A. They are honest, and straightforward. They are remarkably ture 
to any one who is true to them. They would steal nothing. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 275 



Q. How do they compare in fLness for the use of the elective fran- 
chise with the laboring class of the United States? 
A. They compare very well indeed. 

Q. If the question of annexation were leffc to the people of these 
Islands by a ballot under the Australian system, with the qualifica- 
tion of reading and writing, what, in your opinion, would be the result ? 

A. There would be an overwhelming majority against annexation. 
No native who was not influenced would vote for it. 

Q. Can you get labor here from European countries to work your 
plantation successfully ? 

A. We can not to raise sugar at the world's price. Of course under 
the protection of the United States it might be a little better for us. 
We have now no advantage from the United States. 

The shorthand notes of this interview have been read to me by Mr. 
Mills and they are correct. 

H. Center. 

Honolulu, June 26, 1893. 



m. 17. 

Statement concerning number of troops landed and returned to the Boston. 

Guns landed: One 37 m H. K. 0.; one Gatling. 

I have looked the log over and find the following to be a pretty ac- 
curate account of the forces landed from the U. S. S. Boston at Hono- 
lulu, January 16, 1893, together with those landed from and returned 
to the ship at different times : 



Landed at 4:30 or 5 p. m., January 16: 

Three (3) companies of bluejackets, 36 each 108 

One (1) company of marines and (2) music 32 

Music for battalion 12 

Officers (9 naval, 1 marine) 10 

162 

Extra men landed : 

January 24, for Camp Boston 2 

February 16, for Camp Boston 1 

March 15, for Marine Guard 1 

March 17, for Camp Boston 14 

18 

Total number of men and officers landed for service 180 

Returned on board : 

January 27, men 2 

January 30, men 1 

February 3, Lieut. Young's company 35 

February 3, officers 2 

February 23, men : 2 

February 27, men 2 

February 28, men (1), marine (1), blue jacket 2 

March 1, men 1 

March 13, men 1 

March 15, men 2 

March 18, men 1 

March 20, Lieut. Coffman's company 36 

March 20, officers 1 

March 22, men 1 

Total number of inen and officers returned before April 1 89 

Total number of men and officers landed before April 1 180 

Total number of men. and officers leffc on shore March 20, 1893 91 



276 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



On February 15 Lieut. Young's company landed for the Admiral's 
review, and returned after the review the same day. There were 36 
men in the company and two officers. 



The total number of men at Camp Boston April 1: 

Men 52 

Officers.. 6 

Marines at Government building 33 

Marine officer 1 

Total force withdrawn from on shore April 1, 1893 92 



I think this is very near a true state of facts. 
Yours, etc., 

D. W. GOPFMAN. 



No. 18. 

(Statement of John F. Colburue, Aiiril 15, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 3, dated April 2, 1893.) 



No. 19. 

(Statement of William H. Cornwell, April 24, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 3, dated April 26, 1893.) 



No. 20. 

(Statement of S. M. Damon, April 29, 1893, printed with Mr. Blount's 
No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.) 



No. 21. 



(Statement of Lieut. Hebert L. Draper, May 5, 1893, printed with 
Mr. Blount's No. 5, dated May 6, 1893.) 



No. 22. 

Interview with Charles T. Guliclc, Honolulu ,May 13, 1893, 

Q. What is your occupation, Mr. Gulick? 
A. Notary public and business agent. 
Q. For whom? 

A. General; that is carrying on business agency. Agent for Pitt 
and Scott's express, and for the Burlington railroad. My business is 
also negotiating loans as well as real estate. 

Q. Have you been a minister in any reign? 

A. Under Kalakaua, 6th of August, 1883, to 30th of June, 1886. 

Q. At any time since then? 

A. Under Liliuokalani from September 12, 1892 — about two months. 
Q. I see in the correspondence between the American minister and 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 277 



tlie State Department some statements as to Wilson, the ex -marshal 
■ bein the paramour of the ex-Queen. I wish to ask you as to your 
knowledge of her character in point of chastity? 

A. I would say to begin with that I know nothing against her char- 
acter in that line. 

Q. Was she received in all of the best families in this city — among 
the whites? 

A. She was; she always has been. 

Q. Were they pleased to have her accept invitations to their enter- 
tainments? 
A. They always have been. 

Q. Did they accept invitations to entertainments at the palace? 
A. Not only accepted them, but were always anxious to get them. 
Q. Did you ever hear of anybody keeping away from there on ac- 
count of her character? 
A. I have not. 

Q. Do you know anything of the history of Mrs. Wilson? 
A. I do. 

Q. Please state it. 

A. Mrs. Wilson is a half white woman who, at the early age of 10 
or 12 was taken by the present Queen and educated. Was admit- 
ted into her household as a member. As she grew to womanhood 
Charles B. Wilson, her present husband, met her, took a fancy to her, 
and, with the approval of the Queen, he married her. When the 
Queen came to the throne Mrs. Wilson became one of her ladies in 
waiting, which position she held up to the overturn of the Govern- 
ment. 

Q. Where did Mr. and Mrs. Wilson live? 
A. In the bungalow. 

Q. That is a building in the palace yard? 
A. Yes. 

Q What distance between the bungalow and the palace? 
A. Two hundred and fifty feet I should think. 

Q. You have heard some scandal about the Queen and Mr. Wilson? 
A. I have. 

Q. Did they grow out of the political campaigns here or did they 
have a firmer basis? 
A. I think they grew out of the political campaign entirely. 

Monday, June 19, 1893. 

Q. When the American troops were landed here on the 16th of 
January, 1893, was there any indication of disorder on the part of the 
population? 

A. None whatever. 

Q. Were ladies and children on the streets as usual? 
A. They were. 

Q. When it was known these troops had been landed, what was the 
impression made on the minds of the royalists by that fact? 

A. There was a feeling of bewilderment, as they were unable to 
account for it. The people in the streets followed along inquiringly 
and people in their offices went out. I was at my office. I went out 
to see what it all meant. Nobody seemed to know how to account for 
it — what the object could be. It inspired all who were royalists 
with concern and apprehension. 

Q. Apprehension of what sort? 



278 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. Apprehension of some impending disaster to the nation or 
encroachment upon their rights and independence. The feeling at that 
time was vague. 

Q. The next day what was generally the feeling on the part of the 
Royalists) 

A. There was a feeling that it was a high-handed, unjustifiable move, 
and that there was no call for it. 

Q. Was there any opinion that it was in aid of the movement of the 
committee of safety? 

A. I may say that that was the general impression ; but matters at 
that day had not formed themselves, had not crystallized, so that every- 
one was looking around and asking his neighbor and inquiring as to 
what would come next. 

Q. Was that the condition of mind the day after the troops were 
landed? 

A. I think I may safely say it was. 

Q. What was the feeling on the part of the foreign element here ! 

A. My communication was principally confined to those who were in 
sympathy with my own feelings and views. All of us who were in 
sympathy with the Government and country and desired to see its 
perpetuation as an independent country were, as I said before, im- 
pressed with the fact that it was a high-handed move. With regard to 
the other people, those who might properly be considered revolution- 
its, there was an activity apparent on the street which would seem to 
indicate that they were making preparations for some definite move. 
This was in the forenoon of the 17th, the day following the landing of 
the American troops. 

Q. What was the impression made on your mind when the troops 
were landed on the 16th as to the object of their being landed? 

A. The impression left on my mind was that they were landed in 
support of a revolutionary measure having in view the overturning of 
this Government. 

Q. What time did that impression obtain generally in the commu- 
nity; did it commence before the Provisional Government was pro- 
claimed ? 

A. Yes ; early in the day. 

Q. How long before the proclamation of the Provisional Government 
dethroning the Queen? 

A. To my knowledge six or eight hours. I would qualify that by 
saying that it is altogether likely a number had that view the night 
before. 

Q. When the American protectorate was proclaimed here, was the 
condition of the public mind one of quiescence, awaiting the action of 
the Government of the United States, or otherwise? 

A. I should say that the public was quite ready to await the result 
of deliberations in Washington. 

Q. Was there in the minds of the opponents of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment any disposition to commence hostilities against it? 

A. mt at all. 

I have read the foregoing and they are accurate reports of my inter- 
views with Mr. Blount. 

(Mr. B. said it was unnecessary for Gulick to certify to this. — E. M.) 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 279 

ife 23. 

Statement of Charles T. Gulick. 

Col. J. H. Blount, 

United States Commissioner, etc.: 
Dear Sir: I send you by bearer a very hastily prepared sketch of 
some features of Hawaiian History with our present condition in view. 

Time has not permitted of as careful an arrangement and compari- 
son of facts and analysis of motives as I could have wished, but if the 
sketch assists in the most humble way in arriving at a true under-, 
standing of our situation, my object will be fully attained. 
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 

Chas. T. Gueick. 

Mat 8, 1893. 



A FOOTNOTE TO HAWAIIAN HISTORY — MAT 8, 1893. 

In order to arrive at anything like a true understanding of the pres- 
ent condition of affairs in our little Kingdom and the conflicting 
influences and interests to which may be attributed the unfortunate 
order of things now existing, it would seem necessary to take a brief 
glance at the last seventy years of the nation's history with that object 
in view. 

In the year 1820 a little band of Puritan missionaries, in number four, 
with their wives, landed on these shores, the ostensible object of their 
visit being to evangelize the heathen, or, in the words of a quotation 
frequently made by themselves, from their principal text-book, to 
preach "glad tidings of good things." 

They seemed to wish it understood that they were actuated by a self- 
sacrificing charity and devotion rivaling, if not superior to, that of Paul 
and his associates and followers when he started out on a similar 
errand, and this view of the case does not seem so unreasonable when 
we take into condsideration the fact that our Puritan friends were tak- 
ing their chances in what was to them a veritable terra incogn ita, while 
the first apostle. instead of pointing for Scythia with his momentous mes- 
sage, preferred to work the most brilliant centers of ancient civilization, 
where he would be much more likely to find people and conditions con- 
genial to his cultivated tastes. 

The worldly goods of the newcomers were few indeed, and their 
intellectual stock in trade was almost as beggarly, consisting for the 
most part in a number of trite quotations from the Puritan Bible, worn 
threadbare with constant and injudicious use. They were welcomed 
by a race of incomparable physique, open-hearted, generous, and hos- 
pitable to a fault, qualities which to the average Xew Englander (such, for 
instance, as were sent here with the Eedeemer's message seventy years 
ago), accustomed to the withering narrowness and penury of his native 
land, were as strange as a quadratic equation to a Hottentot. In fact, 
the newcomers were so overshadowed by the importance of their 
4i message," as well as themselves, that they had no time to throw away 
on the amenities of life which are so highly valued under conditions of 
our more advanced civilization, and not wholly despised by even bar- 
barous people. 

They found the Hawaiian in that state of mental evolution, which 
woulcl have gladdened the heart of the earnest philosophical teacher. 



280 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

He bad already realized that lie liad outgrown the trammels of his 
idolatrous religion, aud that the mysteries and mummeries of its priest- 
hood were worse than folly, and had just returned from a gleeful dance 
around the bonfire of the trumpery connected with the superstitions of 
the past. He received the newcomers with open arms, in the sim- 
plicity of his heart, not doubting but that they would give him some- 
thing better than what he had just thrown away that would satisfy, 
morally and mentally, the craving of his better nature. 

Our Puritan Mends were more fortunate than their brethren of the 
South Seas, where tradition would have us believe that missionary on 
toast was a favorite delicacy. 

They had no war to wage agaiust the Prince of Darkness, no settled 
evil notions and vices to combat, no idolatrous or pagan religion to 
overturn, no conquest to make conquering " foot by foot from barbar- 
ism," as Gen. Armstrong would have us believe in his letter to the 
New York Independent, of May 30, 1889. 

They found the doorwideopen. A pleasant expectant face and beckon- 
ing hand encouraged them to enter; they did not hesitate a moment, 
but dropping their manners outside with that exasperating brusque- 
ness which they have taken fine care to hand down to their children's 
children even to the present day, they bounced right in. 

The simple islanders crowded around them, loaded them with 
presents, gave them lands of their own selection, built them houses 
and churches, furnished them with food, and besought them for instruc- 
tion. The immense council houses of the chiefs were not large enough 
to hold the vast throngs which assembled to hear them relieve them- 
selves from time to time of a portion of the "message:" consequently 
open air meetings were resorted to, the size of the audieuces being 
limited only by the range of the speaker's voice, and as the stomach 
and lungs of our friends were the best developed organs of their 
equipment, they sometimes spoke to immense gatherings. 

The mental development which prompted the Hawaiian to destroy 
his wooden deities and relegate the priests to more useful employment 
enabled him to discover at a very early stage that something was lack- 
ing in the new teachers. To his disgust, he found that the veneering 
was very thin and that from his standpoint at least, in accepting the 
new doctrines and forms in place of those just cast aside, he was trad- 
ing one set of mummeries for another without any perceptible gain or 
advantage. He found that the new teachers were not only human 
(which of course he expected, as the day when his grandfather had 
looked upon Capt. Cook as a deity had long gone by), but he found, 
also, that they were prompted by motives and guilty of actions which 
he aud his race despised and was endeavoring to rise superior to. 

His knowledge of the world, outside of his own people, being limited 
to the few visitors who had touched on his shores during the twenty or 
twenty five years preceding the advent of the newcomers, and the still 
fewer foreigners who had made their homes with him during that time, 
did not help him to determine where the difficulty lay, whether in the 
teachers, the doctrines taught, or in both, and he desired to see some- 
thing of the outside world for himself. 

The King and a strong delegation were accordingly sent to England. 
While there it was learned that there were other teachers equally capa- 
ble or possibly better, and other religions more ancient and very likely 
more satisfying to the hungry soul than those he had so rashly taken 
to his bosom in 1820. These things could not be known without a trial, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 281 

and accordingly an invitation was extended to the Catholics to send 
teachers, who in due course of time arrived at the islands. 

Our Puritan friends had about ten years the start of their Oath- 
olic brothers in the race to deliver the " message" to the simple 
islander, during which time they had made good use of their opportu- 
nities. Notwithstanding this great advantage, they did not look with 
favor on the advent of their Catholic brethren. In the first place there 
was one quotation from their text-book peculiarly applicable to the 
present case (and they were nothing, if not strong on quotations), 
which was, "Thou shalt have no other Gods before me," and then the 
Catholic brother had a little different version of the " message." The 
encouragment which our Puritan friends had received at the start had 
made them aggressive, and they had, by successive steps, directed 
with more skill than has been shown by any of their descendants, 
secured the virtual control of the Government, which has, however, 
been continually denied by them all until the appearance of Arm- 
strong's letter in the Independent of the 30th May, 1889, referred to 
above. The Government at that time (about 1830) was a monarchy 
assisted by a council of Chiefs. 

During the decade following 1830, the little original band of " mes- 
sage" bearers received very considerable additions to their ranks, all 
being recruited from the same uncompromising, intolerant stock from 
which the first were drafted, the recruits, with one or two exceptions, 
being of the $200-a-year class of New England Parsons. They were 
never noted for individual aggressive courage, but numbers, as with 
(baser mortals), gave them assurance, and a taste of power sharpened 
their cupidity. The Catholic (or anyone, for that matter, outside their 
own pale) was an interloper who must be routed at all hazards. This 
they endeavored to do through the agency of the chiefs, while keeping 
themselves in the background, so that should odium or failure attend 
their efforts, they could disclaim any responsibility in the matter. 
Their machinations resulted in the disastrous occurrences of 1839, 1843, 
and 1848, the details of which can be gleaned from the newspapers and 
histories of those times, and are entirely in keeping with the recorded 
characteristics of the gentle Puritan from the first day that his dirty 
paw smudged the pages of European history. 

They managed in a degree, hardly comprehensible at this date, to 
retain their hold on not only the chiefs but the common people, and their 
dictum was supreme in every sphere, social, moral, governmental, 
and even individual. As a consequence some of the most absurd regu- 
lations were promulgated, the ears and claws of a few still showing 
themselves in the Hawaiian statutes of to-day. The country was dotted 
all over with unnecessary churches, Kawaiahao among the number, 
built by the painful labor of the uncomplaining native to satisfy the 
wishes of his teachers and everything was subordinated to the one 
idea of religion as they taught it. The advantage of teaching their 
willing pupils any of the arts of civilization and at the same time 
instructing them how to avoid the pitfalls of the new order of things 
never seems to have entered their heads. The consequence was that 
as far back as 1840 there were graduates of Lahainaluna (the mission 
high school on Maui) who had passed creditable examinations in Conic 
sections, who had to don the malo and go into the taro patch if they 
desired to earn an honest living, not having been taught a single 
practical idea which would assist them in earning a living in a civilized 
way. 

As a matter of fact such genuine benefactors of the Hawaiian race 



282 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 



as Locke of Waialua, Oabu, Good rich of Hilo, Whitney of Waiinea, 
Kauai, and Shipman of Kan, Hawaii, who endeavored to teach the 
people of their respective districts to work as civilized men, with mod- 
ern tools, and to improve their homes and take a civilized and intelligent 
care of their families, were frowned npon and denounced by the balance 
of their devout brethren for neglecting the all-important "message." 
The unwavering loyalty of the people to their teachers, under the cir- 
cumstances, speaks volumes for the constancy of the old-time Kanaka. 

About the beginning of the decade commencing with 1840, the com- 
mercial interests of the country demanded a more formal government 
and governmental methods conforming in a measure to those of the 
nations with whom it was in communication. Persons capable of 
assisting in the work of reorganization were not plentiful and the 
chiefs naturally looked to their spiritual advisers for assistance, as 
they had been instructed from the beginning that there was nothing 
on the earth or in the heavens above or in the w r aters under the earth 
beyond their ken. 

Again luck favored our Puritan friends. It would never do to have 
it appear that they sought secular employment and preferment Equally 
impossible would it be for them to permit any except the Lord's anointed 
to embrace such an opportunity. Consequently, under cover of the 
plea of the necessity of getting the permission of the A. B. C. F. M., 
which at that time took a whole year, they perfected their plans, and 
Judd, Richards, Armstrong, and Andrews rather ostentatiously severed 
their outward connection with the mission and took positions under the 
Government, or more properly speaking, took the Government. This 
was just into their hands; nothing could have been liner. And from 
this time on, through all the various changes and vicisisitud.es of for- 
tune, they looked upon the little kingdom as the veritable promised 
land, and taught their descendants to recognize and claim it and all 
belonging to it, together with the reversion and reversions, remainder 
and remai nders, rents, issues, and profits thereof as their rightful heri- 
tage for all time. 

The development of the whale fisheries of this ocean and the increased 
commerce resulting therefrom brought to these shores quite a number 
of visitors of various nationalities during the decade under considera- 
tion, some of whom became permanent residents. Many of these people 
were men of education, knowledge of the world, and more than usual 
ability. 

These were confronted by a singular social condition of things not a 
little puzzling to the uninitiated.' Our Puritan brethren had by this 
time increased in numbers to such an extent as to form a community 
of their own, and, as before remarked, were drafted from a stratum of 
society which was not only destitute of the advantages of social train- 
ing and polish, but which with genuine loyality to their creed and 
their history, alfected to despise the manners and courtesies which 
amongst civilized nations are the evidences of good breeding. With 
them the sum of all the virtues consisted in the exhibition of those 
Puritanical characteristics so familiar to the reader of English his- 
tory, and the moral obliquity which prompted them to haze the 
Catholic out of the vineyard caused them to surround themselves with 
a barrier of social exclusiveness as impenetrable as an East Indian 
caste. An exception, however, was made in favor of those who were 
sufficiently hypocritical to make a pretense of adopting their creed and 
outwardly conforming to their ways. 

These being the conditions of social recognition, it will be readily 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 283 

seen that the recruits from what they were pleased to term the "world's 
people" were, with scarcely an exception, the most unworthy sneaks 
whom greed of gain had tempted so far from home. And in some 
cases, family and business alliances the most incongruous were made 
with persons of more than doubtful morality, if judged by the Puri- 
tan standard. It must not be forgotten, however, that deviations 
from their generally exclusive rule had, in almost all cases, solid mate- 
rial advantages to commend them — considerations which the Puritan 
has never yet been known to ignore. 

The Hawaiian, at this period, presents many interesting and curious 
features to the student of history. The memories of the great Kame- 
hameha had not lost their influence, and the ruling chiefs, in many 
cases, proved themselves not unworthy successors to the founder of 
Hawaiian unity, giving evidence of firmness, moderation, and judg- 
ment which challenge the admiration of all who are acquainted with 
the complicated problems demanding their solution at this stage of 
their national existence. 

Their reception of the white men was altogether unique. History 
furnishes no parallel. While in all time and in every part of the world 
the colonization of a superior race has been vigorously resented and 
repelled by force of arms, usually resulting in the ultimate subjuga- 
tion or extinction of the aborigines, the Hawaiian welcomed his white 
visitor, encouraged him to remain, adopted his religion and dress, aped 
his manners, sought his instruction, and finally asked his assistance in 
framing a government on a civilized model. A reception so unusual 
was quite to the taste of our " message " bearing friends, who did not 
fail to make the most of it, while some of the world's people were more 
modest, as appeared at the time of the election of representatives to 
the first Legislature in 1845, when the Hawaiians urged their white 
friends to accept their suffrages and show them how to carry on the 
business of legislation, they themselves being desirous of learning the 
methods of representative government before assuming any responsible 
part in its management. 

All tho lands, without exception, belonged to the Grown and to the 
heads of the powerful chiefly families. Without hesitation the chiefs 
enfranchised the common natives and divided the lands between the 
Government, themselves, and the people, giving titles in severalty on 
terms which have commanded the approval of all acquainted with the 
conditions. 

Up to this time the nation had encountered no serious difficulties 
excepting those occasioned by following the advice and instructions of 
the (i message" bearers, which were prompted by a selfish jealousy of 
all others in the field. 

In arranging the machinery and perfecting the methods of govern- 
ment it was very soon discovered by everyone outside their own follow- 
ing that the unassisted efforts of the " message" bearers were wholly 
unequal to the task; consequently the services of such men as Wyllie, 
Robertson, Record, Lee, and others, professional men, not of the fold 
however, were secured, and the little nation very soon took its place in 
>he great family of independent states by virtue of treaties negotiated 
frith rare tact and good judgment, chiefly through the efforts of Wyllie, 

By 1853 the little ship of state was fairly under way. Representative 
Government was running smoothly, and the common people were 
learning their duties as freeholders, and taking such part in public 
affairs as their intelligence fitted them for. Honolulu had become an 
Important shipping port not unknown in the business centers of the 



284 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



world. The permanent white population of the city and the Kingdom 
had rapidly increased, and in cultivation and general intelligence was 
probably above the average of communities of its size, as people who 
go to settle so far away from home are usually the most enterprising 
among their fellows. This class of people was sufficiently numerous in 
the city itself to form a separate community or society, as it were, who 
were in the habit of thinking and acting for themselves, and to whom 
the little country owed most, if not all, the standing it held abroad. 

This class lived on the best of terms with the Hawaiian chiefs and 
people, some of them having formed matrimonial alliances with the 
native families of the higher grades. Our Puritan friends did not look 
with any more favor on this class than they did on the Catholics, met- 
ing out to them but scant courtesy, and but little, if any, of that Chris- 
tian charity of which they were presumed to be the exemplars. In 
fact, they had no use for anyone whom they could not bully and brow- 
beat into a cringing sycophant or a willing tool. They took the most 
offensive ways of reminding people of their supreme hold on the King 
and Government, quite in keeping with their early training, or the lack 
of it, wholly and contemptuously ignoring such men as Wyllie and 
Robertson, who had done the work and gave character to the Govern- 
ment under the new conditions. 

This state of things could not last long and resulted in the appoint- 
ment, after several popular meetings, of a committee of 13 citizens 
(some of them now living), who waited on His Majesty Kamehameha 
III, demanding the dismissal of Judd and his associates. This was 
readily acceded to, but not without some expressions of surprise on 
the part of the King and his native advisers at the existence of 
such a bitter antagonism between people of a race claiming so great a 
superiority to the Hawaiians. The common natives were bewildered at 
the exhibition. They attended the meetings without taking part. As 
their fathers, shortly after welcoming the first sky pilots, saw reason 
to repent of their rashness, the sons began to entertain grave doubts 
with regard to the wisdom of the new tinkers in Governmental affairs, 
as well as to the results of their tinkering. The effect on our "mes- 
sage" bearers was indescribable. Each one of the 250 odd men, 
women, and children belonging to their guild looked upon the down- 
fall of the Judd cabinet as a personal calamity. They realized that 
the heritage was in danger. This was the first genuine setback they 
had ever experienced. 

For the next twenty years the Government, while by no means per- 
fect, was, under the virile rule of the last of the Kamehamehas, admin- 
istered with evenhanded justice, having regard for the interests of all 
and endeavoring to secure the greatest good to the greatest number. 
During this time the most capable men in the realm, regardless of 
nationality or creed, were called upon to assist the head of the nation 
with their counsel. This call did not, however, at any time during this 
period include any member of the Puritan guild, whose interests were 
not by any means ignored, as some of their members were honored 
with subordinate appointments, where they could do no harm. During 
all this time — to the annointed an eternity, to the rest of the nation a 
respite — there was no publication which would admit their drivel but 
was loaded with their complaints, and no pulpit into which they could 
climb but resounded with their wails and maledictions. 

Another page of history is completed and the Puritan is again in 
luck. The last of the Kamehamehas is gathered to his fathers at the 
close of 1872, and as the Hawaiian saw the last representative of his race 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 285 

who had strength and genius enough to keep ahead of the wheels of the 
juggernaut of human progress enter the family mausoleum there is little 
wonder that his grief was inconsolable and that he gave himself up to 
despair. Poor Lunalilo, a weak, but in some respects brilliant, offshoot 
of the old stock, was unanimously elected to the vacant throne, as by 
law provided. Our " message," bearing friends, all but famished from 
their long fast, were at his collar in a moment and never let go their 
hold till they dropped him in the grave, after only one brief year of 
power. As was their traditional custom, they had again made the most 
of their opportunities, securing as many as possible of the subordinate 
offices, positions on the various boards, Privy Council, House of Nobles, 
etc. 

During the reign of Lunalilo the course of events was somewhat 
modified by an element not altogether unknown, but exceedingly dis- 
tasteful to our friends, in the person of Walter Murray Gibson. 

The throne was again filled by the election of Kalakaua in 1874. 

As Prince Lunalilo was, according to the Hawaiian standard, of a 
chiefly rank superior to that of any one living at the time of his elec- 
tion to the throne, he had no competitors, and his elevation to an 
heretofore hereditary throne by a popular election seemed in no way 
to affect the current of events. The position was looked upon as 
almost his by right of inheritance ind was cheerfully confirmed to 
him by legal formalities. When, however, it bpcame necessary to fill 
the throne a second time in the same way the whole situation was 
quite different. 

The oft repeated statement that " Paris is France" might with per- 
fect propriety be paraphrased to apply, during the period under con- 
sideration, to the little capital city of Honolulu, which, in almost every 
sense, was to all intents and purposes the Hawaiian Kingdom. The 
only safe harbor for deep-water vessels was here, all the business 
agencies were located here, and all the enterprises throughout the 
Kingdom centered in N and were controlled from the city. During the 
twenty years since we last noticed the make-up of its society, the con- 
ditions had somewhat changed and should claim our attention for a 
moment. 

Social and business methods had, so to speak, crystallized; several 
commercial houses had been established, which, in all respects, would 
compare favorably with the best in any large seaport; a bank had been 
opened, having correspondence with all the principal business centers 
of the world; newspapers in the Hawaiian and English languages had 
been established, and had a wide domestic circulation; foreign churches, 
benevolent societies; Masonic and other lodges were organized and in 
a flourishing condition; the American, English, and German people 
had representatives amongst the permanent residents of the city from 
almost every grade of society in their respective nations; in fact, the 
city was as fairly a representative cosmopolitan community on a small 
scale as San Francisco or New York. 

The whaling business had declined, and attention of late had been 
directed to agricultural and grazing ventures which were fairly remu- 
nerative, and if the American tariff were not in the way (European 
markets being beyond our reach) would to all appearances be opulence 
itself. Serious efforts had therefore been made for several years to, in 
some way, get over this tariff by annexation, reciprocity, or a remission 
of duties on Hawaiian products entering American markets. The first 
method was not popular with 1he Hawaiian nation at large, the third 
was impossible from an American standpoint, consequently the inge- 



286 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN INLANDS. 



unity of the best contrivers in the little Kingdom was strained to the 
utmost to convince American statesmen that 2 and 2 made 5, and that 
great material advantages would inure to the Republic through a 
commercial treaty of reciprocity with Haw aii. The native Hawaiian 
understood little or nothing of the force of the project, and failed to 
see wherein he would be benefited, but as his white friend and guest 
so greatly desired its consummation, he, as usual, good-naturedly 
assented and rendered such assistance as he could to bring about the 
desired end. 

The foregoing in brief was the condition of things, business gener- 
ally slack, profits uncertain, and the reciprocity treaty hanging fire in 
Washington, when the 12th of February, 1874, arrived. This was the 
day appointed by Ministerial proclamation for the Legislature to assem- 
ble and fill by ballot the place made vacant by the death of Lunalilo. 
The Legislature met. There were but two candidates, Queen Emma 
and David Kalakaua. 

Queen Emma was the choice of the native Hawaiian population, 
almost to a man ; but saint and sinner for once met on common ground 
and decided to, if possible, defeat the wish of the people by securing 
the election of Kalakaua. The reasons for the union of effort, on the 
part of people so radically antagonistic, to compass the election of 
Kalakana are worthy of attention. As has been heretofore mentioned, 
a recipocity treaty with the United States, or something equivalent 
thereto, had for some time been looked upon by the majority of the 
business community as being the only salvation. This view had been 
almost universally adopted by the American Missionaries, their descend- 
ants and associates. It may be here remarked as a significant fact 
that with two exceptions, the children of the missionaries neglected 
to enter the chosen field of their fathers, they seeming quite content 
to let the souls of the gentle islanders take their chances, while for 
themselves they generally preferred lines which gave promise of more 
tangible rewards for thrift and energy. 

The wisdom of their choice being at the present time amply demon- 
strated by the enormous annual gains of some of their number, which 
far outrun the wildest dreams of romance, as for instance, Baldwin, 
with a net gain for the year 1889 of over $300,000. followed closely by 
the Wileoxs. Bailey, Alexander. Castle. Cooke, Rice, and a number of 
others hardly less fortunate. It may also be remarked at this time that 
the term "missionary," which to those acquainted with the general 
relationship of individuals, business enterprises, etc.. is quite clear and 
definite, to the uninitiated is likely to be misleading and requires a word 
of explanation. The nature of their society and the methods of recruit- 
ing from the " outside world have been before alluded to, and with this 
in mind it will be readily seen that the missionaries, at the time of which 
we are treating, included in their fold a large number who could lay no 
claim to this designation except in so far as they acted with the saints 
when the balance of the world was to be beaten, and made a pretense 
of covering their moral nakedness from time to time as suited their 
convenience with a cloak of religious hypocrisy. 

The members of this guild, more especially the original missionaries, 
considered themselves and taught theif children to feel that they 
occupied a moral and social plane far above not only the native 
Hawaiian, but all 4k outsiders" of their own race. In fact, the mission- 
ary placed between his own family and the generous-hearted islander 
whom he came across the sea to pilot the way to everlasting life, a 
chasm fai more difficult to bridge than ever existed between the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 287 

"haughty" Southerner and his African slave. Fortune favored the 
guild with material wealth, and it might with truth be said that the 
financial resources of the country were practically in their hands. It 
did not take long for this class to be designated the "Missionary 
party," by which term it is now generally known. This is, however, 
periodically resented by members of their guild in the newspapers of 
the day — sometimes snappishly, and at others with a whine. 

The foregoing little digression seems necessary to explain the situa- 
tion and, to be brief, the Missionary party espoused the cause of 
Kalakaua with the view of reinstating themselves in the position they 
enjoyed before the downfall of Judd, not doubting that the new King 
would prove a willing tool to act their bidding. David's impecuniosity 
and other social disabilities seemed to them sufficient ground for 
believing that ordinary gratitude, if no other motive, would induce him 
to heed their instructions. On the other hand, Queen Emma was sur- 
rounded by and under the control of individuals and influences not 
only inimical to the " Missionary Party," but to a treaty of reciprocity 
with the United States, or, in fact, any other compact which might, 
even remotely, threaten the autonomy of the Kingdom. 

She was a member of the Anglican Church in Honolulu, and her 
principal advisers and associates were British people, all of whom were 
opposed to any American alliance, excepting a certain few whose inter- 
ests were such as to be favorably affected by a modification of the 
tariff on Hawaiian products entering American ports, in their case self 
interest triumphed over patriotism and they either remained silent or 
sided with the "Missionary Party" which was, by the way, at this time, 
the only class which deserved the name of a " party", all others were 
simply < < outsiders ". 

By law, the election was in the hands of the Legislature, consisting 
of about fifty members, over two-thirds of whom were native Hawaiians. 
This simplified the manipulation of the business very much, and for 
the first time in the history of the nation the white man applied to the 
most important election ever held in the Kingdom the methods so 
common in the ward politics of New York and other American cities 
thereby grossly deceiving the people, controverting the popular will 
and ultimately gaining the desired end by the election of Kalakaua. 

For the first time in his experience, more than fifty years after he 
had first welcomed his white brother to his shores and besought his 
instruction in the ways of civilization and religion, the Hawaiian 
found himself face to face with the bugbear of race prejudice. It was 
a new and strange element to him which he did not understand and 
for which he was not responsible. The men like Wyllie, Robertson, 
Harris, and their associates who had formulated for him methods of 
government, forseeing the possibility of the intrusion of this prejudice 
in the affairs of state, had diligently guarded against such a catas- 
trophe and as long as their counsels prevailed the danger was averted. 

From this time on the internal relations of the heterogeneous com- 
monwealth rapidly changed, and the aboriginal Hawaiian, who had 
been so long the subject of prayerful solicitude was forgo bten, his inter- 
ests and rights ignored and despised, and as from time to time he 
appeared in the Legislature of his native land, he was either cajoled, 
bullied, or bought into supporting the schemes of his white brother. 
The basketof loaves and fishes was small, the hungry maws numerous, 
manners scarce, and consequently the scramble for spoils and plunder 
was savage. Our Puritan friends and their allies, with the sentiment 
strong within them of rightful inheritance to everything in sight, were 



288 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

not to be indifferently dealt with. After the nsual wire pulling the 
game was called and the saints showed up with the practical control 
in almost every branch of the public service, Cabinet, Supreme Court, 
Board of Education, Bureau of Surveying, etc. 

The inchoate American reciprocity treaty was a matter of so much 
importance, meaning as it did success or failure to almost every enter- 
prise in the Kingdom outside of the capturing of fish and the manu- 
facture of poi, that after the first grab and snarl over the plums, all 
whose interests were to be affected by the change of tariff, united in 
as cordial a manner as might, for instance, the fiercer animals of a 
menagerie when confronted by a common danger in a supreme effort to 
secure its ratification. The aged Chief-Justice Allen, of the Supreme 
Court, was relieved of his duties on the bench and dispatched to Wash- 
ington armed with a high-sounding title to represent the interests of 
the little country (or rather its moneyed and planting interests), and 
urge on the treaty to its final ratification. A better choice could not 
have been made, as Judge Allen was a typical American politician of 
large experience in his native land before coming to Hawaii, and both 
training and self-interest united in causing him to put forward his best 
efforts to ensure the success of the mission entrusted to his care. A 
trump card in the game was to send the King to Washington and 
show to the Kepublicans the anomaly of (as Barnum would have put 
it) the only King on earth who owed his throne to, and reigned by the 
will of the people, and not by the grace of God. 

Accordingly the King, accompanied by a staff of officers selected 
for the trip, visited America's capital, also several other principal 
cities, and for the time being, in physical proportion to say the least, 
was a u bigger man than Grant." 

During the period of waiting for Uncle Sam to make up his mind to 
grant their request, our little insular community put in the time pull- 
ing faces at one another, intriguing for and securing positions for 
themselves and their favorites. In this contest the Missionary party 
were generally consistent and loyal to themselves, whilst outsiders had 
to fight their battles singly, having only the support of their personal 
friends. The Honolulu newspapers of the years 1875 and 1876 contain 
some spicy reading of a personal nature, giving evidence of more than 
usual bitterness, which, in the Legislature of 1876, culminated in an 
open feud. A majority of the assembly was native Hawaiians, with 
six or seven British, and the remainder Americans, German, and half- 
caste. 

The native Hawaiian leaders were not all dead, and some of the 
brightest then living were in the house; amongst them were Aholo and 
Pilipo. The quarrel was confined to the white members, and took the 
form of a determined effort to unseat the % cabinet. The wrangle was 
boisterous, filled with bitter personalities, and in every way unseemly. 
It continued for three days, the native members remaining mute spec- 
tators during the whole time. In the afternoon of the third day, all 
the contestants being blown, question was called. The native mem- 
bers glanced around to Pilipo as one who might say a word for them 
touching the situation. Pilipo arose with great deliberation, addressed 
the chair, asked the indulgence of the house for a few moments, and 
reminded the interpreter that as what he was about to say was intended 
especially for his " white brethren," he wanted his views made very 
clear to them. 

Pilipo proceeded, and as he warmed to the subject, his few moments 
extended to an hour and a half, compassing one of the most scathing, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 289 

eloquent addresses ever heard in the house, and what proved to be 
almost the last effort of the kind by a Hawaiian Orator worthy of 
notice. The interpreter did his duty well, and the word pictures pre- 
sented for the consideration of Pilipo's "white brethren" Avere very 
sharply outlined and anything but flattering to their vanity. The 
orator briefly reviewed the history of the intercourse of foreigners with 
his own race, something after the fashion of this sketch, amplifying 
where it best suited his purpose. He dwelt at length on the errand of 
the missionary to these shores and his' agency in instructing the 
Hawaiian in the ways of religion and civilization. He painted in vivid 
colors the picture of the three days' wrangle just past, making sarcas- 
tic comparisons and comments on the whole. 

The effect of the speech was indescribable. Those of his hearers who 
had not taken part in the quarrel could scarcely restrain themselves 
from violating the dignity of the house by giving the orator an ovation. 
Even at this time the Hawaiian did not realize that his " white brother" 
and guest had got tired of him, and had been so long the recipient of 
his hospitality that he looked upon his privileges as vested rights and 
preferred to enjoy them to the exclusion of the host. 

At last the good news came. The treaty was a reality. Then came 
the rejoicing, firing of guns, display of fireworks, and the like. Those 
who were to be the most benefited by it and who made the most noise 
over its consummation never in the wildest flights of fancy dreamed of 
the success in store for them. Had they been told that they, descend- 
ants of shirt sleeves, with no more claim to a pedigree than a Govern- 
ment mule, would, each one of them, be within a decade in the yearly 
receipt of an annual income equal to many of the noble families of 
Europe, who trace their lineage through a host of distinguished ances- 
tors for hundreds of years back, they would have been offended as being 
made game of. 

This, however, is the fact, and until "the frost, the killing frost," of 
the McKinley bill "nipped their root" there was every prospect of a 
very material increase of their prosperity from year to year as long as 
the terms of the treaty were in force. Coal Oil Johnny's success has 
had several counterparts in the Paradise of the Pacific, not followed, 
however, by Johnny's improvidence, as it is hardly likely that should 
the descendants of the penurious New Englander suddenly find that 
the earth beneath his feet had turned to gold he would spurn it on 
account of its abundance. This phenomenal good fortune was turned 
into the laps of the few, however, the many having to be content with 
the crumbs, so that the condition of the little paradise is in many 
respects somewhat similar to that of Athens under the thirty tyrants. 

In the struggle for position and power the churchman forgot his 
creed and the sinner gave rein to his passions, while both ignored the 
interests and rights of the Kanaka. These facts were seized upon by 
Gibson (of whom mention has already been made) and shown up in 
both Hawaiian and English newspapers with great clearness and skill. 
The thorough literary Bohemian that he was, he also possessed a much 
greater knowledge and experience of men and affairs, diplomacy, and 
statesmanship than people of his class usually have, and, in fact, had 
forgotten more moves and tricks in the game now on the board than 
all the rest of the players ever knew. Among the native Hawaiian 
population he, of course, very soon gained a large following, which was 
supplemented by a not inconsiderable portion of the foreign residents 
of various shades of opinion, who supported his views to a greater or 
less degree. It hardly needs mentioning that the missionary party from 
10518 19 



290 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

the first looked with aversion and distrust on his appearance in the 
political arena. 

These sentiments in a short time ripened into enmity and hatred, and 
for the genuine, consistent passion there is hardly a shadow of doubt 
the Puritan stands ahead, more especially when it is directed against 
an opponent of greater ability than he possesses himself, or, in other 
words, who draws too much water for him. Gibson was elected to the 
assembly in 1878, and, being returned each session till called upon to 
form a cabinet, he displayed many of those qualities which are so 
essential to the success of the political worker, and worried the souls 
of all the saints and quite a number of the sinners without rest or 
intermission. The prizes were getting larger and the points of vantage 
more important every day, and the contest waxed fiercer all the time. 
Lands, contracts, and franchises were increasing in value and must be 
secured at all hazards — by fair means if possible, by foul if necessary. 

Fair means were out of the question, as the arena was so small that 
no move could be made without the knowledge of all the contestants, 
and the native officials and legislators soon learned a new lesson (new 
to them) in politics, to wit, that official position had a money value, 
conveniently measured by the purses of those requiring their assist- 
ance. In a short time the native Hawaiian, from the most obscure voter 
to the King himself, was so thoroughly debauched by the white man's 
gold that his standard of right and wrong was almost if not wholly 
destroyed, and his moral sense of personal rectitude was completely 
dulled by sophistry, gin, and coin. A truly deplorable condition, for 
which saint and sinner are about equally responsible. 

As an example of the methods adopted by those who would violently 
resent the charge of anything bordering on dishonorable conduct or 
unfair means, it may be mentioned that one of the numerous minis- 
tries (cabinets) of this period, one that was as fairly representative as 
any that ever filled the position, and who were earnestly endeavoring 
to perform their duties, while consulting with and receiving advice 
from prominent members of the business community were being under- 
mined by the very men with whom they were in communication, and 
who were fairness itself to the faces of the cabinet. Compensation 
came, however, in a singular way. The two-faced gentlemen did not 
feel themselves strong enough to carry out their plot single-handed, so 
they made overtures to Gibson, making all sorts of fair promises, which 
no one kne w better than Gibson himself were never intended to be ful- 
filled. 

They were not w r ise in approaching a player so far their superior in 
a game of this kind. After playing one crowd against the other until 
he learned what each held, Gibson, with the most bland and easy man- 
ner imaginable, dropped both sides, stepped in and took the bun with- 
out any trouble whatever, formed a cabinet of his own, much to the 
amusement of the native Hawaiian, who as heretofore was not a party to 
the contest. The disappointment and rage of the defeated contestants 
were truly pathetic. To be beaten was bad enough, but to be caught 
in one's own trap, sold, and laughed at by even the Kanakas was too 
much. " Eternal enmity to Rome and fealty to Carthage" was but an 
empty vow in comparison with the oath by which the schemers bound 
themselves each to the other to compass the final ruin of the man who 
had held them up to public ridicule. 

Fort Street Church (now Central Union Church) was organized in 
1852, the Honolulu Chamber of Commerce a few years later, and the 
Planters' Labor and Supply Company soon after the ratification of the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 291 

treaty, the three together containing the whole of the missionary 
party, together with a small sprinkling of those who did not wholly 
sympathize with their views and aspirations. On the accession of 
Gibson to position and power a general tarpanline muster of all the 
brains in the crowd was made, committees were appointed, resolutions 
passed, memorials prepared, appeals and petition's drawn 5 in fact the 
maggot bed had a spasm which threatened as serious consequences to 
the patient (i. e., the maggot bed) as sometimes follows a congestive 
chill. They appealed to the American Minister resident (Daggett), 
carried in solemn procession their memorials and petitions to the King, 
and prayed to the Lord Almighty — all without any apparent result. 
Gibson compassed the whole in replies and dispatches which were 
respectful, polished, and diplomatic, and which might have served as 
forms for them in their future correspondence. He remained unsh alien. 

It very soon became apparent that he was the rallying point for the 
native Hawaiians, who, under his guidance and tutelage, were begin- 
ning to learn, and in a measure appreciate the relation of matters, 
and to assert their rights in the land of their birth. No sooner did 
the Missionary party understand this new feature of the game than 
without hesitation they unblushiiigly proclaimed that the Kanaka must 
go. They conveniently forgot the errand which ostensibly brought 
their foretathers to these shores, despised the rights of hospitality, 
and, blinded by cupidity, worked themselves up to the point where 
they were prepared to override and trample upon any and all rights 
and interests not in harmony with their own. In short, certain of their 
number did not hesitate to say that the money and thrift of the white 
men having made the country what it was, it was high time that it 
should be made in fact, as well as appearance, a. white man's goven- 
ment. 

This was the attitude assumed in the face of the fact that ever since 
the foundation of the Government under its present form, the chief 
judicial, executive, and diplomatic offices had been voluntarily con- 
ferred upon foreigners, the Hawaiian having a laudable desire to be 
represented by at least one position in the cabinet. 

Up to this time no demand on his generosity had been refused. The 
sugar plantations of his white brother required cheap labor. He, with- 
out hesitation, voted from the public treasury large sums to defray the 
expense of scouring the world to satisfy the demand. China, Japan, 
the South Seas, Germany, and Norway, were in turn thoroughly tried 
as sources of supply. The demand far exceeded the supply, and at the 
urgent request of his white brother, he threw open the flood gates in 
1881 and thousands of Chinese swarmed on his shores in a yellow tide 
that brought with it not only all the vices of the pagan Asiatics, but 
also an epidemic which laid 300 native Hawaiians corpses forever to rest 
in the sands of the quarantine station at Honolulu, and cost the pub- 
lic treasury $110,000 in cash. 

The production of sugar by Chinese coolies was not looked upon 
with favor by our California friends, but labor must be had, and the 
Hawaiian was again called upon to lend his assistance to the intro- 
duction of the less objectionable Japanese. Again he yielded, only to 
find that he had at last practically voted away the avenues of occupa- 
tion for his own countrymen, and had, at the crafty solicitation of 
those whom he had supposed to be his friends, filled his country with 
a heterogeneous horde of pagans and worse, far outnumbering his own 
people, with whom they had little or nothing in common, and who, 



292 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



like his white brother, were beginning to look upon the Hawaiian as an 
intruder on his own soil. 

To the saintly Puritans and their successors all this had no weight and 
was unworthy of their notice. There was too much in the pot to run 
the risk of any accidents, and the only sure way to success was to 
blow out the lights, snatch the pot. and jump the game. But while our 
friends of the "Missionary party" possessed wealth enough to corrupt 
the Russian Empire, and were actuated by all the sentiments required 
to overturn the world, they yet lacked two very essential elements to 
success, which were intelligent leadership and pluck sufficient to carry 
the scheme into execution. While they lunged for the possession of 
the coveted prize, they were in no hurry to risk their own precious car- 
casses in securing it, and consequently cast about for some accommo- 
dating cat to reach after the chestnuts for them. The right kind of a 
cat was not just to hand, and our friends had to content themselves, 
for a few years longer, with putting up their money lavishly on elec- 
tions and subsidizing every vagrant Bohemian blackguard within 
reach to write libelous matter for the local and foreign press, denoun- 
cing the Government and every one connected therewith. 

By continual hammering, a sentiment of antagonism to the Hawaiian 
Government and more especially to the native Hawaiians themselves 
was propagated, chiefly amongst comparatively new comers who knew 
nothing, and cared less, of the history of the country and who were 
quite ready to look upon the native much in the same way as the 
western pioneer does on the Cumanehe Indian. A suitable cat was at 
last found in the person of a Canadian adventurer, who possessed the 
necessary ability to organize and encourage, to execute the plans of 
usurpation, and who far surpassed his employers in the possession of the 
common honesty to frankly avow at the start that, while glory might 
have had some attractions for him in his tender youth, coin was at 
present his strongest incentive to action, and that his zeal would be 
measured by the amount in sight. All was satisfactorily arranged with 
little delay, the cat receiving a handsome subsidy from both side with- 
out the knowledge of the other, and the conspiracy was in running 
order in a short time. 

Our missionary conspirators justified their course with the hollow 
pretense that they were seeking the adoption of governmental reforms 
which could be secured in no other way than by violence. They raised 
their hands in holy indignation and horror at such ill-advised schemes 
as the '•kainiiloa" the genealogy board, and royal cemeteries, and 
words failed them in expressing their detestation of the Aki opium 
swindle and kindred irregularities. While little or nothing can be said 
in defense or extenuation of the follies referred to, it would seem not 
out of place to note the fact that, from a moral and financial standpoint, 
their injury to the commonwealth was trifLing in comparison to the 
damage done by the eccentricities of the conspirators' favorites, which 
left their marks on the waterworks of Xuuauu Valley, the reservoir 
and land damages in Makiki. the quarantine graveyard at Honolulu, 
the South Sea immigration venture of the barque Hawaii, the 
H Likelike" and bellows opium business, and a score of other outrages 
of a similar nature which were hushed up, whitewashed, or hidden from 
the public as far as possible. 

During the first half of the year '87 the conspirators were busy per- 
fecting their plans 4 . A league was formed, a large fund subscribed, and 
members sworn in, at first with some care, but as their numbers grew . 
they gamed confidence and relaxed their circumspection. Waifs from 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 293 



all parts of the world, temporarily stranded on these shores, were 
attracted by all sorts of impossible promises of official employment as 
soon as the move became a success. The £< Honolulu Rifles," a battalion 
of four companies, wholly composed of Europeans, armed and equipped 
at the expense of the Hawaiian treasury, was organized and drilled 
incessantly. Arms and ammunition in large quantities were imported 
and distributed. Mention should not be omitted of the fact that dur- 
ing all the excitement of these stirring times the quality of thrift was 
not for a moment lost sight of by the saints, as they generously 
imported military equipments, costing 86.50 per man. which they sup- 
plied to the members of the league and such others as they thought 
could be trusted at 818 and upwards. 

]N or must it be lost sight of that the sentiment of self-preservation 
was always strong in the breasts of the saints, and on this occasion 
was developed in a rather quaint and amusing way. When their com- 
mander began making assignments to duty he overlooked this quality 
in a portion of his band and made a pardonable mistake of distribu- 
ting to some of our friends tasks the fulfillment of which might be 
attended with a possibility of personal danger. He was quickly 
reminded that in great enterprises affecting the fate of nations it was 
not usual to expose the Marlboroughs and Napoleons of the movement 
to the possibility of being snuffed out : in other words, our friends 
recognized themselves as the brains of the crowd, and they did not pro- 
pose to run any personal risk, but would at all times hold themselves 
in readiness to give chin music in unlimited quantities, seasoned from 
time to time with small allowances of coin. 

The organization of the conspiracy was much-more complete perhaps 
than movements of this kind usually are. It had its military com- 
mander j council of thirteen, otherwise known as the committee of 
u public safety," and which was the fountainhead for all orders; its 
military force, uniformed, fully equipped, and drilled, ready at a 
moment's notice to obey without question any orders from the com- 
mittee of "public safety;" a large body of citizens, fully armed and 
Sapplied with ammunition, who had familiarized themselves with the 
use of their weapons by frequent target practice during several months 
past — in fact, it was as completely organized as the Hawaiian Govern- 
ment itself, and, as it turned out, much better handled. Of all the fore- 
going the Government was from time to time fully informed, and the 
indifference or pretended disbelief of Gibson in the existence of any- 
thing out of the usual course, or which would be likely to make trouble, 
is difficult to reconcile with his habitual astuteness. 

However, this was about the condition of things during the latter 
days of June, 1887. Fully prepared as the organization was for 
immediate action, the leaders were at a loss just how to begin. The 
country was apparently at peace with all the world, and more especially 
with itself. All the functions of the Government were being performed 
as usual, the courts were disposing of the business brought before 
them without interruption, and to a stranger just arrived nothing 
unusual would appear to be in the wind. Consequently, it was not 
quite clear how to proceed. A committee of public safety was bent 
double with the weight of an indefinable responsibility, and yet it was 
not quite apparent just what they were called upon to save, as the 
pubhc peace and safety did not somehow appear to be in any immediate 
danger, unless from the committee themselves and their satellites. 
But something must be done, and that very soon, as it would never do 



294 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



to allow of even a little time for thought, which would inevitably load 
to a reaction, when all would be lost. 

In order to make the initiatory movement appear to the outside 
world as springing from a popular demand for the correction of abuses, 
it was decided to hold in the Rifles Armory, on the 30th of June, a 
public meeting to which all were invited without regard to nationality, 
and in order to guard against any miscarriages in their designs the 
Rifles in uniform, with arms and ammunition, were on hand, ostensibly 
to preserve order. Some of the speakers addressed the assembly while 
in uniform, holding their weapons in one hand, while they frantically 
sawed the air with the other and ranted about reform. The subject 
introduced, and on which they intended to justify their course, was a 
wholesale amending of the faulty constitution of 1SGI. This, by the 
way, was the hollowest of all their hollow pretenses, as a constitution 
had already been prepared by them for a republican form of govern- 
ment, and which, of course, contemplated the deposition of the King 
and complete remodeling of the governmental machinery. 

The meeting was attended pretty generally by the European resi- 
dents, and a few Hawaiians, attracted by curiosity as their fathers had 
been on a somewhat similar occasion thirty-four years before. It v as 
quite evident from the very beginning that there was no intention on 
the part of the conspirators to permit of anything like a free discussion 
of the subjects of public interest, as a speaker was listened to and per- 
mitted to speak only so long as he echoed the sentiments of the leag 
Any suggestion of a constitutional convention or of a submission of a 
constitution to a vote of the people was immediately drowned in angry 
yells. (See " Sketch of Recent Events,'' p. 15.) The object which the 
meeting was advertised for, to-wit, discussion, was not allowed. A 
number of harangues, sounding strangely in these latter matter-of-fact 
years of the nineteenth century, were followed by the reading and 
adoption of an already prepared set of demands on the King, which were 
intended to be so exacting as to ensure their immediate rejection. The 
meeting adjourned, and the committee presented the demands to the 
King, who immediately yielded to them all without modification. The 
"committee of public safety" charged themselves with the care of the 
town, and the little pretorian guard of the Honolulu Rifles were assigned 
to various points. 

The ready acquiescence of the King to their demands seriously dis- 
concerted the conspirators, as they had hoped that his refusal would 
have given them an excuse for deposing him, and a show of resistance 
a justification for assassinating him. Then everything would have 
been plain sailing for their little oligarchy, with a sham republiean 
constitution. 

]Sow, the only thing to be done, so far as they could see, was to make 
without delay a constitution conforming to their demands and submit 
it for his (the King's) signature. This was no small job for the class of 
workmen at their command. There seemed to be no help for it, and 
the maggot bed took another spasm. The little hole in the corner, 
self-constituted constitution-framers tackled the business off hand and 
wrestled with their self-imposed task for a whole week. "Parturient 
montes," etc., was distances, and on the 6th of Jul}', 1887. they pre- 
sented a constitution which was signed by the King with as little delay 
as he had shown a week previous — a constitution which, until signed 
and promulgated, had not been seen even, to say nothing of bei;;g 
studied and discussed, by more than two score of people, and these 
being exclusively conspirators. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 295 



This hardly deserves the qualifying statement that the conspirators' 
constitution \vas shown to some of the judges of the Supreme Court 
before it was signed and promulgated, as it was shown to them in 
about the spirit that many people seek advice from their friends when 
they have no intention of following any advice at all at variance with 
their own views. 

A cabinet from the " committee of public safety V took the portfolios. 
Gibson and his son-in-law lieutenant were arrested and placed under a 
guard of the Kifles and league, which were now in undisputed i>ossession 
of the Government and all belonging to it. 

The anomalous condition of affairs now for the first time began to 
dawn on the more thoughtful participants in the conspiracy, a number 
of whom had gone into the scheme with an honest desire for reform 
and a general correction of abuses, and to whom the awkardness of their 
position now became apparent. 

The ease^ith which the overturn had been effected proved a source 
of embarrassment to the revolutionists, who found themselves in posses- 
sion of everything in sight without striking a blow or firing a shot, and 
the heterogeneous crowd now began to eye each other suspiciously with 
the view of determining who could be dropped out in the distribution 
of the spoils. 

The instincts of the Puritan marred the success of the scheme almost 
from its birth. The native Hawaiians had no part in the business, and 
within a week after the promulgation of the new constitution the saints 
were devising methods for ridding themselves of the inconvenient part- 
nership of those of their own race who were outside the pale, but whose 
presence and help had made the undertaking possible. 

During the whole period of incubation of the precious conspiracy they 
(the saints) held meetings to which only the elect were called. These 
select gatherings were continued after their accession to rjower, and at 
one of them, held on the 7th or 8th of July, 1887, Dole (the present chief 
of the Provisional Government) made the remark, while treating of the 
unfortunate necessity to which the Lord's anointed had been subjected 
of accepting the assistance of the unwashed, that in a short time, as 
soon as they had settled themselves fairly into the saddle, they would 
be able to get rid of the presence of the Canadian "as one would throw 
away a dirty dishrag," accompanying the remark with a fitting gesture 
and suggestive grimace. 

The only justification of the revolutionists for seizing the reins of 
power and overturning the Government was the crying necessity for 
the correction of abuses and the immediate prevention of continued 
malfeasance in the administration of the several departments. Con- 
sequently they lost no»time in employing an expensive staff of experts 
and proceeding to an exhaustive examination in every direction which 
would be likely to prove anything irregular against either or both the 
King and his prime minister, Gibson. In spite of their most strenuous 
efforts, extending over a period of more than two months, the scheme 
resulted in a miserable failure, as their ferrets could find nothing on 
wilieh to base a charge. 

But they were not to be foiled in their determination to get revenge 
on the man who had so long held them at bay. An adventurous strumpet 
was induced by them to bring a suit for $10,000 damages for a breach 
of promise of marriage against Gibsou, he being out of the country at 
the time. A jury was easily found to assist in the fraud, and the 
amount claimed was awarded in full. A greater outrage on an indi- 



296 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



vidual, or a more abominable travesty of justice, never before received 
the sanction of a Hawaiian court* 

Xhe new cabinet, backed by the pretorian guard of u Honolulu 
rifles," decided on making a show to the world and at the same time 
demonstrating to the native Hawaiians how insignificant a factor they 
had become in the land of their birth. A general election of members 
of the Legislature was ordered for the 15th September, 1887, within the 
lines of the new constitution, and under regulations which the revo- 
lutionists were confident would preclude the possibility of any failure 
in their schemes. The division of the whole country into "districts," 
"wards," and "precincts," and the organization of political clubs, with 
the peculiar technical slang of the ward bosses, were new and novel 
features in the Paradise of the Pacific; but the business was pushed 
forward with a zeal worthy of a better cause, and a whole crop of 
McLeans, McLeods, McStockers, O'Kaffertys, and the like, bloomed out 
like magic as managers and instructors in the science of how to beat 
an overwhelming majority of the honest citizens at the polls, 

Nor were any of the minor details overlooked. The swaggering 
gait, tilted hat, humped shoulder, and leering stare of the ward 
bosses made the stranger from New York and San Francisco feel quite 
at home, and gave unmistakable assurances of our being fully abreast 
of the age. The missionary of the present generation became an 
apt pupil of the scoundrel, who was an adept in all the black arts 
by which the will of the people is defeated at the ballot box. In due 
course the election was held, and the results showed how perfectly the 
organization of the revolutionists had been carried out. Only two 
independent native Hawaiians out of forty eight elected members 
were returned to the assembly, and these two were practically under 
the control of the machine. 'Ihe average standard of intelligence of 
the Legislature was much lower than that of any Hawaiian Legislature 
either before or since, and included such men as Notley, Wall, Makee, 
the two Dowsetts, father and son, the Wilcox brothers, George and 
Albert Deacon, and the like; men who were selected because they could 
be depended upon to vote straight without any danger of their giving 
trouble hy having views of their own. 

The mental and moral obliquities of the lawgivers were plainly out- 
lined in their physical deformities, as seven- eighths of the whole num- 
ber were either pigeontoed, knock-kneed, or bow-legged, and served as 
excellent illustrations of the well-known physiological principle or 
truth of the general harmony of mental and physical attributes. The 
history of the session and the character of the work done did not in 
any way disappoint those at all acquainted with the personnel of the 
honorable body. The speakers and leaders in the Assembly, without 
exception, were members of or under control of, the Missionary 
party, and the whole business of the session was carried through on 
the "cut- and- dried" principle. The main object in view was to em- 
phasize their contempt for the King, his native subjects, and all others 
who were not in sympathy with the revolutionists, and at the same 
time to strengthen, by suitable legislation, their hold of the situation. 
When they felt they had attained their object they adjourned, " sub- 
ject to the call of the President of the Legislature," avoiding proroga- 
tion, thereby still further showing their determination to arrogate to 
themselves all the functions of government. 

The community, the nation at large, soon realized that instead of 
being ruled over by one king, who, however injudicious he might be 
at times, never failed to realize that he was the first gentleman of the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 297 



realm, they were being ruthlessly dominated by four kings who were 
personifications of arrogance and boorish ignorance. Their manage- 
ment of the several departments, distribution of patronage, and haughty 
indifference to the wishes of those who had helped them to power 
caused an inevitable revulsion amongst their own adherents, to say 
nothing of the increased alienation of the native Hawaiians, who now 
began to understand and feel the indignities heaped upon them. 

It was plain to be seen that the coming election, not far distant, 
would show a decided change very likely disastrous to the saints. In 
the meantime a few ill-advised natives, with R. W. Wilcox at their 
head, and secretly supported and encouraged by some disaffected 
foreigners, made an abortive attempt to emulate the example of the 
Missionary party by presenting to the King a constitution which would 
restore the conditions previous to June 30, 1887. The leaders had 
reckoned without their host. They led a few hundreds of natives to the 
palace before daylight in the morning, expecting by 7 o'clock they 
would have several thousands to support them. In this they were dis- 
appointed, as the movement was not popular with the Hawaiians gen- 
erally. And by 8 o'clock those in the palace yard realized their situa- 
tion and would have gladly surrendered to anyone having authority 
to demand it. 

When the news of the affair spread over town our missionary friends 
were dismayed, and had no idea of what to do, as there seemed to be 
little inclination on the part of the public to help them out. However, 
their old tactics stood them in good service, and by 10 o'clock in the 
forenoon, by the time-honored trick of promises and coin, they got 
together a motley body of sharpshooters to attack the comparatively 
defenseless people in the palace grounds. The attacking party occu- 
pied the buildings surrounding the palace yard, and from safe point of 
vantage began a fusilade fatal to the Kanaka, the missionaries them- 
selves taking the greatest delight in "picking them off," as Dole and 
and others of his ilk who participated in the sport expressed it. 

If the Hawaiian needed any further proof of the true sentiments 
cherished for himself by the descendants of the old missionary teachers, 
the savage alacrity with which they seized the first opportunity to shoot 
him like a rat in a hole from safe cover would seem to have been suf- 
ficient to dispel any remaining doubt. 

The general election of 1890 came off in due time, and, as was antici- 
pated, a cold wave swept over the hopes and plans of the revolutionists 
and left them without a majority in the house. They plainly saw that 
all their expenditure of time and pains and (what to them was the most 
heartsickening of all) money was a total, dismal failure, as, with all 
their talk about free and representative government, they had no 
grounds for complaint if they could not control the necessary votes. 
Consequently they immediately began to scheme on a different line, 
having in view the extinction of the nation, as such, and accordingly 
laid their plans for annexation to the United States. Just exactly 
what advantages the saints expected to secure to themselves by such 
a move is not quite clear when it is remembered that the very essence 
of the Government of the great republic is that the voice of the major- 
ity shalJ rule- 
It can only be presumed that they had their own selfish ends alone 
in view, as in this respect they had always been thoroughly consistent, 
and their past history precludes the possibility of supposing that any 
consideration for the welfare of the nation had cut any figure in their 
scheme. It has been suggested that the 2 cents per pound bounty made 



298 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

their mouths water. To imagine this to have been the prompting 
motive would be to place them on about the same plane of intelligence 
with the African ostrich with his beak in the sand, or the Irishman who 
sawed off the limb on which he was standing, between himself and the 
trunk of the tree. Whatever the true causes may have been which led 
to this course, the fact remains that they bent their energies with untir- 
ing zeal to the accomplishment of the object, and Col. Spalding, Judge 
Hartwell, and Thurston, each in turn, made special visits to Washing- 
ton on this errand, with what success the public, of course, never 
learned : but from later developments there would seem to be reason 
for believing that the revolutionists' emissaries found some comforting 
warmth in the bosom of that statesmanship which conceived, and 
endeavored to put in force, the peculiar views with regard to the Mon- 
roe doctrine a dozen or so years since and the Pan-American scheme of 
a later date. 

As soon as they found that the Queen was not disposed to yield a 
blind obedience to their bidding the saints transferred to her all the bit- 
ter malevolence which they had heaped upon her brother (notwithstand- 
ing the fact that she had very lately been so much of a favorite with 
them that they had seriously contemplated setting her up in his place), 
and the measure of their vindictiveness knew no bounds. They had 
cheerfulty accepted her always liberal contributions to their church, 
educational, and charitable objects, and no sacred or social function 
was complete without her presence, and for years past they had sought 
her membership of all their benevolent and church societies. 

The greatest show of deference and obsequious homage was always 
made by them all when before her, and no opportunity was lost by 
any of them to secure invitations to the palace, and they took especial 
pains to have strangers understand that they were on the best of 
terms with the head of the nation. But when their emotional tide 
turned there was nothing too gross for their devilish ingenuity to lay 
to her charge. Moral depravity and superstition too coarse for descrip- 
tion by any except their own filthy scavengers were imputed to her 
and paraded in their publications in the most offensive and loathsome 
manner. As an example of what the motherly members of the Central 
Union Church have been in the habit of retailing to strangers with 
regard to her, the following choice bit may serve as a type: 

For several years passed the Queen has supported at her own expense 
upwards of 20 destitute native Hawaiians girls at Kawaiaho and 
other mission schools, and when they graduated, in many cases, she 
settled them in life, assisting them in securing homes with suitable 
husbands. When the saints frowned on her they could see nothing 
but the most contemptible motives back of her philanthropy, and 
they did not hesitate to say that the girls were merely supported 
by the Queen for the sole purpose of being distributed amongst her 
favorites when their charms were sufficiently developed. 

Illustrations like the foregoing might be multiplied indefinitely. 
The feature most difficult to account for in the attitude of the saints is, 
that while the Queen might naturally come in for a large share of their 
ill-will as having been a marplot to their schemes, why should they 
show hatred for the native Hawaiian race. Their local publications, 
the Friend, Gazette, Daily Advertiser, etc., seldom appeared without 
containing some heartless libel or ungenerous slur against the Hawa- 
iians either as individuals or as a race or nation. Descendants of the 
old stock, such as S. E. Bishop, S. C. Armstrong, H. M. Whitney, W. 
E. Castle, and a number of others, who screened themselves from identi- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 299 



■fication by writing anonymously-prepared elaborate libels on the Hawa- 
iian people for publication in American periodicals. They worked 
with the genius of inspiration and the industry of honest men to in 
every way defame the people for whom one would think they could 
entertain only the most friendly and generous sentiments to the latest 
generation. 

A notable example of their efforts in this line is the screed prepared 
by Bishop entitled (See page 3 of pamphlet herewith) "Why are the 
Hawaiians dying out?" The author endeavored to shield himself from 
criticism behind the specious pretext of " scientific investigation," and 
first made public his diatribe by reading it before one of the numerous 
admiration societies controlled by the saints in Honolulu, known as 
the " Social Science Association." The document is a model of ingen- 
ious combination of truth and falsehood, which are sufficiently well 
interwoven to give a certain air of severe scientific fairness to the 
heartless production. Affecting a display of analytical acumen, the 
author proceeds to divide up and classify the reasons for his belief 
that the final extinction of the Hawaiians (so devoutty hoped tor by 
him and his friends) is near at hand. First amongst the causes selected 
is a unchastity" — under which heading he tells us that "the Hawaiian 
female was aggressive in solicitation," and that this astounding and 
unseemly peculiarity " was a matter of good form." 

The writer hereof can only say, in repty, that a continuous residence 
of over forty years in this Kingdom and an intimate association with 
the natives of every grade from the peasant to the head of the nation 
has discovered to him no such custom or weakness, and it would seem 
not unreasonable that the author of the libel should be called upon to 
raise his hand and make affidavit whether at any time during his long 
experience — from tender infancy (for unfortunately he was born here) 
to the hoary old age now vouchsafed to him — he ever met an Hawaiian 
damsel who had so far forgotten the instincts of womanhood as to vol- 
untarily seek his loathsome embraces. It is altogether unlikely that 
the aged traducer would. face the proposition. The charge coming 
from this source seems all the more gratuitous when it is remembered 
that a large number of half-castes of both sexes, ranging from infancy to 
middle age, throughout the Kingdom are living proofs of the moral 
weaknesses of some of the annointed and their white descendants. 

If tin saints prove anything they would seem to prove too much by 
their continued efforts to belittle the Queen and her race. If she and 
her people are as bad now as they represent them to be what is to be 
said of all the prayerful work of the good missionary fathers and 
mothers during the last seventy years? If their picture is a true one 
then the million and a half of money, made up from 5 and 10 cent 
American sabbath-school subscription, together with a few death-bed 
legacies of Puritan fanatics, which has been expended for the evangeli- 
zation of the Hawaiians would seem to have been worse than wasted. 

The impartial observer is not, however, led to this conclusion. He 
finds that the Hawaiian has made very commendable progress on the 
road to civilization during the two and a half generations last past : 
that for a half century he has had a representative government, which, 
so far as he himself (the Hawaiian) is concerned, would compare favor- 
ably with that of any nation on the face of the globe; that the little 
Kingdom occupies an honored position in the family of nations, having 
treaty relations with all the commercial nations of the earth and being 
a member of the Universal Postal Union, with a representative in the 
congress at Geneva; that the standard of intelligence amongst the 



300 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

native Hawaiian s is higher than that in any other nation in the world, 
illiteracy being practically unknown; and that, above all, he finds the 
native Hawaiian a peaceable, law-abiding citizen, not nearly so prone 
to violence and riot as his white brother. He finds further that, not- 
withstanding their unfortunate experience with some of the foreign 
residents in their midst, the people are endowed with a genial friend- 
liness and hospitality, frankness and courtliness of manner, which, in 
many respects, makes them the peers of any race living, and strikes 
the stranger with wonder who has become familiar with the libelous 
charges so industriously circulated against the Hawaiian s. 

Returning to the political attitude of the saints, we find that the 
arrival of United States Minister Stevens gave a new impulse to their 
machinations. On his first presentation to the King, he presumed to 
give His Majesty a lecture in such an offensive manner as to tempt the 
King to abruptly terminate the interview and to request his recall. 
Actual rupture on the occasion was, however, narrowly avoided and 
from this time on the American legation was the rallying point for the 
missionary annexation party. During the session of the Hawaiian 
Legislature of 1892, Hartwell, Smith, Castle, Waterhouse, Thurston, 
Dole, Judd (the chief justice), and other leaders of the party were in 
the habit of meeting there from time to time to plan the overthrow of 
the monarchy without endangering their own precious carcasses. They 
had secured, at no little expense, the services of a cat in 1887 to get the 
chestnut for them, which through ignorance and carelessness they sub- 
quently lost. It had been an expensive and sorrowful lesson to them. 

Now if they could only induce Stevens to take the part of the cat in 
the new venture it would be a great improvement on their first effort. 
In the first place it would be much less expensive (which to the saints 
was of prime importance), and in the next place, they imagined that 
the backing of the United States troops would give greater assurance 
of success than the undisciplined and ungovernable rabble of volun- 
teers, of whom they had had a disagreeable experience in the times 
subsequent to their first revolution. Stevens was only too glad of the 
opportunity to act as the cat, and with a powerful war vessel in com- 
mand of a willing tool, the setting of the game was easily completed. 

The attitude of the American minister and his satellite, the Com- 
mander of theU. S. S. Boston, also the clandestine meetings at the Amer- 
ican legation above referred to, were matters of public notoriety and 
as early as August or September of last year it was at first mysteri- 
ously hinted and later more openly asserted that the American minis- 
ter would recognize without delay any movement for the overthrow of 
the monarchy and would give it the physical support of the men. from 
the Boston, and it was further generally understood and spoken of, 
that the revolutionary annexationists, with Stevens and Wiltse (the 
commander of the Boston) at their backs, or more properly in the 
lead, were only waiting for a favorable opportunity to strike. The 
opportunity, or excuse, came on the 14th of January, A. D. 1893, cul- 
minating in the events of the 16th and 17th days of the same month. 
The revolutionists proclaimed a Provisional Government from the steps 
of the Government building at 2:40 o'clock in the afternoon of the last 
named day, which was immediately recognized by Stevens with the 
assurance that the new Government would receive the support of the 
Boston's men who had been quartered the day before alongside of and 
in practical possession of the Government building. 

The revolutionary annexationists, in justification of their action, have 
raised the old cry of 1387, of the necessity of stable government, proper 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 301 



representation, honest administration, prevention of riot and blood- 
shed, maintenance of law and order, etc., when as a matter of fact there 
is not now, and never has been, the least danger of disorder or opposi- 
tion to law except at the hands of revolutionists themselves. The rant 
in the speeches at their meeting in the Bifles' armory on the lGth of 
January, and in their "proclamation," and the mock heroic utterances 
of Wilder (see Two Weeks of Hawaiian History, pages 15 and 16) when 
he assumed the chairmanship of the meeting are amongst the poorest 
examples imaginable of a stale herring drawn across a trail. There has 
been no fraud discovered nor malfeasance unearthed, nor great wrong- 
righted; on the contrary thefts and spoliations have been committed 
under the very noses of the Provisional Government with apparent 
impunity, the probability being that exposure would be disagreeable, 
as it would be likely to implicate more or less distinguished members 
of their own precious crew. 

The bald fact stands out in plain view to-day, exactly as it did in 1887, 
that the sole prompting motive of the missionary revolutionists was in 
both cases a lust of power coupled with a desire to possess themselves 
of the property of another without giving compensation therefor, sen- 
timents which they enjoy in common with the vulgar highwayman and 
his more gentlemanly prototype, the filibuster. As they could not 
have held together for an hour without the assistance of the United 
States officials and forces, the singular spectacle is presented of a 
United States naval commander in Honolulu protecting a band of fili- 
busters with the forces under his command while they overturn and 
destroy a Government between which and his own country special 
treaty relations of amity and commerce were in full force and unim- 
paired, and at the same date, due east about 5,000 miles as the crow 
flies, another naval commander, under the same flag, blockades a fili- 
bustering force in Key West to prevent it from making a descent on a 
friendly power. The question naturally arises: Why this difference? 
What had little Hawaii done that she should merit such treatment? 

About 5 o'clock in the afternoon of Monday, the 16th day of January, 
A. D. 1893, a large detachment of marines and sailors from the United 
States ship Boston, lying in the harbor of Honolulu, landed without 
perm ission or request from the Eaivaiian Govern ment, and took position 
in King street between the Government building and the palace. The 
United States troops were fully armed and carried double cartridge 
belts filled with ammunition, also haversacks and canteens, and were 
accompanied by a Gatling gun battery, also a field hospital corps. 
Between 7 and 8 o'clock the same evening the force was quartered in 
the building immediately in rear of the Music Hall, being within half 
pistol shot, and in practical possession of the Government building. 

At the date above mentioned, and for many years immediately pre- 
ceding the landing of this force, the Hawaiian Kingdom was at peace 
with all nations. With all the great powers, and with many of the 
smaller Governments, Hawaii sustained treaty relations which were in 
fall force and effect. This was more especially true in the case of the 
United States, with whom the most friendly relations of amity and com- 
merce had existed from the date of the first treaty, dated December 23; 
1826, to the above-mentioned date, and for whom little Hawaii (rulers 
and people alike) had always cherished the most friendly feelings. 
Diplomatic and consular representatives of various countries were 
accredited to the Hawaiian court and raised the flags of their respec- 
tive governments in Honolulu. The Hawaiian Government was repre- 
sented at various capitals and seaports throughout the world by iliplo. 



302 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



niatie and consular agents duly recognized and accepted by the several 
governments to whom they were accredited by the Hawaiian foreign 
office. 

The Hawaiian Kingdom held an honorable position in the family of 
nations, as an independent government. The courts of justice through- 
out the Kingdom were disposing of the business brought before them 
without menace, let. or hindrance. Business of all kinds was being 
carried on as usual without interruption. The banks, newspaper offices, 
and commercial bruises were attending to business in their several lines 
without unusual incident. Perfect quiet tend good order existed through- 
out the city, there being not even a suggestion of disorder or danger to 
the life or property of either citizen or alien. A band concert was given 
at the Hawaiian Hotel at 8 o'clock in the evening, which was largely 
attended by men. women, and children of all classes, as it was tine 
weather and near full moon. 

At 2:40 o'clock p. m. on rhe following day. January 17. 1893 — nearly 
twenty-four hours after the American troops landed — thirteen white 
men, several of them lately arrived in the country and not entitled to 
rote, appeared in front of the Government building, and the leader 
proceeded to read a proclamation deposing the Queen and establishing 
a provisional government. The only audience to this function was com- 
posed of a few loungers in the corridors of the building.- Xear the 
close of the reading some twenty- seven armed men ran in from the 
back and side entrances of the premises and gathered around the thir- 
teen men above mentioned, apparently as supporters of the movement. 
This supporting force was composed of vagrants and ex-convicts who 
were at thatmoment under police surveillance, deserters from merchant 
ships in port, and the like, only two or three being known as residents 
of the town. Before the arrival of the thirteen men in front of the 
Government building the American troops quartered near by as already 
described) were under arms: the crews of the Gatlings were handy by 
their respective places; everything seeming to indicate complete readi- 
ness for any emergency. 

At the time when the proclamation was being read the Hawaiian 
Government had 87 regular troops at the barracks, well drilled, officered, 
and equipped, having a battery of breech-loading held guns and a 
large supply of extra arms and ammunition for all arms. There was 
also a very efficient police force, drilled as a military company, and a 
large supply of arms, equipments, and ammunition, including a Gat- 
ling gun. with boiler-plate shield, at the station house in Honolulu. 

The commander at the barracks and the marshal were ready and 
anxious to proceed immediately to take the Government building and 
arrest the parties in possession. But the presence of the American 
troops, and certain rumors with regard to the attitude of the American 
minister, caused the Hawaiian cabinet to confer with that official before 
taking action. They learned from him in writing that he recognized 
the Provisional Government and would support it with the United 
States troops. 

As any action on the part of the Hawaiian troops or police meant a 
collision with the Un ited States troops, the cabinet decided to surrender 
to the United States and await a settlement of the case on a presenta- 
tion of the facts to the authorities in Washington. The surrender was 
made about sundown, at which time there had assembled at the bar- 
racks over a hundred and fifty members of the old volunteer companies 
disbanded in 1887 by the Reform cabinet, and between one hundred and 
fifty and two hundred citizens, accustomed to the use of arms, many of 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 303 



them old soldiers, assembled at the station house, volunteering their 
services to the marshal. There was an ample supply of arms and 
ammunition at both the barracks and station house to supply all comers. 
At the time of the surrender there were, all told, over five hundred men 
ready and anxious to assist the Hawaiian Government in enforcing 
law and order. 

The foregoing statement of facts can be easily supported by affidavits, 
if necessary, and would seem to show plainly that the movement can 
in no sense be justly termed a revolution, but was simply the action of a 
handful of filibusters made possible only by the active cooperation of the 
American minister and the American troops, and that the Hawaiian 
Government was at the time fully prepared and capable of regulating 
its domestic affairs, maintaining order, and giving ample protection to 
life and property within its borders. Consequently, as the defiance of 
Hawaiian laws, the deposition of the sovereign, and the spoliation of 
the treasury were effected — in fact were only possible — through the active 
agency of the American officials and troops, it seems but just that a, full 
and complete restoration of affairs to the statu quo of January 16, 1893, 
previous to the landing of the United States troops, should be made 
with as little delay as possible, as each day's delay is adding to the 
legal and financial complications which will have to be met and com- 
posed by the Hawaiian people and their rulers. 

Ohas. T. Gulick. 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of Oahu, ss: 

Charles T. Gulick, being duly sworn, on his oath deposes and says, 
that during the ten years from A. D. 1869 to A. D. 1879 he was chief 
clerk of the interior department of the Hawaiian Government ; that dur- 
ing the period from August 6, 1883, to June 30, 1886, he was minister of 
the interior of said Hawaiian Government; that during the above-named 
periods the rolls (or polling lists) of qualified voters for members of the 
Legislature were returned to said Interior Department; that from the 
opportunities thus offered for gaining information on the subject, affiant 
is confident that less than 20 per cent of American and European for- 
eigners (i. e., foreigners other than Asiatics) domiciled in the Kingdom 
prior to the revolution of 1887 became naturalized under the Hawaiian 
laws. 

Chas. T. Gulick. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 7th day of July, A. D. 1893. 
[seal.] J. H. Thompson, 

Notary Public, Island of Oahu. 



WHY ABE THE HA W All AN 8 DYING OUT OB ELEMENTS OF DISABILITY 
FOB SUBVIVAL AMONG THE HAWAIIAN PEOPLE f 

By Eev. S. E. Bishop. 

[Read to Honolulu Social Science Association, November, 1888.] 

Mr.* Darwin supplied an expression which has been much in vogue, "The survival 
of the fittest." This is scarcely applicable in the present case, since in Hawaii 
there is no competitive "struggle for existence " between weaker and stronger races 
of men. The Hawaiian Islands have been far more than sufficiently productive for 
the ainple supply of the needs of all the people living here since the beginning of 
this century. So far all the different races have lived in plenty, and in amity with 



304 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



each other. A crowded condition might he conceived as possihle in the future 
when the thrifty and capahle classes would push the inefficient and improvident 
classes into penury. In such case, one would think the Chinese to be the beat fitted 
for the "struggle for existence," and the Polynesian the least htted. The former 
inherits an education of hundreds of generations in living on the minimum of nec- 
essaries, also an unequaled patience of industry and tactful thriitiness for procuring 
those necessaries. The latter, thriftless and indolent in comparison, would be 
crowded out of the land. 

No such conditions exist. There is no struggle to find subsistence. One race is as 
fit to survive as another, so far as obtaining a Jiving is concerned, in a country where 
the wages of one day's unskilled labor will purchase all indispensable food and 
raiment for a whole week. Neither is the climate of Hawaii less favorable to the 
health of one race than to that of another. It is comparatively a perfect climate, 
absolutely devoid of extremes of temperature, free from humidity, swept by the 
ever purging ocean airs, and seemingly incapable of long harboring malarial or 
zymotic diseases. Possibly an Esquimaux might not thrive here. For all other 
races it is an Eden in salubrity. 

Yet it is the strange fact — in view of the amiable and attractive qualities of Polyne- 
sians, the distressingly sad fact that, simultaneously with the arrival of white men 
in these islands, the Hawaiian people began rapidly to melt away, and that this 
waste has contiuued up to the present with substantial steadiness. At the date of 
the discovery, Captain Cook estimated the population at 400,0u0. Later historians 
have leaned to the more moderate estimate of 250,000. My father who was one of 
the first party of white men to travel around Hawaii in 1824, then observed such 
evidences of recent extensive depopulation in all parts of that island that he very 
decidedly supported the estimate of Cook. There are now less than 40,000 pure 
Hawaiians surviving. The later counts have been taken with reasonable accuracy. 

One is led to suspect that the earlier ones omitted considerable numbers, when 
one observes the comparative sparseness of native population in every district, as 
compared with the relatively dense population fifty years ago, when only 125.000 
were counted, or little more than three times the present number. "With the excep- 
tion of the towns of Honolulu, Hilo, and Wailuku, every large and populous town 
in the islands has dwindled to a hamlet since my boyhood, and the then frequent 
and considerable hamlets scattered everywhere, have almost all disappeared. The 
recollections of fifty years since are of throngs and swarms of natives everywhere. 
Yet even then all the talk was of how the islands had become depopulated; even 
then, in traveling, the deserted sites of villages and hamlets with abandoned plan- 
tations were constantly pointed out. Have we now one in six of the ancient num- 
bers of na'tives, or have we only one in ten. It is immaterial; the fact remains of 
an enormous depopulation. 

And yet, in the total absence of any struggle for existence, all the more or less 
civilized races migrating here appear to thrive and multiply abundantly, and the 
children surj^ass their children in health and stature. At first sight these foreigners 
do not average as equal to the Hawaiian. The Chinaman is vastly his inferior in 
strength, in "stature, in symmetry, and in apparent soundness. But the Chinaman 
lives and propagates, while the Hawaiian dies easily, and leaves few or no offsprings. 
The Caucasian also comes with his family and multiplies amain. 

The query then is, under what peculiar disabilities does the Hawaiian labor, as 
to vitality and power of propagation, from which the foreign races living here are 
exempt f This inquiry is farther complicated by the fact that these disabilities, 
whatever they are, seem to have hist sprung into efficiency upon contact with the 
white race. The coming of that race appears to have introduced new deleterious 
influence, and created new conditions, under which the Polynesian, somewhere 
weak, succumbs. We are to seek to clearly define what these ' unfavorable condi- 
tions are, and wherein the weakness of the native race to withstand these adverse 
influences, consists. 

1 here limit our inquiry to the Hawaiians, because with this people only do we 
possess any intimate acquaintance. A similar state of things prevails more or less 
throughout Polynesia, and ultimate extinction appears to threaten the native popu- 
lation of most of the groups of Polynesia. We are to endeavor to define the precise 
causes of depopulation. We should strive to indicate exactly what adverse influ- 
ences have been steadily at work for five generations to kill off the Hawaiian people. 
There has been a great deal of vague generalization — of indefinite talk about a 
weak race succumbing to the stronger. We want to qu^t vagueness and generali- 
ties, and find the answer to the question, "In what respects, particularly and pre- 
cisely, are the Hawaiian people weaker than their white, or their Mongoloid guests ?" 
This will prepare us for the further inquiry, by what means can this weak race be 
so invigorated that it will again multiply? Our first effort — perchance unskilled 
and misdirected, is to diagnose the deadly malady which ia slaying the people. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 305 



As the leading and most efficient element of neatness in the Hawaiian race, tend- 
ing to physical decay, we predicate : 

(1) Unchastiti/.* — This has always been general among females as well as males. 
The Hawaiian female was, like males of other races, aggressive in solicitation. It 
was matter of good form that all proposals should be expressed by the female. It is 
still so, except to the extent that foreign ideas have permeated society. The records 
of Cook's discovery of the group indicate that state of things as originally existing. 
The account written by Dr. Ellis. Cook's chief surgeon, states how at Kauai, where 
they first touched, Captain Cook was determined, on account of serious disease 
among his men, to permit no intercourse with the women, so as not to introduce 
disease among the Hawaiians. It was, however, impracticable to prevent the women 
from swarming over the ships. The native account received from participants by 
the early missionaries, states that it was arranged in public council that the women 
should take this course, as the easiest way of obtaining iron and other prized articles 
from the ships. 

Proceeding from Xiihau to Alaska, and returning nine months later, Cook's ships 
made the coast of Hamakua, Hawaii. He again sought to keep the women from his 
crew, but discovered that they were already infected with the malady. So promis- 
cuous were the habits of the people, that from the first center of infection at 
"\Yaimea, the malady had in nine months, spread like a fire to the other extremity 
of the group. This, again, is corroborated by the information obtained by the early 
missionaries as to the spread of the disease. Dr. Ellis describes, m words undesir- 
able to here reproduce, the grossly aggressive and impetuous action of the females. 

It was the universal practice of ordinary hospitality to visitors to supply them 
during their sojourn with the women of the family. Such a matter-of-course tender 
was a frequent cause of annoyance to the early missionaries in their tours in remoter 
districts, enjoying the cordial hospitality of the most well-to-do poople, in their 
neat thatched cottages. I am not prepared to say how far this heathen custom has 
now lapsed into disuse. It is certainly one of the old customs sought to be main- 
tained and revived together with the hulas and idolatrous practices. One of the 
painful experiences of missionaries in the out districts, was to hear of this practice 
being carried out in the chief households of his paiish when some great man came 
along with his suite. I speak from repeated personal experience as a missionary 
pastor. 

It may be said in general that chastity had absolutely no recognition. It was 
simply a thing unknown and unthought of as a virtue in the old domestic life of 
Hawaii. A woman who withheld herself was counted sour and ungracious. This 
did not exclude more or less of marital proprietorship, involving an invasion of the 
husband's right in enjoying his property without his consent. There was no impu- 
rity in it any more than among brute animals. 

There was, however, a salutary limitation of some importance in a frequent strin- 
gent guarding of early virginity. Young maidens were quite commonly put uudcr 
tabu for first use by the chief, after possession by whom all restriction ceased. No 
sense of a sacredness in chastity seems to have been involved in this, nor any sense 
of profanation in the contrary. It was only the thought of a special choiceness in 
an article that was fresh and unused. In the tremendous disturbances of life ensu- 
ing upon the advent of the white man, even this solitary restriction perished. 

Xo severe moral reprobation is due to the primitive Hawaiian for what seems to 
have been an ignorant innocence of easy, promiscuous living, like the free life of 
animals, without sense of evil. None the less must we deem this social condition 
more than any other to have incapacitated the Hawaiians from holding their own 
after the advent of the white man. During the simplicity of aboriginal life, and in 
the total absence of sexual diseases, the evils resulting from promiscuous intercourse 
would be minimized. Procreative force remained largely in excess of mortality, so 
that the teeming population was kept down by infanticide. But to them a lady which 
the white man imported, the unguarded social condition was as tow to the flame. 
The scorching and withering disease ran like wildfire through the nation. Multi- 
tudes died at once, while the survivors remained with poisoned bodies and enfeebled 
constitutions. 

A general impairment of constitutional vigor in the people by venereal disease 
caused them to fall early victims to other maladies, both native and foreign. All 
diseases ran riot in their shattered constitutions. They became especially incapac- 
itated to resist pulmonary maladies. The greatly increased prevalence of colds and 
consumption is doubtless due to this syphilitic diathesis rather than to change of 
habits as to clothing, although the latter may have had some unfavorable effect. 
Probably the pestilence called Okuu, whatever its nature, which carried off such a 
bulk of the population in 1804, owed most of its virulence to the impaired physique 
of the people. 



* See " Foot-note to Hawaiian history/"'* page 35. 
10518 20 



306 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Another destructive effect of the syphilitic taint is believed to have been an 
inflaming of sexnal passion. It may have acted as ferment thrown into the 
former more quiet pool of promiscuous social living. There Van be no doubt that 
the advent of foreigners in large numbers was attended by an immense increase of 
debased and bestial living. Ten thousand reckless seamen of the whaling fleet 
annually frequented these islands and used it as their great brothel. This enor- 
mously aggravated and inflamed the normal unchastity of the people. In the pres- 
ence of the white hordes life became hideously brutalized. To multitudes of young 
women, gathered into the seaports for profit, from half the households in the coun- 
try, life became a continuous orgie of beastly excess. All the former slender limi- 
tations and restrictions upon an indiscriminate commerce fell to pieces. The stormy 
and reckless passion of the white man, exulting in his unwonted license, imparted 
itself to the warm but sluggish Hawaiian nature. Life became a wasteful riot of 
impurity, propagated from the seaports to the end of the laud. There was thus no 
defense against the new and trying conditions of life through any existing senti- 
ment of the sacredness of chastity. The inevitable consequence was depo] dilation. 
The population of brothels and slums has no internal power of multiplying. 

In the report on the subject of purity, adopted by the 144 bishops convened in 
the late Pan- Anglican Conference at Lambeth Palace, are the following words: 
"We solemnly record our conviction that wherever marriage is dishonered, and sins 
of the flesh are lightly regarded, the home life will be destroyed, and the nation 
itself will sooner or later decay and perish." The source of this language will 
lend it great weight. The Hawaiian nation is a sad witness to their truth. 

One of the most destructive consequences of the new physical taint was the enfee- 
blement of infancy, rendering it difficult for the diseased babes to survive the igno- 
rant and careless dealing of their nurses. The largest increase in the mortality of 
the Hawaiians was undoubtedly among their infants. The external influences 
adverse to infant survival among Hawaiians are very great. Chief among these are 
the practice of feeding with unsuitable nutriment in early infancy, the prevalence 
of unchecked cutaneous maladies, general lack of watchful care, and evil doses 
administered by ignorant or superstitious friends. Healthy and vigorous infants, 
as of the old times, would in good numbers survive all these hostile conditions. 
Those born into the taint of syphilis, with its inward and outward corrosions, had 
little prospect of surviving other maltreatments, unless some missionary or other 
beneficent foreigner came to their aid with his simple regimen and alleviations. 

Under this general head of unchastity, as the chief cause of the depletion of the 
race, a considerable share must be attributed to the extensive loss of procreative 
power in the males. This loss was probably due in part to syphilitic taint, but is 
mainly owing to early sexual excess during puberty. In the aboriginal condition 
there would seem to have been less tendency to very early indulgence among 
the males. The nervous irritations of the syphilitic taint and the exciting excesses 
pervading native society may have been causes extending debauching influences 
even to the children. It is certain that in many districts deplorable excesses have 
been found to exist among the school children. It seems to be true that a majority 
of young Hawaiian men never have children. Those placed early under the disci- 
pline of foreigners, in boarding schools or otherwise, showexceptions to the common 
rule. The incapacity seems to be mainly on the part of the males. Young women 
united to Chinamen or white men are us vail y quite as fruitful as women of other 
races. Per contra, it is to be noted that such men are apt to select the best-condi- 
tioned females, also that they are accustomed to restrain and to protect their wives, 
as Hawaiians do not, and so keep them in healthier condition. 

The common record of Hawaiian families is few or no children born, or perhaps 
several born, most or all of whom die in infancy. It is exceedingly rare to find a 
large family surviving to adult age. Nearly all such that I have known were families 
under the immediate and very parental control of some missionary, with whom the 
parents had lived from early youth, learning habits of industry, self-control, and 
civilized domestic living. They were themselves kept in vigor and health, their 
children were well cared for, and well doctored in sickness. Natives so situated very 
frequently not only raised large families, but by means of their superior industry, 
skill, and thrift acquired considerable substance. Being thereby placed in a high 
social rank among their countrymen, it has too commonly resulted that most of their 
children became dissolute, like the children of the wealthy elsewhere, and the fam- 
ily failed to be continued. 

Among other disastrous effects of the universal syphilitic taint was the frequency 
of miscarriages. It has been the testimony of missionaries and physicians that a 
very considerable proportion of native births have been prevented by that cause. 
In my inquiries in native households this has been assigned as frequently as any 
other as the cause of the absence of children. To make such inquires is indeed 
melancholy. One becomes glad to hear that even one or two children are surviving 
in a household. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 307 



Abortion is often attributed to active horseback exercise during pregnancy. As 
native females used to be continually galloping about, no doubt this lias contributed 
to the evil since 1850, when the common people began generally to possess horses. 
With the developement of good roads, wheels are now coming into very common use 
by all classes. 

(2) Drunkenness. — This should be assigned to no inconsiderable place among dis- 
abling conditions. Before the haole arrived the favorite narcotic was awa {piper 
methysticum), more commonly known throughout Oceanica as Tcava. A beer of some 
strength was made by fermenting sweet potato. The sirupy Ki-root (Dracama Ti) 
was also macerated and fermented, becoming still more alcoholic • than the potato. 
This was less acceptable, tending to produce irascibility, while the sour-potato 
swill only inflamed sexuality. No great orgies of drunkenness resulted from the use 
of any of the foregoing. The vice existed only in mild forms. Awa in excess 
tended to waste and paralyze the system. 

With the foreigner came the products of the still. Only then did drunkenness 
begin to reign. Drunken orgies were an essential part of the beach-comber's para- 
dise on Hawaiian shores. He found the Hawaiian an apt disciple, save that, like all 
sayages, he did not know how to stop. The story of the early missionaries is one of 
constant impediment in their labors from the inebrity of the King and chiefs and 
of frequent annoyance and disturbance from the riotous orgies of the common people. 
While Kamehameha lived he put considerable check upon both his people and him- 
self as to temperance. His youthful successor, Liholiho, plunged, with his people, 
into a carnival of excess. 

The contribution of drunkenness to depopulation was mainly indirect, although 
powerful. It tended to overturn and destroy whatever remains of wholesome social 
order and domestic life survived the general wreck consequent upon foreign inter- 
course. It stimulated the passions; it solved the remaining bonds of self-restraint; 
it flung prudence to the winds; thus it enhanced the effectiveness of the causes pre- 
viously described. Intemperance is always a chief ally of impurity. The gin-mill 
and the brothel are close partners. 

(3) Oppression of the chiefs. — There was a considerable mortality during the first 
quarter of this century, when the sandal-wood trade was active, caused by the 
heavy exactions of the King and chiefs upon the common people to procure this 
precious commodity wherewith to liquidate their immense debts to the traders, 
incurred for yachts and costly luxuries. Great numbers of men were driven into 
the mountains upon this errand, passing many nights in cold and rain with slight 
protection and little food. The result was great waste of life and the almost entire 
extirpation of the precious tree. Other severe exactions of labor were common. 
Great levies of labor and supplies were frequently made at a chief's caprice from the 
tenants of remote estates, to be brought to the island capital. This was an evil 
much increased by the temptations of foreign trade. No doubt it materially con- 
tributed to the decimation of the people. Opi>ression by chiefs has ceased to be 
an operative cause for nearly half a century, or siuce constitutional government 
began to exist. 

(4) Infectious and epidemic diseases. — These have largely added to the destruction 
of the population. There seems to be good reason for accepting the theory that new 
diseases attack with more severity and" greater fatality races who are unaccustomed 
to them or to their like. No doubt any race becomes in time somewhat hardened to 
the diseases which infest it, the weaker and more susceptible individuals being- 
weeded out, and the hardier ones transmitting their resisting power to descendants. 

Measles first appeared here in 1849. Great numbers died in all parts of the group. 
The excess of mortality was attributed to the patients' bathing in order to alleviate 
the external heat and irritation of the malady. 

Smallpox first arrived in 1853. Before vaccination could be efficiently adminis- 
tered to the natives the infection had spread over the island of Oahu. and one- 
half, or 15,000, of the people on that island, perished in a few weeks. After their 
manner they rushed to visit their friends when attacked by the disease. Isolation 
and precaution against infection is foreign to their natures. By the energy of the 
then ''missionary " Government quarantine measures were vigorously enforced 
on the other islands, and the people thoroughly vaccinated, so that only a few hun- 
dred deaths occurred. Foreigners were all promptly vaccinated, and nearly all 
escaped. 

Malarial and other epidemics have been repeatedly introduced,, and from time to 
time have produced extensive mortality among the natives. The admirable climate, 
with its sea air and the ozone of the mountain land breezes, seemed in each case 
rapidly to mitigate the virulence with which earlier cases of the new malady would 
be characterized, later cases assuming milder forms, until the disease seemed to 
slowly die out. This was very marked in the instance of what was known as the 
"boo-hoo" fever, which attacked all newly arrived foreigners. It was quite severe 
at its first appearance in 1851, but by 1857 had become a very trilling malady. 



308 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Leprosy has been something of a scourge. Probably 4,000 lepers have died in these 
Islands during the past thirty years. The number at present suffering from the 
disease can not be more than 1,500, or 4 j>er cent of the native population. For 
more than a year, or since the end of 1887, there has been a radical improvement in 
the work of segregating the lepers. There seems reason to believe that soon nearly 
every leper will have been removed to the excellent asylum at Molokai. The lepers 
are nearly all natives. The disease very rarely appears among the white or the Mon- 
golian races living here, owing to their carefully avoiding intercourse with lepers. 
Hawaiians, on the contrary, mingle freely with lepers in the most intimate daily 
intercourse. They commonly regard the segregation of their leprous relatives as a 
cruel and uncalled-for severity. This is only one illustration of the habitual indif- 
ference of this people to sanitation, whether in physics or in morals. 

Indeed, the idea of disease being a product of natural agencies and a thing to be 
averted by physical preventives, seems to be one quite foreign to the Hawaiian's 
mind and contrary to his mode of thought. In common with other uncivilized 
races the world over they were accustomed to attribute all diseases to the immedi- 
ate agency of some personal demon, who enters the patient and malignantly dis- 
tresses and destroys him. This brings us to another and one of the most destructive 
of the agencies contributing to the diminution of the Hawaiian people. 

(5) Kahunas and sorcery. — The kahuna is the medicine man. He is properly a sor- 
cerer or wizard, whose chief reliance for the relief of disease is the employment of 
supernatural agencies although he will also perhaps use drugs and hygienic treatment. 
From ancient times these men and their arts have been powerful agencies of death, 
although not seldom effecting a species of "faith cure." When a Hawaiian is ill. 
his superstitious relatives and friends immediately seek to persuade him that his 
sickness is owing to the malign presence of some demon, who must either be propi- 
tiated or expelled by force. Some kahuna is called in to accomplish this object. He 
is believed to enjoy special power with some patron demon, who may be the one 
needing to be propitiated, or whose agency may be called in to expel and overcome 
the perhaps less powerful agent of the disease. If one Icahuna proves insufficient to 
the task others must be found who possess the special influence needed. The proc- 
esses employed are always expensive to the patient, and very commonly quite severe. 

There are sacrifices of pigs and fowls; there are complex incantations. There are 
doubtless various efforts allied to mesmeric or hypnotic phenomena. Violent sweat- 
ings and purgings are frequently used to promote the expulsion of the demon, with 
great physical severities of different kinds, such as often are of themselves fatal to 
the patient. The tension of anxiety and dread is terrible and very weakening. A 
great mortality results directly from this violent and terrifying treatment. Fur- 
thermore, there is a large mortality caused by pure mental apprehension where no 
disease originally existed. The sufferer is told that a sorcerer is at work against 
him; he at once sickens, and is prostrated, and soon dies. Or he is solemnly warned 
by a learned kahuna that he has symptoms of dangerous disease impending. Or 
he is conscious of having committed some act, such as the violation of a vow, which 
has offended the family deity, or ainnakua, and through mental apprehension, the 
same effect of sickening ensues. All these things play into the hands of the medi- 
cine man, bring him dupes and victims, increase his revenue, and multiply the mor- 
tality of the people. It is difficult to determine to what extent these superstitious 
agencies are still at work. There is a painful reason to believe that their activity 
has been greatly revived of late years. There is much ground for thinking that a 
large proportion of the more intelligent and educated Hawaiians, when they fall ill, 
are prone to succumb to the inherited superstition. It is commonly remarked that 
the Hawaiian, when sick, shows a strange lack of recuperative power. He dies 
easily. He becomes depressed and surrenders where other men would recover. 
Probably in most such cases the cause is his superstitious belief in a demon whom 
he feels working at his vitals and whom it is hopeless to resist. 

(6) Idolatry. — This is intimately connected with the above-named agency. Its 
chief importance, however, in this discussion, is in its character as the most efficient 
of all the agencies that disorder the mental and debase the moral action of the 
people, and which frustrate and neutralize remedial influences. It resembles drunk- 
enness in this respect, but I think very far exceeds it in its evil ethical efficiency. 

All thinkers, of whatever creed or type of skepticism, consider a people's religion 
to have an immense formative power upon them. The institutions, the customs, and 
the conduct of a people are certain to be shaped and patterned, in a great degree, 
after whatever embodiments of moral ideals they believe in, such as deified heroes, 
and deities of whatever sort whom they fear and worship. If the gods of any 
nation, like those of early Egypt, are understood to exercise substantial justice, to 
. reward virtue, purity, and temperance, and to punish vice, treachery, and cruelty, 
such a nation will continue to cherish the higher and to despise the baser qualities. 
Righteousness has the sanction of religion, and the nation grows and prospers. The 
Polytheisms of Egypt, of Greece, of Rome, of Chaldea, in their earlier and less cor- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 309 



rupted forms, exulted much of the higher elements of character; hence a good 
degree of civilization became possible under these religions. This was also true of 
the earlier Brahuiinism of the Yedas. There is strong evidence that these religions 
were all corruptions from an original Monotheism, retaining something of that 
earlier religious recognition of the righteousness and benevolence of the Heaven- 
Father, the Dyaus-Pitar. Zeus-Pater, or Jupiter of the Aryan races. It is most 
noticeable how, from debased races, these nations imported successively the worship 
of evil gods — the Baals, Molochs, Astartes, Kalis, gods of lust, cruelty, falsehood, 
debauchery. These fastened as parasites upon the earlier and cleaner Polytheisms, 
and so corroded and poisoned the social and political life of those great nations. 

Whether, asFornander maintains, any traces of an ancient monotheism can be dis- 
cerned in the Polynesian Pantheon, may be considered doubtful. It is certain, 
however, that the prevailing characteristics attributed to even the highest gods, 
such as Fornander"s Trinity of Ku, Kane, and Kanaloa, were wretchedly evil and 
unclean. There are not merely strong tendencies to animalism and cruelty, with 
frequent lapses into crimes of lust and revenge, such as disfigure Greek mythology. 
These gods of the Hawaiians become absolute embodiments of bestiality and 
mallignity, like Moloch and other gods of the Canaanites. 

The impure and malignant essence of Hawaiian deities is visibly embodied in 
their images. In contrast to the personal beauty of the Greek gods, the aim and 
the effort "of the carver is to depict an extreme of malignity and sensuality. The 
lineaments are made as revolting and horrihc as the artist can combine them from 
vicious types of animal savagery, such as the shark or the boar. The first impres- 
sion is a just one, that a people who worshiped such deities as these images repre- 
sent could not be otherwise than profoundly perverted in their ethical sentiments. 

The various legends of the chief gods abound in attributes of the most excessive 
bestiality. They are generally incapable of being printed without extensive expur- 
gation. A loathsome filthiness is not mere incident, but forms the groundwork of 
character, not merely of the great hog-god Kamapuaa, but even of the more human- 
like Ku and Kane of the chief Trinity. 

The moral ideas of the worshipers of such gods could not fail to suffer extreme per- 
version. Justice and purity were in contempt. Cruelty and lust were exalted into 
religion. The late Matthew Arnold, eliminating personality from the idea of the 
God of Christendom, defined Deity as "The stream of tendency in the universe that 
makes for righteousness.''' If we could eliminate these horrific personalities from the 
Hawaiian Pantheon, we might well count the ideal residuum to stand for the stream 
of tendency that makes for all wickedness. It was an embodied diabolism. 

As a shaping force upon character, and a moving force upon conduct, this dia- 
bolic religion takes its energy from sorcery. Sorcery brings these evil gods down 
as living active powers interposing in all circumstances of life. By the arts of the 
kahunas the people were held, and, to a considerable extent, are still held, in habit- 
ual fear of these powerful gods and their subordinate demons. Their lives are con 
tinually threatened by them. Every internal sense of illness is the deadly touch, 
sensibly felt, of a god. So the people were held in abject slavery to their gods, 
and to the priests who could influence them. Slaves to such unclean beings, they 
tend to be like them: their moral sentiments are overturned: evil becomes good 
and good evil. Lewdness, prostitution, indecency, drunkenness, being god-like, 
are exalted into virtues. Recent practical illustrations of this are not lacking. 

One of the foul florescences of the great poison tree of idolatry is the hula. This 
is most intimately connected with the whole system, and forms an essential part of 
its services, just as sacred music does of Christian worship. The hula dances are 
habitually idolatrous in practice, having their special patron gods, whom the 
dancers invoke and worship. The chief posturings and movements of the hulas are 
pantomimes of unnameable lewdness, illustrated and varied with elaborate art. and 
accompanied with chants of unspeakable foulness of diction Hind description. This 
is the sacred music of idolatry, its opera and its drama. The multitudes of men, 
women, and children who throng to these royal hula operas there drink in the 
heathen ethics of social life in unmitigated directness and grossness, made sensa- 
tional with vivid pantomime of beastliness, and embellished with foul wit and jest 
in song, extolling and dramatizing impurity. Against such schooling, it must be a 
powerful civilizing force that can make head and redeem any Hawaiian homes from 
becoming brothels. 

(7) Wifeless Chinese. — This is an evil of recent growth, which acts most perni- 
ciously upon the social life of Hawaiians. There are some 20.000 Chinamen of the 
lowest class, without their women, distributed throughout the islands in close con- 
tact with the natives, and in many districts outnumbering the Hawaiian males. 
The effect is necessarily very destructive to the purity of native families, although 
not more so than the presence of a similar number of unmarried whites would be. 
There is no doubt but that many native households in all parts of the country are 
maintained in comparative affluence by the intimacy of Chinese with their females. 



310 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Some of the "heads of these families are members in good standing in the Protestant 

churches, whose easy-going native pastors lack the energy and authority to deal 
with the offenders, while the moral sentiment prevailing both within and outside of 
the church is too feeble to put them to shame. 

The catalogue of destructive elements making for the death of the Hawaiian 
people, as enumerated above, is an appalling one. It certainly suffices to account 
for any amount of infertility and mortality. On the other hand there are many 
sanative and restorative agencies at work which inspire hope for the repression 
of these evils and afford prospect for the reinforcement and augmentation of healing 
agencies. I briefly name some of the most efficient : 

(1) Government medical aid. — Paid physicians are within reach of most of the 
people, whose services to them are free of charge. Their help should save many more 
lives than they do, or than they will, so long as the people are taught idolatry and 
to trust in the kahunas. It is not in itself a very easy thing for a skilled physician 
to gain the confidence of the native people in the degree that he needs for any con- 
siderable success. It is nearly impossible for him to do so. when contending as he 
generally is with active superstition in the minds of his patients and their friends, 
and with the army of kahunas working with all their arts against him. His pre- 
scriptions will very commonly be neglected and his injunction disobeyed. 

I have not the slightest doubt that a hearty reception by the Hawaiian people of 
the medical aid now provided, discarding their kahunas, would at once cause births 
to preponderate over deaths. 

(2) Hygienic instruction. — There has been a great deal of instruction given upon 
the laws of health and simple remedial treatment in the schools and churches and 
by means of books. Dr. Judd's translation of Cutter's Anatomy and Physiology 
was printed nearly fifty years ago and used as a text-book in the leading high 
school. Such instruction has done great service. It has proved insufficient, how- 
ever, to make head against the inveterate belief in the supernatural cause of disease. 
It is likely to continue inadequate, so long as the kahunas are encouraged to ply 
their arts. 

(3) School education. — Book knowledge, and even the much vaunted education in 
English, have sadly failed to arm Hawaiians against succumbing to superstition 
and its kindred impurity, either in the ranks of the lowly or the lofty. 

Domestic and industrial training in boarding schools has accomplished much 
more, and is doing excellent work for both sexes by their practical training in the 
ethics, the conduct, and the industry of Christian civilization. Several hundred 
youth of each sex are now enjoying the advantages of such schools conducted by 
Protestants. Anglicans, and Catholics. Adversely, the youth who go out of these 
schools are at once plunged into a sea of indescribable temptation. Yet much of 
our best hopes for the future of the race is in the increasing numbers of these well- 
trained Hawaiians. They tend to form an elevated and civilized social class of their 
own. This is opposed and disintegrated by a Hawaiian social leadership, whose 
tendencies are all adverse. 

(4) Christian instruction will continue to be regarded by earnest believers in 
Christianity as the chief effective agency in healing the nation's maladies. They 
hold that faith in Christ has power to emancipate from fear of demon-gods ; they 
believe that the implanting of the high ideal of righteousness, of which Jesus of Naz- 
areth is the source, will in the end erect in all minds a standard of integrity and 
purity which will be more effectual than anything else in securing moral and healthy 
living among the people. Probably the most of the many true and earnest friends 
of right living who do not accept the supernatural element of Christian doctrine 
would agree that for the Ha waiian, in his present mental stage of development, such 
a faith would be a more efficient antidote than any scientific or philosophical teach- 
ing could be. 

If it be asked why sixty-eight years of Christian teaching has not availed to lift 
the Hawaiian people out of the mire of impure living if it be thus efficacious, its 
teachers would point to the great increase of adverse influences for the last thirty 
years and to the direct fostering of sorcery and hulas by authority during that time, 
and latterly to the promotion of hardly concealed worship of the gods. They would 
also point to the immense growth of foreign elements whose unfavorable influence 
has been illustrated in the case of the Chinese. They would also call special atten- 
tion to the fact that during the period of powerful missionary ascendency, say from 
1833 to 1853, while nearly the whole people became nominal adherents of Christianity, 
only a minority become actual members of the churches, while the great majority, 
although outwardly assenting, remained wedded to their habitual vice and secretly 
to their superstitions, and that the more Christian minority gave place by death to 
another generation far less strongly impressed and less fervid in religious interest. 

In accordance with the foregoing statement of facts., as I clearly understand them, 
and whose substantial correctness I think can not Vie gainsaid, there seems to be no 
radical remedy for the two great causes of infertility and mortality, viz, unchastity 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 311 



and sorcery, except a system of vigorously extirpating those two allied agencies ia 
which they generate and are nourished, the hulas and the kahunas. Both are purely 
heathen institutions of the most pronounced and detestible type, and are totally 
incompatible with, any true and wholesome civilization. They should both be hunted 
down and exterminated like the venomous reptiles that they are, poisoning and 
slaying the people. Until this is done with determined thoroughness I see little 
prospect of arresting the decrease of the Hawaiian people. 

The Hawaiian race is one that is well worth saving. With all their sad frailties, 
they are a noble race of men piratically and morally. They are manly, courageous, 
enterprising, cordial, generous, unselfish. They are highly receptive of good. They 
love to look forward and upward, even though very facile to temptations to slide 
backward and downward. In an unusual degree they possess a capacity for fine 
and ardent enthusiasm for noble ends. Should the Hawaiian people leave no poster- 
ity, a very sweet, generous, interesting race will have been lost to the world. They 
can be saved. They have deserved too well of mankind — they have been too kindly, 
too friendly, too trustful and magnanimous not to merit the most devoted efforts to 
avert their threatening fate and to set them forward in a hopeful course. It seems 
as if this might most easily be accomplished if there were only a wise and resolute 
purpose to do it. 



TWO WEEKS OF HAWAIIAN HISTORY. 

[A brief sketch, of the revolution of 1893. Illustrated. Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands. Published by 
the Hawaiian Gazette Company, 1893.] 

A Brief Sketch of the Hawaiian Revolution of 1893. 

PREFATORY. 

The course of Hawaii's political development has in general been peaceful, 
Under the reign of Kamehameha III the fundamental changes in social organiza- 
tion, in the private rights of individuals, in the tenure of land, and in the constitu- 
tion of government were effected without disturbunce or bloodshed. The reign of 
the third Kamehameha witnessed the beginning and the completion of the great 
series of changes which transformed Hawaii from a feudal and savage despotism 
into a free and civilized state. Without the cordial cooperation of an enlightened 
monarch these reforms could not have been, as- they were, speedily and peacefully 
effected. 

With the failure of the Kamehameha line, a change came over the spirit of the 
monarchy, and the new dynasty refused to walk in the footsteps of the old. The 
sound sense which had tempered, the despotic spirit of Kamehameha V was want- 
ing to Kalakaua, and his reign brought with it a long series of extravagances and 
abuses which finally exhausted the patience of the people. The uprising of 1887 
resulted in the promulgation of a new and more liberal constitution, but the 
patience and moderation of the people gave to royalty one last chance, and left the 
monarchy standing. 

Five years of bitter experience under the new regime have proved that the revo- 
lution of 1887 had one fatal fault. It did not go far enough. The constitution 
which it secured was indeed liberal, its guarantees of political and private right 
appeared sufficient, it seemed to introduce a system of government, for and by the 
people, responsible to the people. Had the throne been filled by a ruler like Kame- 
hameha III, the expectations founded upon the new instrument would not have 
been disappointed and Hawaii might perhaj>8 have continued for a generation 
to enjoy the substantial blessings of prosperity and freedom under a monarchical 
form of government. The constitution was, however, so drawn that a willful and 
stiff-necked sovereign might easily obstruct its workings. Immemorial usage had 
neither defined its intent nor fixed its meaning beyond the reach of quibbling sub- 
terfuge and cavil. White men were found to misinterpret its provisions, and per- 
vert its plain meanings in the interest absolutism. The closing years of Kalakaua 
were occupied with a stubborn resistence by the King to his cabinet, and while the 
opening days of Liliuokalani gave birth to fairer hopes, it was soon obvious that 
the Queen had all the despotic instincts of her brother, with far more than his 
tenacity of will. She was determined to govern by herself without consulting the 
will of the people, and had no idea of accepting the role of the constitutional head 
of a free state. 

Such is a brief sketch of the events which serve as a prologue to the revolutionary 
drama which was soon to be enacted. Tuis can not be fully understood, however, 
without an account of the events, or rather, of the secret intrigues, which led to 
the downfall of the Wilcox, cabinet. 



312 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



EVENTS IMMEDIATELY PRECEDING THE REVOLUTION. 

The Wilcox cabinet was appointed November 8. but it was not until about 
Christmas time that rumors commenced to circulate in town, that the relations 
existing between the Queen and her cabinet were not as smooth as they might be. 
She had attempted to dictate to them, an interference which they resented, and the 
first rumors were that she wanted to get rid of her cabinet on the pretense that 
they were under the influence of the American aud Annexation party, fearing that 
if they remained in power after the prorogation of the Legislature she would be 
sure to lose her throne. These fancies were found to have been iustilled into her 
mind by the opium and spoils ring which had been making such a light for exist- 
ence during the term of the legislative, session. The leaders of this ring w t re 
clever enough to perceive that their influence with the Queen lay in using the mar- 
shal as a cloak for their designs, and, making friends with him. they held the key 
to the situation. But they still lacked strength, and cast about for means to carry 
out their designs. Some self seekers joined their ranks, and the Queen now com- 
menced to take an active part in affairs, and her minions, notably Captain Nowlein, 
of her guard, were in constant communication with the native members of the 
House. 

The Queen's legal advisers were in constant consultation with her. and engaged 
in the preparation of a new constitution. At the same time the lottery bill was 
revived and used as a lever, and promises of money payments for the passage of the 
first, second, and third reading of appointments as agents in the several districts and 
of blocks of stock soon brought a change over the native members. The Queen was 
now engaged in making personal appeals to these members, cases being reported of 
her fortifying her entreaties with tears. She sent for prominent white members 
whom she thought she could influence and asked outright for their support against 
her ministers. Expostulations were in vain, and she showed her determination to 
brook no delay; still not much fear as to the stability of the cabiuet was felt, as 
without C. O. Berger's vote she could not secure the necessary 25. It was 
clearly explained to Mr. Berger what her actions meant, and he was told w ho would 
constitute a new cabinet if she succeeded in getting the Wilcox one out. and. he 
promised not to lend his assistance to such schemes. He was advised to consult his 
father-in-law (Mr. Widemann ), and it is a notable fact that after doing so Mr. Ber- 
ger went to the Palace, and to the consternation of the ministerial supporters, 
appeared in the House after swearing he would never go near it again during the ses- 
sion. The 25 votes necessary to pass a resolution of want of confidence were thus 
obtained, and on Thursday, January 12, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the Wilcox 
ministry was voted out of office. 

The downfall of the cabinet was received with universal disgust throughout the 
community, but when the following day the places of the ministers were supplied 
by the Parker-Peterson-Colburn-Cornwell cabinet, the disgust was seasoned with 
indignation of the strongest kind. The universal feeling found, however, only 
peaceable expression, and none thought of anything but law-abiding acquiesence in 
the change, fraught with injury to the public interest though it was known to be. 

THE FIRST DAY. 

Saturday, the 14th of January. 1893, dawned clear and beautiful, and no one 
dreamed that it was to be one of the eventful days of Hawaiian history. The pro- 
rogation of the Legislature was to take place at noon, and the members opposed to 
the new cabinet, though they absented themselves from the ceremony, had no idea 
of attempting anything against the ministry. It did not seem possible that the 
Queen, after having gained everything for which she had been striving, would 
imperil her gains by violating the constitution. And yet she did. * 

THE RUMORS. 

Saturday afternoon, between 1 and 2 o'clock, the community was startled by the 
information that a coup d'etat was in progress, and that the Queen was endeavoring 
to force her cabinet to sign a new constitution, which she then proposed to promul- 
gate immediately to the people. The information was at first disbelieved by some, 
but it was speedily confirmed. 

The political changes of the past few days, the renewed vote of want of confi- 
dence, the secret attempt made by the Queen to secure the overthrow of her minis- 
ters, her secret interviews with Noble Dreier and others, the signing of the opium 
and lottery bills, coupled with the rabid talk of certain native members in the 
house, had produced a feeling of great unrest in the community. The remarks of 
Kamauoha in the house were felt by some to give a hiut as to what was to be looked 
for ia the future, and many shared these forebodings. On Saturday morning rumor 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 313 



was busy, and it was freely stated that a new constitution was to be promulgated 
in the afternoon. At a meeting of btisiness men, held in the room of the chamber of 
commerce, reference was made to this possibility, but still it was not generally believed 
until in the afternoon the unexpected happened, and doubt was transformed into 
certainty. 

THE HISTORY. 

Three days before the coup d'tftat was attempted, a gentleman who enjoys the 
confidence of the Queen told one of the members of the newly appointed cabinet 
(who was then in private station) that the blow was to be struck, and that the 
persons of the ministers would be secured. In the anticipation that the new cabinet 
would not make any resistance to the revolutionary blow, the precaution of arrest- 
ing them was not taken. Saturday morning one of the ministers received positive 
information that a blow was to be struck that afternoon. He immediately proceeded 
to consult two prominent citizens on the course to be taken. Alter a conference, 
the gentlemen referred to advised the cabinet to refuse to sign a new constitution 
and to decline to resign if their resignations should be demanded. The prorogation 
of the legislature was the last chapter in the story of the morning. It went off 
tamely and quietly enough, but those who were acquainted with the real situation 
felt that the Government and the nation were sleeping on the crest of a volcano. 

THE AFTERNOON. 

In the afternoon, immediately after the Legislature had been prorogued, the Hui 
Kalaiaina (a native Hawaiian political society), marched over to the palace in order 
to present a new constitution to the Queen, with the petition that the same be pro- 
mulgated to the people as the fundamental law of the land. The matter of the new 
constitution and petition had been prearranged, and there was little spontaneity 
about it. It really originated with the Queen and a few of her adherents. Activ- 
ity had been noted for several days among some of the native retainers of Her 
Majesty. Several have since stated that they were ordered to appear before her and 
ask for a new constitution. One case particularly worthy of note is that of an old 
native resident of Nuuanu Valley, who was seen going home on the evening of the 
prorogation in an old working suit of clothes. On being asked where his tall hat, 
longblack coat, and black pants were, he replied, "In the basket," pointing to one 
which he was carrying on his arm. Proceeding, the native said that he, with 
others, had been ordered to go and ask for a new constitution, and went prepared 
to ask, never dreaming of having the request granted, but before the delegation 
could present the petition the Queen intimated that their prayer would be granted, 
without giving them time even to read the petition. The old man said he knew 
that was treason, and he thought he had better get home. So he got his wife to 
bring him his old clothes again, which he immediately donned, shuffling his finery 
into the basket. He further stated that he and the rest had no desire for a new con- 
stitution. 

LIFTING THE HAMMER FOR THE COUP. 

In the meantime a large crowd of Hawaiians had gathered around the palace gates 
and in the grounds near the great flight of steps, and natives were also gathered in 
large groups in the Government-building yard and elsewhere in. the neighborhood. 
The Queen retired to the blue room and summoned the ministers, who repaired at 
once to the palace. The Queen was at a table, still dressed in the magnificent cos- 
tume of the morning, and sparkling in a coronet of diamonds. She at once pre- 
sented them with the draft of the new constitution, demanded their signatures, 
and declared her intention to promulgate the same at ouce. Attorney-general 
Peterson and Minister of Interior Colburn decidedly refused to do so, and Ministers 
Corn well and Parker, though more hesitatingly, joined their colleagues iu this refusal. 
All the cabinet now perceived the expediency of advising Her Majesty not to violate 
the law, but she was not to be dissuaded from her mad course. Bringing her clenched 
hand down upon the table Queen Liliuokalani said: "Gentlemen, I do not wish to 
hear any more advice. I intend to promulgate this constitution, and to do it now." 
Proceeding, she told the cabinet that unless they abandoned their resistance at once 
she would go out upon the steps of the palace and tell the excited crowd there 
assembled that she wished to give them a new constitution, but that her ministers 
were inside the palace, hindering her from doing it. The ministers remembered the 
riot at the court house, and the fate of the unlucky representatives who fell into 
the hands of the mob. They knew what the threat might mean, and before it could 
be put into execution they retired from the palace. 

THE APPEAL TO THE CITIZENS. 

From the Government building, the ministers immediately sent word down town 
asking the citizens what sujjport the cabinet could expect in its resistance to the 



314 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



revolutionary movement begun by the Queen. Leading citizens of every political 
complexion hurried together at Hon. W. 0. Smith's office, and. while their numbers 
were every instant augmented by fresh accessions, held a hurried consultation as to 
the course to be pursued. There was but one mind among all those gathered together. 
Tradesmen, lawyers, mechanics, merchants, were of one opinion. A unanimity of 
sentiment reigned such as has not been witnessed here for years, and it was agreed, 
without a dissenting voice, that it was the duty of every good citizen, without dis- 
tinction of party, to support the law and the liberties of the people and to resist the 
revolutionary encroachments of the Queen. A message to this effect was at once 
dispatched to the cabinet. 

A NEW STRUGGLE WITH THE QUEEN. 

The ministers now revisited the palace, not without the apprehension that their 
persons would be taken into custody even if they suffered no bodily harm. Great 
pressure had been brought upon Her Majesty to induce her to go no farther and to 
retrace the revolutionary steps she had already taken. While her troops stood 
drawn up before the palace, waiting for the final word of command, the Queen hes- 
itated and hesitated. The conference in the blue room was a long one. For two 
hours the result trembled in the balance. She could not be induced to give up her 
unlawful project, but finally consented with bitter reluctance to a temporary post- 
ponement of the premeditated coup. 

THE QUEEN'S SPEECH. 

The Queen was a very angry woman, when at 4 p. m. Saturday she returned to the 
throne room, where were assembled the Hui Kalaiaina with most of the native 
members of the Legislature, the cabinet, the governor of Oahu, the young princes, 
Chief-Justice Judd and Mr. Justice Biekerton, the staff, ladies of the court, kahili 
bearers, etc. She ascended the dais and spoke substantially as follows-: 

" Princes, Nobles, and Representatives: I have listened to the thousands of 
voices of my people that have come to me, and I am prepared to grant their request. 
The present constitution is full of defects, as the chief justice here will testify, as 
questions regarding it have so often come before him for settlement. It is so faulty 
that I think a new one should be granted. I have prepared one, in which the rights 
of all have been regarded — a constitution suited to the wishes of the people. I was 
ready and expected to proclaim tho new constitution to-day, as a suitable occasion 
for it, and thus satisfy the wishes of my dear people. But, with deep regret, I say 
that I ha ve met with obstacles that prevent it. Return to your homes peaceably and 
quietly and continue to look towards me, and I will look towards you. Keep me 
ever in your love. I am obliged to postponethe granting of the constitution for a few 
days. I must confer with my cabinet, and when, after you return home, you may 
see it, receive it graciously. You have my love, and with sorrow I now dismiss 
you." 

Mr. White replied, thanking the Queen and assuring her of the love of the people, 
and that they would wait patiently until their desires should be fulfilled, to which 
the Queen responded with thanks, and left the throne room. 

Mr. Kaunamano then began in a loud voice an inflammatory harangue which was 
suppressed. He demanded the lives of the members of the cabinet who had opposed 
the wishes of Her Majesty, and declared that he thirsted for bloodshed. 

A few moments later the Queen went out ivpon the upper balcony of the palace and 
addressed the crowd. She told them that on account of the perfidy of her ministers 
she was unable to give them the constitution which .she had promised them, but 
that she would take the earliest opportunity of procuring it for them. (The crowd 
then gave three cheers.) 

Representative White then proceeded to the steps of the palace and began an address. 
He told the crowd that the cabinet had betrayed them, and that insteadof going home 
peaceably they should go into the palace and kill and bury them. Attempts were 
made to stop him, which he resisted, saying that he would never close his mouth 
until the new constitution was granted. Finally he yielded to the expostulations 
of Col. Boyd and others, threw up his hands and declared that he was pau, for the 
present. After this the audience assembled dispersed. 

The constitution which the Queen wished to force upon the people deprived them 
of all voice in the choice of the house of nobles, the appointment of which was vested 
in the sovereign. The system of cabinet responsibility was abolished, the choice 
and removal of ministers being vested solely in the Queen. Native Hawaiiaus 
were to be exempt from the payment of personal taxes, and all white men were to 
be deprived of the franchise except those who were married to native wives. 

News was brought to the citizens down town that the attempt to carry the revo- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 315 



lution throngh had for the moment failed. Tlie meeting, however, appreciating the 
fact that the trouble had but just began, did not break up, but continued the con- 
sideration of the emergency. A committee of public safety was formed, to which 
the further consideration of the situation was delegated, after which the assembly, 
which had been animated by one heart and soul from the beginning, dispersed. 

The committee of public safety did not delay in their performance of the task 
intrusted to them by the citizens, but proceeded to hold a conference on the spot. 
At first everything was in the air, there being no definite plan of operations. The 
committee adjourned at 6 p. m. to meet again on the following (Sunday) morning. 
On this occasion the situation was discussed in all its bearings, and it was decided 
to call a mass meeting, to make a report, and then to ask this general gathering 
of all the citizens to confirm the appointment of the committee of safety, and 
to authorize it to take whatever steps might seem necessary to further the public 
welfare and secure tbe rights of the people from aggression once and for all. It 
was the unanimous sentiment of the members of the committee that a proclama- 
tion should be issued abrogating the monarchy, and a provisional government 
established, if the tone of feeling developed at the mass meeting should clearly indi- 
cate that such a course would be in accord with public sentiment. In case the 
expectations of the committee as to the state of public feeling were realized, it would 
be necessary to be prepared to take immediate steps. The committee, therefore, con- 
tinued its meetings and began the work of organization and preparation. Monday 
morning it was decided to request the American minister to land roops for the pro- 
tection of property, and a request to that effect was forwarded to the American min- 
ister. 

THE QUEEN'S PARTY. 

In the meanwhile the Queen's party were not idle. They were frightened at the 
tone of feeling manifested in the city, and began to cast about for means of avert- 
ing the catastrophe which seemed to threaten the throne. The Queen patched up a 
peace with her cabinet and forgave them, for the time being, for their "perfidy.". 
In the morning of Sunday she held a meeting at the palace, and charged the native 
pastors preseut to pray for her, as evil-minded foreigners were endeavoring to 
deprive her of her throne. In the evening a secret meeting was held at the office of the 
attorney-general, in the government building, at which, besides the cabinet, Paul 
Neumann, Marshal Wilson, Hon. R. W. Wilcox, E. C. Macfarlane and Antone Rosa 
were preseut, besides some others. At this meeting Marshal Wilson proposed the 
arrest of the committee of thirteen, but Paul Neumann and others opposed the 
proposition on the ground that it would cause friction. Posters for the mass meet- 
ing of citizens being already out, it was decided to call a counter mass meeting of 
Hawaiians at Palace Square, and the tone to be adopted at this meeting was decided 
upon. A "by authority" notice was drafted, to be signed by the Queen and cabinet, 
announcing that her intention to abrogate the constitution by force had been aban- 
doned, and that in future any changes she might desire would be affected by 
constitutional means only. In accordance with the terms of this announcement, 
the speaking at Palace Square was to be temperate and peaceable. 
- Monday morning the Advertiser appeared with a long account of the coup d'etat 
attempted by the Queen on Saturday, and with an editorial counseling the people 
to stand firmly by their rights. Late in the morning the u by authority" notice above 
referred to was distributed. It was as follows: 

BY AUTHORITY. 

Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order 
which has prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are author- 
ized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of 
a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects. 

Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental 
law of the land will be sought only by methods .provided in the constitution itself. 

Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty 
in the same spirit in which it is given. 

LlLIUOKALANI. 

Samuel Parker 

Min ister of Foreign Affairs. 
W. H. Corn well, 

Minister of Finance. 
John F. Colburn, 

Minister of the Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney- General. 

Iolaki Palace, January 16, 1893. 



316 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



THE CITIZENS MASS MEETING. 

At 2 p. m. Monday, January 16, the Honolulu Rifles Armory was the scene of the 
largest and most enthusiastic mass meeting ever held in Honolulu. It was called 
hy the committee of public safety for the purpose of protesting against the revolu- 
tionary aggressions of the Queen. At half-past 1 citizens hegan to assemble, 
and before 2 o'clock the large building was crowded to its utmost capacity, 1,260 
being present by actual count, while many others came later. Every class in the 
community was fully represented, mechanics, merchants, professional men, and arti- 
sans of every kind being present in full force. The meeting was intensely enthusi- 
astic, being animated by a common purpose and feeling, and most of the speakers 
were applauded to the echo. Hon. W! C. Wilder, of the committee of safety, was 
the chairman. 

Mr. Wilder said: * Fellow-citizens, I have been requested to act as chairman of 
this meeting. Were it a common occurrence, I should consider it an honor, but 
to-day wc are not here to do honor to anybody. I accept the chairmanship of this 
meeting as a duty. [Applause.] We meet here to-day as men — not as any party, 
faction or creed, but as men who are bound to see good government. It is well 
known to you all what took place at the Palace last Saturday. I need not tell you 
the object of this meeting, and no such meeting has been held since 1887. There is 
the same reason now as then. An impromptu meeting of citizens was called Satur- 
day to take measures for 'the public safety. The report of the committee will be 
read to you. We do not meet as revolutionists, but as peaceful citizens who have 
the right to meet and state their grievances. [Loud applause.] We will maintain 
our rights and have the courage to maintain them. [Universal cheers.] 

Noble Thurston, being introduced by the chairman, read the following 

REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. 

To the citizens of Honolulu: 

On the morning of last Saturday, the 11th instant, the city was startled by the 
information that Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani had announced her intention to 
arbitrarily promulgate a new constitution, and that three of the newly-appointed 
cabinet ministers had or were about to resign in consequence thereof. 

Immediately after the prorogation of the Legislature, at noon, the Queen accom- 
panied, by her orders, by the cabinet retired to the palace; the entire military 
force of the Government was drawn up in line in front of the building and remained 
there until dark, and a crowd of several hundred native sympathizers with the new 
constitution project gathered in the throne room and about the palace. The Queen 
then retired witn the cabinet, informed them that she intended to promulgate it, 
and proposed to do so then and there and demanded that they countersign her sig- 
nature. 

She turned a deaf ear to their statements and protests that the proposed action 
would inevitably cause the streets of Honolulu to run red with blood, and threat- 
ened that unless they complied with her demand she would herself immediately go 
out upon the steps of the palace and announce to the assembled crowd that the rea- 
son she did not give them the new constitution was because the ministers would not 
let her. Three of the ministers, fearing mob violence, immediately withdrew and 
returned to the Government building. They were immediately summoned back to 
the palace, but refused to go on the ground' that there was no guarantee of their 
personal safety. 

The only forces under the control of the Government are the household guards and 
the police. The former are nominally under the control of the minister of foreign 
affairs and actually under the control of their immediate commander, Maj. Now- 
lein, a personal adherent of the Queen. 

The police are imcler the control of Marshal Wilson, the open and avowed royal 
favorite. Although the marshal is nominally under the control of the attorney- 
general, Her Majesty recently announced in a public speech that she would not 
allow him to be removed. Although the marshal now states that he is opposed to 
the Queen's proposition, he also states, that if the final issue arises between the 
Queen and the cabinet and people he will support the Queen. 

The cabinet was absolutely powerless and appealed to citizens for support. 

Later they reluctantly returned to the palace, by request of the Queen, and for 
nearly two hours she again endeavored to force them to acquiesce in her desire, and 
upon their final refusal announced in a public speech in the throne room and again 
from the upper gallery of the palace that she desired to issue the constitution but 
was prevented from doing so by her ministers and would issue it in a few days. 



* See "Foot Note to Hawaiian History," p. 38. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 317 



The citizens responded to the appeal of the cabinet to resist the revolutionary 
attempt of the Queen by gathering at the office of William O. Smith. 

Later in the afternoon it was felt that bloodshed and riot were imminent; that 
the eonnnunity could expect no protection from the legal authorities; that on the 
contrary they would undoubtedly be made the instruments of royal aggression. An 
impromptu meeting of citizens was held, which was attended by the attorney-gen- 
eral and which was addressed among others by tiie minister of the interior, J. F. 
Coiburn, who stated to the meeting substantially the foregoing facts. 

The meeting unanimously passed a resolution that the public welfare required the 
appointment of a committee of public safety of thirteen to consider the situation 
and devise ways and means for the maintenance of the public peace and the protec- 
tion of life and property. 

Such committee was forthwith appointed, and has followed its instructions. 

The first step which the committee consider necessary is to secure openly, pub- 
licly, and peaceably, through the medium of a mass meeting of citizens, a condem- 
nation of the proceedings of the party of revolution and disorder, and a confirma- 
tion from such larger meeting of the authority now vested in the committee. - 

For such purpose the committee hereby recommends the adoption of the following 

RESOLUTION : 

1. Whereas Her Majesty, Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other 
persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally, aud against the advice and consent of 
the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing 
constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people; 

2. And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and 
bloodshed and a display of armed force; and such attempt and acts and threats are 
revolutionary and treasonable in character; 

3. And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contemplated 
action was unlawful, aud would lead to bloodshed and riot, and have implored and 
demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action; 

4. And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public 
speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitution, 
the same being now 7 ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it was not 
now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles, and that a 
fitting opportunity in the future must be aw-aited for the consummation of such 
object, which would be within a few days; 

5 And whereas at a public meeting of citizens, held in Honolulu on the 14th day 
of January instant, a committee of thirteen, to be known as the " committee of pub- 
lic safety,'' was appointed to consider the situation, and to devise ways and means 
for the maintenance of the public peace and safety, and the preservation of life and 
property ; 

6. And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass meeting 
of citizens to protest against and condemn such action, and has this day presented a 
report to such meeting, denouncing the action of the Queen and her supporters as 
being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people, endanger- 
ing the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot, and cause the loss of 
life aud destruction of property ; 

Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities, and regardless 
of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the 
Queen and her supporters ; 

And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and report 
made by the said committee of safety; and we do hereby further empower such 
committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means 
as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order, and 
the protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii. 

Mr. Thurston said: Mr." Chairman, Hawaii is a wonderful country. We are 
divided into parties and nationalities and factions, but there are moments when we 
are united and move shoulder to shoulder, moved by one common desire for the pub- 
lic good. Three times during the past twelve years this has happened — in 1880, 1887 
and to-day. They say it is ended, it is done, there is nothing to consider. Is it so? 
[Calls of No ! No !] I say, gentlemen, that now and here is the time to act. [Loud 
cheers.] The Queen sayVshe won't do it again. [Cries of humbug !] Fellow citizens, 
have you any memories? Hasn't she once before promised — sworn solemnly before 
Almighty God to maintain this constitution? What is her word worth? [Calls of 
Nothing! Nothing!] It is an old saying that a royal promise is made to be broken. 
Fellow citizens, remember it. We have not sought this situation. Last Saturday 
the sun rose on a peaceful and smiling city; to-day it is otherwise. Whose fault is 
it — Queen Liliuokalani's? It is not her fault that the streets have not run red with 
blood. She has printed a proclamation expressing her repentance for what she has 



318 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAITAN ISLANDS. 



done, and at the same time — perhaps sent out by the same carriers — her organ 
prints an extra with her speech with bitterer language thau that quoted in the 
Advertiser. She wants us to sleep on a slumbering volcano, which will some morn- 
ing spew out blood and destroy us all. The constitution gives us the right to assem- 
ble peacefully and express our grievances. We are here doing that to-day without 
arms. The man who has not the spirit to rise after the menace to our liber- 
ties has no right to keep them. Has the tropic sun cooled and thinned our blood, 
or have we Ho wing in our veins the warm, rich blood which makes men love liberty 
and die for it? I move the adoption of the resolution. [Tumultuous applause!] 

Mr. H. F. Glade: The Queen has done an unlawful thing in ignoring the consti- 
tution which she had sworn to uphold. We most decidedly protest against such 
revolutionary proceedings, and we should do all we possibly can to prevent her 
from repeating actions which result in disorder and riot. We now have a promise 
from the Queen that proceedings as we experienced on Saturday shall not occur 
again. But we should have such assurances and guaranties for this promise as will 
really satisfy us and convince us of the faith and earnestness of the promise given, 
of which we now have no assurance. What such guaranties and assurances ought 
to be I can not at this moment say or recommend. This should be referred to the 
committee of safety for their careful consideration. I second the motion. 

Mr. A. Young, in addressing the meeting, spoke as follows: Mr. Chairman and 
fellow citizens: In June, 1887, I stood on this same platform and addressed an audi- 
ence almost as large as the one now before me. At that time we had met to con- 
sider a resolution that looked toward a new constitution, which proposed constitu- 
tion was considered the most effectual method of removing some flagrant abuses in 
governmental affairs practiced by the King and his cabinets prior to the time that 
the constitution was promulgated. To-day we have met to consider the action of 
Her Majesty in attempting to set aside the constitution we all worked so hard to 
have promulgated, in the best interests of the Sovereign and the people at large, as 
well as for the redemption of the credit of the kingdom abroad. It has long been 
reported that at some favorable opportunity the Queen would spring a new con- 
stitution upon the people and place matters even more in the hands of the Sover- 
eign than they were before the revolution of 1887. Some did not believe the rumors, 
but the actions of the Queen in the last few days have convinced the most skeptical 
that the rumors were well founded, and that she had been pregnant with this 
unborn constitution for a long time, but it could not be born till under the propi- 
tious star. The Queen's Kahunas, together with her would-be advisers, had no 
doubt told her that the auspicions time for the advent had arrived. In trying to 
promulgate this long-promised constitution, the Queeu has therefore premeditatedly 
committed a breach of faith with one portion of her subjects, in order to satisfy the 
clamors of a faction of natives urged by the influence of a mischievous element of 
foreigners who mean no good to the Queen or the people, but simply for the purpose 
of providing avenues for carrying out more perfectly the smuggling of opium and 
diverting the contents of the treasury into their own pockets. A " by authority " cir- 
cular has now been handed around, setting forth that the Queen and her cabinet had 
decided not to press the promulgation of a new constitution, but can we depend on 
this promise of Her Majesty? Is this promise any more binding upon her than the 
oath she took before the Almighty God to support and maintain the present constitu- 
tion? Has not the Queen resorted to very questionable methods in an underhanded 
way to remove what, to the people, was one of the most acceptable cabinets ever 
commissioned by any sovereign in this Kingdom, in order that four other ministers 
might be appointed that would carry out her behest, treasonable or otherwise, as 
might be most conveniently Avithin their scope. I say, have we any reasonable 
assurance that the Queen and her ministers have abandoned finally the new con- 
stitution promulgation scheme? [Roars of No! from the audience.] My fellow- 
citizens, while the Queen and her cabinet continue to trifle with and play fast and 
loose with the affairs of state there can be no feeling of security for foreign fam- 
ilies residing within these domains. There can be no business prosperity here at 
home, and our credit abroad must be of the flimsiest and most uncertain nature. 
And you business men who are toiling honestly for your bread and butter will have 
to put up with thin bread and much thinner butter if this farcical work is continued. 
In order that matters may be set to rights again and that honest, stable, and honor- 
able government may be maintained in Hawaii, I support the resolution, and trust 
that it will be passed unanimously by this meeting. 

Mr. C. Bolte. Since the resolution which was read here has been written things 
have changed. On Saturday the Queen promised the native people that she would 
give them a new constitution under all circumstances; she did not say exactly when, 
but as soon as possible. This morning a proclamation was issued, in which she 
says that her attempt to promulgate a new constitution last Saturday was made 
under stress of her native subjects, but that she will not do it again. An attempt 
to change the fundamental law of the land is a very serious matter, a matter that 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 319 



requires a good deal of consideration, and I am well convinced that this matter has 
been weighed and considered for more than a day by the Queen, and that there was 
no acting on the spur of the moment under the stress of her native subjects about 
it. It was her well premeditated conclusion that she would change the constitu- 
tion, so as to sui t herself, on the day of prorogation of the Legislature. Many peo- 
ple knew this several days ago, but there Inive been so many rumors about all sorts 
of things that not very much attention was paid to it; it was expected that she 
might change her mind before that day would come. But she did not change her 
mind as soon as that; she told the native people that she was ready to give them a 
new constitution right then and there, but that she could not do it because her ministers 
would not let her. Now she has changed her mind ; she makes a sort of excuse for 
what she did, and says she will never do it again. It seems to me that the question 
that your committee has to ask now, and which is for you gentlemen here in the 
meeting to decide, is this: Are you satisfied with the assurance given in to-day's 
proclamation sigiied by the Queen and the four ministers, and will you consider this 
matter ended, or do you desire greater and stronger guarantees for the safety and 
preservation of your life and liberty and property I I am one of the citizens' com- 
mittee of public safety; my views on the situation are expressed in the resolutions 
which have just been read, and I trust that you will show that you are of the same 
mind as the committee by adopting these resolutions. 

Hon. H. P. Baldwin. I feel with the rest of you that actions of the Queen have put 
the country in a very critical situation. Before this revolutionary act of Her Majesty 
we were getting along. A ministry had been appointed which would probably have 
been able to pull us through. The McKinley bill had put the whole country into a 
critical situation. We were working up new industries. Mr. Dillingham is trying 
to build a railroad around this island. The Queen seems to have blinded herself to 
all these things. She has followed a whim of her own — a whim of an irresponsible 
body of Hawaiians — and tried to establish a new constitution. We must stop this ; 
but we must not go beyond constitutional means. I favor the resolution, but think 
the committee should act within the constitution. There is no question that the Queen 
has done a revolutionary act— there is no doubt about that. The Queen's proclama- 
tion has not inspired confidence; but shall we not teach her to act within the con- 
stitution? [Loud calls of "No."] Well, gentlemen, I see that you do not agree with 
me; I am ready to act when the time comes. 

J. Emmeluth wished to say a few words on the situation. He had heard the 
Queen's speech at the palace, and noted the expression of her face. It was fiendish. 
When the petitioners filed out he reflected on the fact that thirty men could para- 
lyze the business of the community for twenty-four hours. It was not they that 
did it, but the schemers behind them, and perhaps a woman, too. It was not the 
Hawaiians that wanted the new constitution; not those who worked. This was the 
third time that he had shut his doors, let his men go, and come up to this building. 
It would be the last time. If we let this time go by we would deserve all we would 
get. An opportunity came once in every lifetime. It had come to us, and if we fin- 
ished as we should, a repetition of last Saturday would never occur in this country 
again. [Applause.] We must stand shoulder to shoulder. There was but one 
course to pursue, and we would all see it. The manifesto of this morning was bosh. 
"I won't d.o it any more; but give me a chance and I'll do it again." That is the 
real meaning of it. If the Queen had succeeded last Saturday myself and you would 
have been robbed of the privileges without which no white man can live in this com- 
munity. " Fear not, be not afraid," was written in my Bible by my mother twenty- 
five years ago. Gentlemen, I have done. As far as the Hawaiians are concerned I 
have an aloha for them, and we wish to have laws enabling us to live peaceably 
together. 

R. J. Greene. Fellow citizens, among the many things I never could do was to 
make an impromptu speech. I have tried it over and over again and never succeeded 
but once, and that was after five weeks' preparation. Our patience has been 
exhausted. We all agree about the case. The question is the remedy. John Greene, 
of Rhode Island, entered the war of the Revolution, and served throughout. His 
son, my father, served through the war of 1812, until that little matter was settled. 
In 1862 John Greene, my father, stood before a meeting like this, and said he had 
four sons in the war, of whom I was the youngest, and would serve himselt if he 
was not too old. This experience has biased my j udgment as to some matters of 
ci\ il government. It is too late to throw obstacles across the path of its progress 
nere. I have adopted this flag and am loyal to it, but I am not willing to go one 
step back in the matter of civil liberty, and I will give the last drop of Rhode 
Island blood in my veins to go forward and not back. [Cheers.] 

Chairman Wilder read the latter part of the resolution. 

It was passed by a unanimous standing vote, without a dissenting voice and amid 
tremendous cheers, after which the meeting broke up. 



320 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 



AT PALACE SQUARE. 

While the mass meeting was in session at the armory a spaniel demonstration was 
attempted by the Queen's party at Palace square. The speakers had been carefully 
coached and advised to express themselves with the utmost caution. The tone was 
an unnatural one and the enthusiasm correspondingly small. A resolution was adopted 
accepting the royal assurance that she would no longer seek a new constitution by 
revolutionary means. The same meeting, however, expressed by cheers its approba- 
tion of the attempt by the Queen to carry out her coup d eiat, and one of the speakers 
gave vent to the expression of a wild thirst for bloodshed. 

MORE COMMITTEE MEETINGS. 

Immediately after the mass meeting a session of the committee of public safety 
was held. All the members felt that their action had been more than indorsed by 
the citizens, and that the moment a Provisional Government was established the 
foreign community would rally to its support. 

It should have been mentioned that Marshal Wilson had warned all persons from 
attending the mass meeting. The indications of approaching trouble were serious, 
and at 5 o'clock in the afternoon, Minister Stevens deemed it proper to comply with 
the request of the committee of safety, and at the hour named the ship's battalion, 
under Lieut. Commander William T. Swinburne, landed, and troops were stationed 
for the protection of the consulate and legation, while a detachment encamped at 
Arion Hall, The presence of the troops did much to prevent disorder and to tran- 
quilize the fears of the timid. 

In the evening the committee of safety again convened, and elected the executive 
council and officers. In the morning, the members of the executive council con- 
sented to serve, aud John H. Soper was induced to accept the responsible position 
of military chief of the new Government. Judge Sanford B. Dole, the new execu- 
tive head, sent his resignation to the cabinet, and this act was. so to speak, the first 
shot of the counter revolution. At 1 p. m., the formation of the advisory council 
was complete, and shortly after the proclamation was signed by the committee of 
safety. T he tirst act of the Provisional Government was then to sign the commis- 
sion of J. H. Soper as commander of the forces. Just as the committee had finished 
considering the question when the coup should take place, and had decided on 
immediate action, a shot was tired on Fort street, a crowd ran up to the spot, the 
story flew through the street, " Good has shot a policeman, " and the committee has- 
tened to the Government building. 

THE SHOT ON FORT STREET. 

The shot fired on Fort street precipitated the revolution. In order to understand 
this event, it is necessary to return a little and pick up a new thread in the narra- 
tive. In the morning J. Good had been appointed ordnance officer, and in the dis- 
charge of his duty it became necessary for him to gather up the guns and ammuni- 
tion available at the different stores, and transfer them to the armory. Half-past 
2 in the afternoon was the hour set for the removal of the ammunition from E. O. 
Hall & Sons. Mr. Good selected Mr. Benner, of Castle & Cooke's, to drive the wagon, 
detailing Edwin Paris and Fritz Rowald as guards. The ammunition had been 
packed in the morning, the packing having been more or less supervised by some 
policemen who were hanging arouud with instructions to watch closely what was 
going on. At 2 :20 Mr. Good proceeded to execute the transfer, and ordered Mr. Ben- 
uer to drive rapidly out of the rear entrance. As the wagon came out of the gate, a 
policeman grabbed at the reins and ordered a halt. As the order was disregarded 
the officer blew his whistle, which was immediately answered by four or five other 
policemen who came running up and join d in the efi'ort to stop the wagon. 

The Fort street car had iust crossed King and alongside of it was a dray. This 
completely barred the progress of the wagon. One of the policemen seized the bit, 
but was warned off by Mr. Good, revolver in hand. Another endeavored to climb 
up but received a smart cut with the whip from Mr. Benner. In the meanwhile 
two policemen in the rear had been kept off by Paris and Rowald. On the rear plat- 
form of the street car were J. A. McCandless and Mr. Martin, the tailor. The latter 
covered one of the officers with his revolver, but did not fire, In the meantime came 
from McCandless on the street car, from E. 0. White at Hall's and others, calls of 
"Pull, pull." Warned by these, Mr. Good now faced square around. One of the 
officers was coming up at a run, and when a few feet distant, put his hand behind 
him as though to dra w a revolver. The indications being that some one would be 
shot, Mr. Good promptly fired and the man fell, with a bullet in the shoulder. This 
ended the effort to capture the ammunition. The horses started forward aud the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 321 



wagon proceeded up Fort street, followed by two policemen in a hack who were 
kept at a respectful distance by Paris, who leveled bis rifle at tbem. The wagon 
proceeded up Fort to School stieet, and then down Punchbowl to the armory, where 
they were glad to see Zeigler's men already in line. 

THE NEW GOVERNMENT DECLARED. 

In the meantime the committee of public safety with the members of the provi- 
sional Government had proceeded to the Government building-. Judge Dole and Mr. 
Cooper leading the way up Merchant street. All the committee were unarmed. 
When the building was reached, inquiry was made for the ministers but t'hey Avere 
not to be found. Mr. Cooper then made demand upon Mr. Hassinger, the chief clerk 
of the interior office, for possession of the building, and the demand was immediately 
complied with, there being no force with which any resistance could haA'e been 
made. The committee now proceeded to the public entrance, and Mr. H. E. Cooper 
read to the gathering crowd the following proclamation: 

PROCLAMATION. 

In its earlier history, Hawaii possessed a constitutional government honestly and 
economically administered in the public interest. 

The Crown called to its assistance as advisers able, honest, and conservative men, 
whose integrity was unquestioned even by their political opponents. 

The stability of the Government was assured ; armed resistance and revolution un- 
til ought of ; popular rights were respected and the privileges of the subject from time 
to time increased and the prerogatives of the Sovereign diminished by the voluntary 
acts of the successive kings. 

With very few exceptions this state of affairs continued until the expiration of the 
first few years of the reign of His late Majesty Kalakaua. At this time a change was 
discernible in the spirit animating the chief executive and in the influences sur- 
rounding the throne. A steadily increasing disposition was manifested on the part 
of the King to extend the royal prerogatives ; to favor adventurers and persons of 
no character or standing in the community ; to encroach upon the rights and privi- 
leges of the people by steadily increasing corruption of electors, and by means of the 
power and influence of officeholders and other corrupt means to illegitimately influ- 
ence the elections, resulting in the final absolute control of not only the executive 
and legislative, but to a certain extent the judicial departments of the Government 
in the interest of absolutism. 

This finally resulted in the revulsion of feeling and popular uprising of 1887, which 
wrested from the King a large portion of his ill-gotten powers. 

The leaders of this movement were not seeking personal aggrandisement, political 
power, or the suppression of the native Government. If this had been their object 
it could easily have been accomplished, for they had the absolute control of the 
situation. 

Their object was to secure responsible government through a representative cab- 
inet, supported by and responsible to the people ; s elected representatives. A clause 
to this effect was inserted in the constitution and subsequently enacted by law by 
the Legislature, specifically covering the ground that, in all matters concerning the 
state the sovereign was to act by and with the advice of the cabinet and only by 
and with such advice. 

The King willingly agreed to such proposition, expressed regret for the past, and 
volunteered promises for the future. 

Almost from the date of such agreement and promises, up to the time of his death, 
the history of the Government has been a continual struggle between the King on 
the one hand and the cabinet and the Legislature on the other, the former con- 
stantly endeavoring by every available form of influence and evasion to ignore his 
promises and agreements and regain his lost powers. 

This conflict upon several occasions came to a crisis, followed each time by sub- 
mission on the part of His Majesty by renewed expressions of regret and promises 
to abide by the constitutional and legal restrictions in the future. In eacli instance 
such promise was kept until afurther opportunity presented itself, when the conflict 
was renewed in defiance and regardless of all previous pledges. 

Upon the accession of Her Majesty Liliuokalani for a brief period the hope pre- 
vailed that a new policy would be' adopted. This hope was soon blasted by her 
immediately entering into conflict with the existing cabinet, who held office with 
the approval of a large majority of the Legislature, resulting in the triumph of 
the Queen and the removal of the cabinet. The appointment of a new cabinet 
subservient to her wishes and their continuance in office until a recent date gave no 

10518 21 



322 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



opportunity for further indication of the policy which would be pursued by Her 
Majesty until the opening of the Legislature in May of 1892. 

The recent history of that session has shown a stubborn determination on the part 
of Her Majesty to follow the tactics other late brother, and in all possible ways to 
secure an extension of the royal prerogatives and an abridgment of popular rights. 

During the latter part of the session the Legislature was replete with corruption ; 
bribery and other illegitimate influences were openly utilized to secure the desired 
end, resulting in the final complete overthrow of all opposition and the inauguration 
of a cabinet arbitrarily selected by Her Majesty in complete defiance of constitu- 
tional principles and popular representation. 

Notwithstanding such result the defeated party peacefully submitted to the situ- 
ation. 

Not content with her victory, Her Majesty proceeded on the last day of the session 
to arbitrarily arrogate to herself the right to promulgate a new constitution, which 
proposed among other things to disfranchise over one-fourth of the voters and 
the owners of nine-tenths of the private property of the Kingdom, to abolish the 
elected upper house of the Legislature, and to substitute in place thereof an appoint- 
ive one to be appointed by the sovereign. 

The detailed history of this attempt and the succeeding events in connection 
therewith is given in the report of the committee of public safety to the citizens 
of Honolulu, and the resolution adopted at the mass meeting held on the 16th 
instant, the correctness of which report and the propriety of which resolution are 
hereby specifically affirmed. 

The constitutional evolution indicated has slowly and steadily, though reluctantly, 
and regretfully, convinced an overwhelming majority of the conservative and 
responsible members of the community that independent, constitutional, represent- 
ative, and responsible government, able to protect itself from revolutionary upris- 
ings and royal aggression is no longer possible in Hawaii under the existing system 
of Government. 

Five uprisings or conspiracies against the Government have occurred within rive 
years and seven months. It is firmly believed thai the culminating revolutionary 
attempt of last Saturday will, unless radical measures are taken, wreck our already 
damaged credit abroad and precipitate to final ruin our already overstrained finan- 
cial condition; and the guarantees of protection to life, liberty, and property will 
steadily decrease and the political situation rapidly grow worse. 

In this belief, and also in the firm belief that the action hereby taken is, and will 
be for the best personal, political, and property interests of every citizen of the land, 

We, citizens and residents of the Hawaiian Islands, organized and acting for the 
public safety and the common good, hereby proclaim as follows: 

1. The Hawaiian monarchial system of Government is hereby abrogated. 

2. A Provisional Government for the control and management of public affairs 
and the protection of the public peace is hereby established, to exist until terms of 
union with the United States of America have been negotiated and agreed upon. 

3. Such Provisional Government shall consist of an executive council of four 
members, who are hereby declared to be S. B. Dole, J. A. King, P. C. Jones, W. O. 
Smith, who shall administer the executive departments of the Government, the 
first named acting as president and chairman of such council and administering 
the department of foreign affairs, and the others severally administering the 
department of interior, finance, and attorney-general, respectively, in the order in 
which they are above enumerated, according to existing Hawaiian law as far as 
may be consistent with this proclamation; and also of an advisory council which 
shall consist of fourteen members who are hereby declared to be S. M. Damon, A. 
Brown, L. A. Thurston, J. F. Morgan, J. Emmeluth, H. Waterhouse, J. A. 
McCandless, E. D. Tenney, F. W. McChesney, F. Wilhelm, W. R. Castle, W. G. Ashley, 
W. C. Wilder, C. Bolte. Such advisory council shall also have general legislative 
authority. 

Such executive and advisory councils shall, acting jointly, have power to remove 
any member of either council and to fill such or any other vacancy. 

4. All officers under the existing Government are hereby requested, to continue to 
exercise their functions and perform the duties of their respective offices, with the 
exception of the following-named persons : • 

Queen Liliuokalani. 
Charles B. Wilson, marshal, 
Samuel Parker, minister of foreign affairs, 
W. H. Corn well, minister of finance, 
John F. Colburn, minister of the interior, 
Arthur P. Peterson, attorney-general, 
who are hereby removed from office. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 323 



5. All Hawaiian laws and constitutional prin 
* ! continue in force until further order of the exe< 
(Signed) Henry E. Cooper, Chairman. 
Andrew Brown, 
Theodore F. Lansing, 
1 John Emmeluth, 

C. BOLTE, 

Ed. Suhr, 

Henry Wateriiouse, 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands^ January 17, 



dples not inconsistent herewith shall 
utive and advisory councils. 

W. C. Wilder, 

F. W. McChesney, 

Wm. O. Smith. 

Lorriist A. Thurston, 

Wm. R. Castle, 

J. A. McCandless, 

Committee of Safety. 



During the reading of the proclamation armed adherents of the Government began 
to gather, and it is stated that Oscar White was the first man in the grounds with a 
gun. By the time that the reading was finished Capt. Ziegler reached the spot with 
his men. 

THE VOLUNTEER FORCES. 

The armory on Beretania street was the spot selected for the asseinhling of the 
volunteers, and here arms and ammunition were furnished to those who required 
them. The first body of men who were ready for active work was a company coin- 
posed of German citizens who were under command of Capt. Charles Ziegler. 

They were at the spot about 2:30 o'clock, just one-half hour earlier than the 
appointed time, but they were soon joined by two companies which were rapidly 
formed until a good-sized detachment was made up. The last-mentioned companies 
were under the command of George C. Potter and J. H. Fisher. Each man was armed 
with a rifle and had a cartridge belt around his waist. When they were mustered 
together, an order came from Commander J. H. Soper to march at once to the Govern- 
ment building to prevent any possible uprising. The companies at once repaired in 
squads to Aliiolani Hall. Orders were given to clear the yard and sentries were at 
the gates to j>revent outsiders from entering. 

As soon as it was generally known about town that a new Government was estab- 
lished, citizens of all classes rallied to its support, and before nightfall, four com- 
panies" under arms were organized to uphold the new order and carry it through. 
During the afternoon a temporary military organization was formed, with J. Pf. 
Soper at the head. He named as his aids, George F. McLeod, D. B. Smith, John 
Good, Fred. Wundenberg, and J. H. Fisher. Captains Hugh Guun, George C. Potter, 
Charles Ziegler and J. M. Camara jr., were placed in command of the different 
companies. 

•Pickets were at once stationed all over the city to carry out the provisions of mar- 
tial law which had been proclaimed by the new Government. 

After the reading of the proclamation, the new Government at once took jiosses- 
sion of the treasury and all the departments. The following orders were issued : 



Honolulu, H. I., Jan. 17, 1S93. 



PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



[Orders No. 1.] 



All persons favorable to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands are 
hereby requested to forthwith report to the Government at the Government building 
to furnish the Government such arms and ammunition as they may have in their pos- 
session or control, as soon as possible, in order that efficient and complete protec- 
tion to life and property and the public peace may immediately and efficiently be 
put into operation. 

(Signed) Sanford B. Dole, 

J. A. King, 
P. C. Jones, 
W. O. Smith, 

Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 

John Emmeluth, E. D. Tenney, 

Andrew Brown, F. W. McChesney, 

C. Bolte, W. C. Wilder, 

James F. Morgan, J. A. McCandless, 

Henry Waterhouse, W. R. Castle, 

S. M. Damon. Lorrin A. Thurston, 

W r . G. Ashley, F. J. Wilhelm. 
Advisory Council of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. 



324 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Honolulu, H. I., Jan. 17, 1803. 

PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 
[Order No. 2.] 

It is hereby ordered and decreed that until further ordered, the right of the writ 
of habeas corpus is hereby suspended, and martial law is hereby declared to exist 
throughout tke Island of Oahu. 

Sanford B. Dole, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
J. A. King, 

Minister of the Interior. 
P. C. Jones, 

Minister of Finance. 
William O. Smith, 

Attorney-General. 

Executive Council of the Provisional Government of the Ha waiian Islands. 

the royalist surrender. 

The cabinet were summoned to surrender the palace, police station, and barracks. 
They endeavored to gain time, but the Provisional Government insisted upon an 
immediate unconditional surrender. The police station was accordingly given up at 
once, the Queen retiring from the palace and the barracks being taken into posses- 
sion the next day. The cabinet noted the following protest : 

I, Liliuokalani, by the Grace of God, and under the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against 
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain per- 
sons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this Kingdom. 

That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister 
plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused the United States troops 
to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional 
Government. 

Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do under 
this protest, and impelled by said force yield my authority until such time as the 
Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it. undo the 
action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the 
constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 
Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 

(Signed) Liliuokalani, R. 

(Signed) Samuel Parker, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
(Signed) Wm, H. Corn well, 

Min liter of Finance. 
(Signed) Jno. F. Colburn, 

Minister of the Interior. 
(Signed) A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney-General. 

To S. B. Dole, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands. 

[Indorsed.] 

Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, 1893. 
(Signed) Sanford J3. Dole, 

Chairman of Executive Council of Provisional Government, 

BUSY *days. 

Wednesday, the 18th, was another busy day about the Government building. 
Recruits kept constantly pouring in from all quarters until about 500 names were 
enrolled, which spontaneous action on the part of the citizens proved that the new 
Government had the sympathy and support of the general community. 

In the meantime the taking of the barracks and the police station furnished the 
Government with a large amount of ammunition and arms, which were immediately 
distributed among the forces of the Government. 

The interior of the Government building was transformed into a barracks through 
the efforts of W. W. Hall, who had been appointed commissary. Beds and bedding 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 325 



were supplied for the men, and arrangements were made with the different hotels to 
provide food for the volunteers. The legislative hall and other rooms in the build- 
ing were assigned as quarters for the members of the different companies and every- 
thing possible w as done for their comfort. 

For days everything went along with military precision, and on the 23d the 
executive and advisory councils of the Government decided to organize a national 
guard of four companies, one company to be a permanent force under pay and to 
consist of 100 men, while three companies were to be volunteers. On the same day 
commissions were issued to J. H. Soper as the commander of the forces with the 
rank of colonel, John Good as captain, and Arthur Coyne as first lieutenant. 

On the 24th, the active work of enlisting men for the permanent force commenced 
in Arion Hall, where Chief-Justice Judcl, Associate Justice Bickerton, and Circuit 
Judges Whiting and Frear were present to administer the oath of allegiance. 

On the same day additional appointments were made as follows : J. H. Fisher as 
lieutenant-colonel; George F. McLeod as major; W. W. Hall as quartermaster; 
W. P. Tilden as ordnanceofficer ; Ira A. Burgess as second lieutenant of the regular 
forces. 

On the same evening, at the Government building, an important event took place 
when the three volunteer military companies were organized. Each company will 
probably consist of 100 men. They will be uniformed and armed with rifles, and as 
soon as possible meeting places will be provided for the companies. 

Following is the list of officers : 

Company A. — Captain, C. W. Ziegler; first lieutenant, A. Gartenberg; second 
lieutenant, Karl Klemme. 

Company B. — Captain, Hugh Gunn ; first lieutenant, Arthur Brown; second lieu- 
tenant, L. T. Kenake. 

Company C. — Captain, J. M. Caniara, jr.; first lieutenant, J. M. Vivas; second 
lieutenant, A. G. Silva, jr. 

THE BOSTON MEN. 

The battalion from the Boston was composed as follows : 

Marine Guard. — First Lieut. H. L. Draper, commanding, 30 men armed witla 
Springfield rifles. 

Artillery Company. — Lieut. Lucien Young, commanding, 34 men, with two gatlings. 
First Company Infantry. — Lieut. Charles Laird, commanding, 34 men armed with 
Lee rifles. 

Second Company Infantry. — Lieut. D. W. Coffman, commanding, 34 men armed with 
Lee rifles. 

Adjutant of the battalion, Lieut. W. R. Rush. 

When the battalion fell in line it marched up Fort street to the office of Mr. H. W. 
Severance, consul-general for the United States, when a halt was made. One com- 
pany was detached and sent to guard the American legation on Nuuauu street. A 
guard was also left at the consul's office, after which the battalion moved out 
Merchant street to King, and came to a halt in front of Mr. J. A. Hopper's resi- 
dence. About sundown another move was made to Mr. J. B. Atherton's residence im 
the same street, and after a stay of several hours a return march to Arion Hall was 
made, where the battalion made its headqnarters for several days. In the mean- 
time the old Bishop premises on King street had been prepared for the officers and 
men, and on Thursday, January 19, they were installed, and they have been there 
ever since. 

THE NEW GOVERNMENT RECOGNIZED, 

As soon as the Provisional Government was in possession, it sent notifications of 
the situation to all the representatives of the foreign powers. Recognitions began 
to pour in as soon as it became clear that the Government was a genuine de facto one. 
until all the powers had accepted the situation. The list includes Sweden, Ger- 
many, the United States, Austro-Hungary, Belgium, Russia, Peru, Italy, the Nether- 
lands, France, England, Japan, China, Portugal, Chile, Denmark, Spain, and Mexico. 

It was also decided to dispatch the Claudine to San Francisco with a commission' 
empowered to negotiate a treaty of union with the United States. She left this port 
Thursday morning at about half past 9 o'clock for San Francisco with the Special 
commission to Washington on board. The Wilder dock was crowded with people to 
witness the departure of the vessel, and when she left the dock three hearty cheers 
were given for Messrs. Thurston, Wilder, W. R. Castle, Marsden. and Carter, the 
gentlemen Avho compose the special commission. Many prominent citizens were 
present on the dock to bid the gentlemen good luck and a successful mission. The 
vessel had been carefully guarded for a couple of days previously to prevent any 
stowaways from getting on board, and on her departure a thorough searc h was made. 



326 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The voyage was prosperous. Saturday morning, January 28, the commissioners 
landed in San Francisco, proceeding on the, following day to Washington. 

The eleven days immediately following the departure of the Cland'mt w ere not dis- 
tinguished by any event of special importance. The Provisional Government was 
busily occupied in adjusting the administration to the new conditions. A few bills 
were passed, but no legislation has been attempted except such as was called for by 
the exigencies of the situation. A strong guard was kept upou the Government 
building, as well as at the palace, barracks, and police station. The neighborhood 
of the Government building was also picketed, and a regular street patrol, horse and 
foot, was maintained during the night. One or two tires, suspected to be of incen- 
diary origin, were started, but they were promptly extinguished, and no damage 
resulted. Under martial law the streets of the city w^ere quiet as they seldom hare 
been before. The saloons were at first closed, but everything remained so quiet that 
even this simple measure was found unnecessary. The excitement of the first two or 
three days passed away, and business resumed its customary course. Recruits llowed 
in steadily, though no special effort was made to obtain them. 

THE PROTECTORATE. 

This state of things lasted eleven days, when the Government resolved upon a new 
move, which had been the subject of deliberation for several days. The incessant 
agitation on the part of certain whites of the class who have always, been the curse 
of this country, coupled with the efforts of one English and one or two native news- 
papers to discredit the Government, to block its efforts toward the establishment of 
order, and in general to bring it into disrepute and contempt, had been the chief 
agency in spreading through the town a feeling of uneasiness and disquietude. It 
was thought w r ise, therefore, to secure the direct assistance of the United States Gov- 
ernment in the preservation of property and the maintenance of order and a request 
was forwarded by the Government to the American minister to establish a protec- 
torate pending the settlement of the negotiations at Washington. 

In accordance with the terms of this request, at 8 : 30 a. m. February 1, Capt. Wiltse 
proceeded to the Government building, and a few moments later the battalion of the 
U. S. S. Boston, under Lieut. Commander Swinburne, marched up the street, entered 
the grounds, and drew up in front of the building. 

Detachments from the three volunteer Companies A, B, and C were drawn up in 
line, under the command of their respective captains, Ziegler, Gunn, and Camara. 
Just before 9 o'clock Lieut. Rush read in a loud voice the following proclamation, 
and punctually at 9 o'clock, amid the breathless silence of all present, the dag, 
saluted by the troops and by the cannon of the Boston, was raised above the tower 
of Aliiolani Hall. 

The following is the text of the proclamation: 

To the Hawaiian people: 

At the request of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands. I hereby, 
in the name of the United States of America, assume protection of the Hawaiian 
Islands for the protection of life and property and occupation of public buildings 
and Hawaiian soil, so far as may be necessary for the purpose specified, but not inter- 
fering with the administration of public affairs by the Provisional Government. 
This action is taken pending, and subject to, negotiations at Washington. 

John L. Stevens, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States. 
United States Legation, Felruary 1, 1893. 

Approved and executed by 

G. C. Wiltse, Captain. U. S. N., 

Commanding the United States Ship Boston. 

The wisdom of the Government's course in requesting the protectorate was jus- 
tified by the result. A feeling of general relief spread itself throughout the com- 
munity. The maintenance of the citizen soldiers, many of Avhoni could ill spare 
the time and strength which they required for their daily bread, had been some- 
what burdensome. While these soldiers were willing to support the Government 
as long as necessary, most of them were glad to be able to return to the ordinary 
occupation. The power of the Provisional Government to maintain itself against 
all comers was never doubted for a moment, but it was naturally felt that the safest 
course was to be in constant readiness for an attack, even though the probability of 
any being made might be very small. As a matter of fact, it is not likely that an 
armed attempt to overthrow the Government would have been made. 
, On Sunday, the 5th of February, martial law was abrogated and the right of the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



327 



writ of habeas corpus restored. No use had been made of its suspension, and no 
political arrests of any Mud were found necessary. 

The steamer arrived from San Francisco February 10, bringing the news that the 
propositions of this Government were very favorably received by the press and 
people of the United States. The arrival of this intelligence produced a feeling Of 
general satisfaction throughout the community, which was raised to the highest 
pitch when the China came in Monday, February 20, six days from San Francisco, and 
brought the further news of the arrival of the commissioners in Washington, their 
favorable reception, and formal recognition by the administration, and the rapid 
progress of negotiations for an annexation treaty at Washington. 

On Washington's birthday the Australia arrived, confirming previous dispatches, 
and adding to them the fact that the treaty had been signed by the President, and 
that it would be submitted to the Senate for ratification immediately. The result- 
ant state of feeling is one not merely of the keenest personal satisfaction, but of 
general security. Business confidence is being restored, sugar stocks are recovering, 
the money market is easier, and there is a well-founded anticipation among all 
classes that Hawaii, as a part of the American Union, is about to enter upon a 
career of prosperity without a parallel in her history. 

THE MEN WHO DID IT. 

The foregoing sketch, brief as it is, would not be complete without a word or two 
as to the character of the men who have brought the cause to a successful issue. Of 
Lorrin A. Thurston it is notnecessary to speak. His indomitable resolution and energy 
are recognized by all as prime factors in the movement. The proclamation, which 
may well be called the new charter of Hawaiian liberty, he dictated from a sick bed, 
but its ringing words have nothing in them but the health and strength of full 
manhood. The fact that San ford B. Dole is the executive head of the Government 
has furnished from the beginning one of the strongest guarantees of its success. No 
man in all the Hawaiian commonwealth is the object of more universal respect. 
He stands for equity, for moderation, for prudence, and for firmness as well, in all 
the actions of the executive. 

The military department possesses a thoroughly reliable head in John H. Soper. 
The pluck and determination of J. Good, captain of the regulars, who fired the 
first and last shot of the revolution, have been invaluable to the cause. Capt. 
Ziegler, with his Germans, has been a host, and the zeal of Captains Gunn and 
Camara, of the volunteers, who have devoted day and night to the service, as well 
as the officer's of the commander's staff, is above praise. With the police station 
in the charge of Fred Wundenberg, during the first doubtful and trying days, 
everyone felt that stronghold to be safe. 

No attempt is made here even to enumerate more than a fraction of those who 
have served the cause with devotion. Many of those chiefly worthy of mention 
must pass unnamed. The host of volunteers, though their roll is not called here, 
should not be forgotten, for their service, though humbler, was not less necessary 
than the service of the leaders. 



A SKETCH OF EE CENT EVENTS. 

[Being a short account of the events which culminated on June 30, 1887, together with a full report of 
the great reform meeting, and the two constitutions in parallel columns^ Honolulu: Published by 
A. M. Hewett. Hawaiian Gazette Print, 1887.] 

A RETROSPECT. 

The origin of the events which had their culmination in the revolution of July 1, 
1887, must be sought for in the Moreno episode of 1880. The teterrima causa, of course, 
was the vicious and worthless constitution of 1864; but, as the Hon. C. K. Bishop 
said in the now historical meeting of June 30, 1887, he had lived under it during the 
reign of five Kings and had not found out that it was a bad one until the last few 
years when it had been so thoroughly misused. We may, for the moment, dismiss 
that, and concentrate our attention on the last eight years, when it became patent 
to one designing mind how the " worthless rag" of a constitution might be used by 
an unscrupulous man for private aggrandizement. 

C. C. Moreno came here in 1880 with a scheme for a transpacific cable and a plan 
for a set of Chinese steamers, which were to touch here on their way between San 
Francisco and the Flowery Kingdom. He soon found his way to the ear of the King, 
and put before him some dazzling schemes. Moreno was a keen politician, and made 
use of Mr. W. M. Gibson, who was then leading the opposition in the Legislating to 



328 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 



further his views in the house, and also learned Gibson's plans, some of them, accord- 
ing to his story, very desperate ones, for acquiring power. The cabinet at that time 
consisted of Messrs. S. G. Wilder, interior; J. M. Kapena, foreign affairs, Simon 
Kaai, finance, and Edward Preston, attorney-general. An attempt was made to 
overthrow this cabinet in the Legislature by a vote of want of confidence, but it 
was defeated and the session came to a close. Within a few hours after the pro- 
rogation the cabinet was summarily dismissed by the King, and commissions were 
signedjj( August 14) for John E. Bush, interior, C. C. Moreno, foreign affairs, Kaai, 
finance, and Claude Jones, attorney-general. The change called forth a perfect 
storm. A mass meeting was held, the diplomatic corps intervened, and the most 
objectionable feature in the ministry, C. C. Moreno, was forced to resign August 19. 
and left for San Francisco in the Ho Chung, a steamer belonging to the Chinese 
Navigation Company. By September 27, 1880, an entirely new ministry was formed 
with Messrs. W. L. Green, H. A. P. Carter, J. S. Walker, and Mr. W. N. Armstrong 
joined them later as attorney-general. 

This was but an episode, but it showed what could be done. If a stranger could 
drop, as it were, from the clouds and do what Moreno had done, why should not 
another, who was a resident here, do likewise? The seed sown by Moreno took rapid 
hold in the mind of Gibson, and from the moment of Moreno's fall he resolved to 
work on the lines of the wily Don. 

It took some time to organize his scheme, but Gibson kept his aim steadily in view. 
On May 19, 1882, during the first weeks of the legislative session, the Green-Carter 
ministry resigned, and Gibson was called to the head of affairs. His colleagues were 
Messrs. Simon Kaai, interior; J. E. Bush, finance, and Edward Prestou, attorney- 
general. From 1882 to June 30, 1887, a system of gradual extension of royal preroga- 
tives, a using of the public funds for private ends, has steadily gone on. The changes 
in the cabinet have been so frequent that it acquired the name of kaleidoscopic ; but 
Avhatever change took place, one central figure always remained, and that was \V. 
M. Gibson. During his career he occupied every place in the cabinet, and on one 
occasion he filled three positions at the same time, viz, foreign affairs, interior, and 
the attorney-generalship. 

The policy at first adopted was to play upon the King's vanity, and for that pur- 
pose a gorgeous coronation pageant was arranged, which took place February 11, 
1883. The bills incurred on that occasion were enormous, how large has never 
yet been learned, but at the sesion of 1886 the outstanding accounts under this head 
still amounted to some $20,000. The coronation, however, was but the thin end of 
the wedge. In every way that could add to the tinsel and glitter of the Kingdom, 
money was spent. * 

It became very clear that to do this it was necessary to "hold'"' the Legislature. 
To this end political heads were chopped off in all directions and the places of the 
former incumbents filled by men devoted to the new regime without reference to 
their fitness for the positions. Thus Mr. Godfrey Brown was summarily dismissed 
from the finance office and Col. Allen from the collector-generalship of customs, 
while the board of education, consisting of Messrs. C. R. Bishop, E. O. Hall, Godfrey 
Rhodes, and J. Kawainui were turned out in an insulting manner. The name and 
influence of the King were freely used in the elections, and the Government candi- 
dates for election were chosen from among tho office-holders. In the Legislature of 
1884 an effort was made to meet the evil but the opposition was not united enough ; 
it needed that the governing powers should more plainly show their evil qualities 
before all men would unite in a solid phalanx against them. 

The appropriation bill of 1884 far exceeded any previous one. Money was voted 
for many useless things ; the expenses of the privy purse were swelled; so was the 
military vote, the vote for foreign missions, and, throughout the whole session and 
long after it, the Spreckels' influence was supreme. The following two years told 
the same tale of extravagance only the Government were becoming more bold. 
Jobs of the most flagrant description were constantly being brought before the pub- 
lic through the press, and the cabinet calmly smiled and asked the complainants 
what they were going to do about it? 

The leprosy question, also, had been growing into a crying evil. Lepers were let 
free, either on the authority of Mr. Gibson or the King, and these permits were used 
for political purposes. To quell the feeling in this direction, for it was growing 
serious, Dr. Arning, a specialist, was sent for from Germany. He came, instituted 
a set of valuable experiments, and then, proving only a scientific man and not a 
political tool, was dismissed, under circumstances which are fresh in the minds of 
all our readers. Debt, too, began to accumulate rapidly, and to bolster their 
failing finances, loans were obtained from Mr. Spreckels. 

For the Legislature of 1886 a gallant fight was made to have a body of men elected 
who would vote money with some sense of its value, and who should, in some degree, 
represent the capital and brains of the country. The effort was abortive. Every 
scandalous means was used to secure a victory for the men in power. Bribery was 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 329 



employed, liquor was allowed to run in a tide, promises of office were given, intim- 
idation was resorted to, and in one district a number of soldiers were taken up to 
outvote the opposition candidate, while in another the voting lists were openly tam- 
pered with. 

With a Legislature composed of such materials, and obtained by such means, it is 
not surprising that the right of free speech was cut off. and that a reckless disregard 
for the rights of capital and brains reigned supreme. 

The session lasted from April 30 to October 16 — a period of 170 days. The results 
were an appropriation bill of somewhat over four and a half millions of dollars, 
the income of the country being about two millions. A loan bill was passed author- 
izing the Government to borrow $2,000,000, the affair to be managed by a syndicate 
in London. A free-liquor bill had been passed in the Legislature of 1884, and that of 
1886 gave an opium bill, which was so framed that bribery could be freely used 
to obtain the license. The results of this bill will be seen later on. Then there 
was an army bill, authorizing the expenditure of a very large sum of money, and 
creating generals, colonels, intelligence officers, and no end of frippery. The buying 
and fitting out of a man-of-war was authorized, and the vote for foreign missions 
was still further increased. One thing was made clear, during the session, and that 
was the ministerial view of the constitution. In open debate the question was 
argued: " Where lies, or should lie, the preponderating, the actual ruling power ? ; ' 
One of the independent members maintained "In the legislature;" the ministry 
held "In the crown;" and the latter theory was acted upon. 

Great dissatisfaion was felt at the close of the Legislature; but matters were not 
so bad yet as to cause all men to unite. What the Government intended to do soon 
began to be developed. An embassy, under charge of John E. Bush, was sent at 
great expense to Samoa. A large sum of money was expended over festivities in 
honor of the King's birthday. The Explorer (re-named the Kaimiloa) — a vessel 
totally unsuited for the purpose — was purchased by the Government for $20,000, 
and some $50,000 or $60,000 were expended in turning her into a man-of-war. 
The erew was largely made up of boys from the Reformatory School, and 
their conduct, together with that of some of the officers, created a perfect scandal. 
On the evening before the day appointed for the sailing of the vessel a mutiny broke 
out, and several of the officers were summarily dismissed. Meantime, money was 
very scarce, the loan was bungled, and though the money had been subscribed in 
England, it was not forthcoming in Hawaii. The roads all over the group were in a 
terrible condition; the harbor had not been dredged for months, no funds being 
forthcoming for the purpose; the landings were neglected and Government indebt- 
edness was not liquidated. 

So bad had things become that men set seriously to work to right them, and early 
in the present year a number of gentlemen in Honolulu and on the other islands 
began to consider the best means for putting an end to the then state of affairs, and 
placing the Government of the country on a basis which should for the future do 
away with the system of corruption and fraud which had ruled so long. For this 
purpose arms were imported, and every preparation made beforehand. The organ- 
ization took the name of the Hawaiian League, and had enrolled among its members 
some of the weightiest men in the city. 

The agitation was progressing favorably, when a weapon was put into the hands 
of the patriotic party which served to unite the whole population as one mau against 
the regime under which such iniquities could be perpetrated. 

We have spoken above of the opium law which was passed in the Legislature of 1886, 
and which had received the King's signature in spite of the most vigorous protests 
from all classes of the community. The bill provided that a license for the sale of 
opium, at the rate of $30,000 per annum, should be given to whomsoever the minis- 
ter of the interior might choose. 

The facts in the matter, furnished on undeniable authority, were published in the 
Hawaiian Gazette of May 17, and from that paper we quote. The paper said : 

"Early in November, 1886, one Junius Kaae, heretofore conspicuous for nothing 
except being a 1 palace hanger-on' (since promoted to the office of register of 
deeds), went to a Chinese rice-planter named Aki and rsked him if he did not want 
the opium license. Aki said he did. Kaae then informed him that he could help 
him lo get it, and that the first step necessary was to x>ay the King the sum of 
$60,000, but that he must hurry up about it, because there were others trying to gel 
the King to give it to them. After some discussion, Aki agreed to act upon Kaae's 
suggestion. About the 6th of December, in the afternoon, $20,000 were taken to the 
palace in a basket. The King, seeing others around, told the bearers to come in the 
evening. They came in the evening and met the King, who directed them to see 
Kaae. Kaae, being present, conferred with the King, and then went to the King's 
private office, and he there received the $20,000, and put it in the King's private 
drawer. A few days after, the King stated to the owner that he had received the 
$20,000. Shortly after a check on the bank for $10,000 was handed to the King 
personally. The same day Kaae returned it, saying that they preferred coin Lo 



330 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



checks. Tlie same evening the coin to that amount was delivered to Kaae. A day 
or two later $30,000 in gold coin and certificates of deposit, in two baskets, were 
taken to the palace and delivered, together with a present of a little baked pig, to 
the King personally. This completed the $60,000. Finding how easily $60,000 was 
made, probably there were some qualms of conscience about letting the license go 
so cheap. Aki was therefore informed by Kaae that John S. Walker was backing 
another Chinaman, and that unless $15,000 more was forthcoming, Walker's China- 
man would get the license. Aki reluctantly raised the amount, and it was paid to 
the King personally." 

Shortly after this, Aki heard that the license had been given to another Chinese 
syndicate, at the head of which was Chun Lung. 

The fact that he had lost his money and his license, made Aki tell, and the whole 
circumstances were drawn up in a series of affidavits. On May 31 the Gazette 
published Aki's affidavit, giving the matter more fully in detail, and likewise 
exposed an illegal land transaction in which the minister of foreign affairs, W. M. 
Gibson, while acting minister of interior, had been engaged. 

It had also transpired that the minister of interior, J. Aholo, had drawn a sum of 
money out of the treasury, certifying that it was for the work done on the continu- 
ation of Queen's street, when it was known, for a fact, that no such work had been 
done. 

These publications created an immense sensation, and the entire press united in 
denouncing the venality and corruption of the Hawaiian Government. Preparations 
were made for holding a public meeting on Monday, June 27, but it was deemed 
advisable to postpone the meeting till Thursday, June 30. Early on Tuesday, 
June 28, it was rumored that the ministry had resigned. This was found to be a 
fact. During that day and the next the ex-attorney-general made efforts to get 
together a coalition ministry, but without success, and on Thursday, June 30, the 
mass meeting was held. The account of it, which appeared in the Gazette, is 
reproduced here, corrected by the accounts published in the Commercial Advertiser 
and Herald. It reads as follows : 

THE GREAT MASS MEETING. 

The most enthusiastic, largest, and yet most orderly meeting ever held in Honolulu 
took place on Thursday afternoon, June 30. The meeting had been advertised 
June 29 by posters in English, Hawaiian, and Portuguese, and long before the 
appointed hour, 2 p. m., the approaches to the armory of the Honolulu Rifles, 
corner of Punchbowl and Beretania streets, were thronged with crowds of people 
of all classes, hurrying to the rendezvous. All the stores in town were closed by 1 
p.m., and all work on buildings or in machine shops was brought to a close. Pass- 
ing the palace a considerable stir was noticed, and as the Gazette reporter passed, a 
native with half a dozen rifles on his shoulder was proceeding thither from the 
barracks. 

Outside the armory the Honolulu Rifles were drawn up under arms with fixed 
bayonets, and each man carrying fifty rounds of ammunition. Our citizen soldiers 
looked a fine body of men, " ready/ 7 as one of the speakers afterwards said in the 
meeting, "to defend their rights or enforce them.' 7 

In the armory seats had been arranged, and by 2 o'clock the building was filled in 
every part, while a large crowd blocked up every opening. The platform was 
placed on the matika or land side of the building. On the table was the Ha waiian 
flag, while at the back the flags of the United States and Great Britain were inter- 
twined, fit emblems of the mother and daughter country standing shoulder to 
shoulder. 

Those wlio were present. — The assemblage was thoroughly representative — mechan- 
ics, merchants, day-laborers, planters, professional men, all were there. Of nation- 
alities there were Americans, Britons, Colonials, Germans, Hawaiians, Portuguese, 
Chinese, and Japanese. In numbers, a good many estimated the crowd as being 
about 2,500. With but a few exceptions, all were animated by the same feelings, 
the same determination, to put an end, once and for all, upon the present iniquitous 
system of misrule and extra vagance. 

The following list of names was compiled by Mr. Dan Logan, of the Herald, Dr. 
Emerson, and Mr. Alatau T. Atkinson, of the Gazette, and though necessarily imper- 
fect, will serve to show the material of which the meeting was composed: 

Representative names. — Jonathan Austin, Hon. W. F. Allen, Alatau T. Atkinson, 
J. B. Atherton, L. C. Abies, H. J. Aguew, L. Aseu, F. E. Atwater, W. Alexander, 
Hon. C. R. Bishop, Maj. Benson, U. S. Army; Hon. Cecil Brown, Godfrey Brown, 
Frank Brown, W. P. A. Brewer, Rev. Dr. Beckwith, W. R. Buchanan, P. Butler, J. 
E. Brown, J. Bushee, Rev. S. E. Bishop, Geo. C. Beckley, A. J. Gartwright, sr., H. 
W. Schmidt, R. J. Creighton, Hon. John A. Cummins, James Campbell, Hon. W. R. 
Castle, G. P. Castle, Kwong Hang Cheng, Yuen Chong, J. O. Carter, E. S. Ounha, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 331 



Lau Chong, Robert Catton, C. K. Cooke, E. C. Damon, M. Dickson, W. E. H. Dever- 
ill, J. A. Dower, J. Dowsett, Dr. N. B. Emerson, G. D. Freeth, W. S. Forsyth. Chas. 
Foster (Maui), W, E. Foster, C. J. Fishek Hon. VV. L. Green, H. F. Glade, Sir A. 
Gooch (England), Robt. Gay, R. Jay Greene, W. Robinson, R. Grieve, Capt. W. B. 
Godfrey, Chr. Gertz, Frank Gertz, W alter Hill, A. Hoffnung (England), Julius Hol- 
ing, Major Hills, C. Hammer, F. M. Hatch, W. W. Hall, W. L. Holokahiki, C. W. 
Hart, Thos. Hughes, W. E. Herrick, Maj. A. B. Hayley, Hon. P. Isenberg, A 
Jaeger, P. C. Jones, E. W. Jordan, W. A. Kinney, Geo. Kim, A. Kraft, Capt. J. King, 
Prince Albert Kunuiakea, M. Louisson, R. W. Laine, D. Logan, H. R. Macfarlane, 
E. C. Marfarlane, Fred W. Macfarlane, M. Mclnerny, Rev. W. C. Merritt, Alex McKib- 
bin, Capt. Mist, R. N., E. Mailer, Rev. Alex Mackintosh, Dr. J. S. McGrew, A. 
Marques, J. A. McCandless, M. D. Monsarrat, Dr. Robt. McKibbin, Captain Macau- 
lay, John Nott. P. Neumann, Rev. W. B. Oleson, Hon. Sam Parker, R. W. Purvis, 
John H. Paty, W. C. Peacock, W. H. Rice, Mark P. Robinson, Dr. C. T. Rodgers, H. 
Riemenschneider, H. Renjes, Capt. Ross, L. F. Stolz, Capt. Harry S. Swinton, J. H. 
Soper, S. Savidge, F. M. Swanzy, G. M. Stillman, Dr. Tucker, H. S. Tregloan, J. G. 
Tucker, T. G. Thrum, Fred TurriL H. S. Townsend, R. von Tempsky, J. M. Vivas, 
J. T. Waterhouse, E. M. Walsh, William C. Wilder, J. Hay Wodehouse, H. M. Whit- 
ney, Henry Waterhouse, C. L. White, J. A. Wilder, T. Rain W T alker, G. L. Wilcox, 
Rev. George Wallace, C. B. Wilson, R. N. Webster, Chief Engineer Whittaker, U. 
S. Army; A. S. Wilcox, A. Young. 

At the reporters' table were Messrs. Daniel Logan, editor of the Daily Herald ; Wal- 
ter Hill, editor of the Bulletin; Alatau T. Atkinson, editor of the Gazette; Messrs. 
Taylor and Gilbert, of the P. C. Advertiser; Mr. S. Kaaikaula, of the Pae Aina; Mr. 
Ho Fon, of the Chinese News, and Mr. F. J. Testa, of the Elele. 

The meeting. — Shortly after the stroke of 2 Hon. S. B. Dole came on to the platform 
and calling the meeting to order, nominated Mr. P. 0. Jones as chairman. The nomi- 
nation was accepted unanimously, and amid loud applause the genial gentleman, 
who has presided over so many a social gathering, took charge of the most important 
meeting that has ever been known in Hawaiian history. 

Mr. Jones, on ascending the platform, said: I feel honored at being nominated 
chairman of this, the largest and most important meeting that has ever assembled in 
this city. We have assembled in a constitutional manner, and propose to conduct it 
in a constitutional manner. We are here for the purpose of asking for good govern- 
ment, a thing we have not had, but which we earnestly desire. We, representatives 
of all nations, are assembled here and we can afford to conduct ourselves in a firm and 
dignified manner, because we are firm and determined in what we ask. [Applause.] 

A set of resolutions have been prepared which will be read to you by Mr. L. A. 
Thurston, and also a communication from the King which has just been received by 
the Hon. C. R. Bishop. Then there will be short speeches. As there are many speak- 
ers and the place is warm and we are warmed up, they will be limited to tive min- 
utes. We must make the work short, sharp, and decisive. [Loud cheers.] 

Hon. Lorrin Thurston apologized for ar>pearing in uniform, but he had. been so 
ordered .by his commanding officer, and he obeyed his orders. He then read the fol- 
lowing : 

KESOLUTIONS. 

We, the citizens, residents, and taxpayers of Honolulu, acting, as we firmly believe, 
in sympathy with and in behalf of all right-minded citizens, residents, and taxpay- 
ers of this Kingdom, and being assembled in mass meeting in the city of Honolulu, on 
the 30th day of June, 1887, do resolve as follows: 

1. That the administration of the Hawaiian Government has ceased, through 
corruption and incompetence, to perform the functions and afford the protection to 
personal and property rights for which all governments exist. 

2. That while some of the evils of which we complain can not be at once adequately 
redressed and their recurrence prevented, and many others are incurable except by 
radical changes in the present constitution, yet there are some evils which we feel 
must be remedied at once, before a permanent reform movement can be inaugurated 
with any reasonable prospect of success. 

3. Holding these views, we request of the King: 

First. That he shall at once and unconditionally dismiss his present cabinet from 
office, and we ask that he shall call one of these persons, viz, William L. Green, 
Henry Waterhouse, Godfrey Brown, or Mark P. Robinson to assist him in selecting 
a new cabinet, which shall be committed to the policy of securing a new constitution. 

Second. That Walter M. Gibson shall be at once dismissed from each and every 
office held by him under the Government. 

Third. In order, so far as possible, to remove the stain now resting on the Throne, 
we request of the King .that he shall cause immediate restitution to be made of the 
sum, to wit, seventy-one thousand dollars ($71,000), recently obtained by him in 
violation of law and of his oath of office, under promise that the persons from whom 



332 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



the same waft obtained shall receive the license to sell opium, as provided by statute 
of the year 1886. 

Fourth. Whereas one Junius Kaae was implicated in the obtaining of said 
seventy-one thousand dollars ($71,000), and has since been, and still is. retained in 
office as registrar of conveyances, we request, as a safeguard to the property inter- 
ests of the country, that said Kaae he at once dismissed from said office, and that tlie 
records of our land titles be placed in hands of one in whose integrity the people 
can safely confide. 

Fifth. That we request a specific pledge from the King — 

(1) That he will not in the future interfere either directly or indirectly with the 
election of representatives. 

(2) That he will not interfere with or attempt to unduly influence legislation or 
legislators. 

(3) That he will not interfere with the constitutional administration of his cabinet. 

(4) That he will not use his official position or patronages for private ends. 
Resolved, That Paul Isenberg, W. W. Hall, J. A. Kennedy, W. H. Rice, Capt. Jas. 

A. King, E. B. Thomas, H. C. Reed, John Vivas, W. F. A. Brewer, W. B. Oleson, 
Cecil Brown, Capt. John Ross, J. B. Atherton, are hereby appointed to present 
the foregoing resolutions and requests to the King; and said committee is hereby 
instructed to request of the King that a personal answer to the same be returned 
within twenty-four hours of the time when the same are presented; and to further 
inform the King that his neglect so to answer the same within said time will be 
construed as a refusal of the said requests. 

Besolved, That said committee, in case of the King's refusal to grant said requests, 
or in case of his neglect to reply to the same, is authorized to call another mass 
meeting at this place on Saturday, July 2, at 2 p. m., to further consider the situa- 
tion. 

When the second request, relative to the summary dismissal of Walter M. Gibson, 
was read, a perfect storm of cheers swept through the building. 

Hon. C. R. Bishop then read the communication he had received from the King, 
premising that it had reached him at 1 p. m. 

THE KING'S LETTER. 

Hon. C. R. Bishop, 

Member of the Souse of Nobles, Privy Councillor of State, etc.: 
My Dear Sir: Reposing especially confidence in your loyalty and sound judg- 
ment as a councillor, and knowing your regard for our people, we are moved to call 
upon the Hon. W. L. Green to form a cabinet and a ministry which lie may select 
and will he acceptable to the respectable and responsible majority of our people, will 
be welcome to us ; and any guaranties which may be reasonably required of us under 
the constitution and laws of our Kingdom will be at once conceded to such admin- 
istration. 

Your friend, 

Kalakatja. 

The chairman reread the letter for the benefit of those who were far off, Mr. 
Bishop's voice not being strong enough to reach the whole assemblage. 

Mr. W. A. Kinney read a translation of the resolutions in Hawaiian, the reader 
being frequently interrupted by applause. 

Hon. W. L. Green, on being called, was received with great applause. He said a 
speech from him was impossible. He could not tell, no one could tell, what the 
course of events would be. He knew no more than any one present about the letter 
from the King. The meeting had assembled to express themselves as to the past 
and in regard to the future, and he urged upon the speakers to keep their language 
firm and decisive. He remembered a meeting held some three years ago, he thought, 
at the Lyceum. It was a large meeting, though not so large as this, and its object 
was to protest against the maladministration of the Gibson cabinet. He was not 
there, not being well, but sent a letter, in which he expressed himself in strong lan- 
guage. He need not go into the details — that could be done better by others; but 
they were in§t again to-day, because- from that day to this that same administration 
had been getting worse and worse until at last it had become intolerable. He con- 
sidered that their united attitude to-day was one which would teach His Majesty 
that he must turn over a new leaf, and see that this country is governed as a con- 
stitutional monarchy. He thought the King's letter precluded his saying anything 
further on this point. If he should be called upon to head a ministry, it should be 
one pledged to the common good, and which would carry out the resolutions passed 
there that day. 

Mr. W. A. Kinney, before addressing the meeting in Hawaiian, spoke in English. 
He said that he had been born here and please God he was going to die here, and 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 333 



would try to live here under this flag, hut he -wanted that flag to he cleau. It -would 
not he clean unless they -went much further than the removal of the Gibson admin- 
istration. He had heen reminded of the -words of Lord Chatham. "It is time that 
the Crown -were addressed in the language of truth." It is the height of folly to put 
four men into a hostile camp, and support the tension to try and keep them there. 
(Mr. E. M. Walsh — "We will support them!") The speaker had a great deal of 
confidence in Mr. Walsh, but he preferred a good constitution, a new constitution, 
every time, and anything less than a new constitution -would not suit him. 
' The miserable rag of a constitution we had did not afford adequate representation 
nor impose proper restrictions upon the power of the Throne. He believed it was 
written on the hearts of those before him, " a new constitution, and that speedily." 
It was the height of folly to suppose that commercial men and others in the commu- 
nity could stand and hold these men in their places. We had tried this kind of 
things for the last six years. With a good constitution we would have peace — peace 
flowing like a river. The franchise will be reconstructed and the king will have 
power as great as the Queen of Great Britain, and that ought to be enough for him. 
If to his own rights he wants to add the rights of 75.000 subjects he is not going to 
have them. The revolution of thought would be followed by a revolution of arms, 
as it always had been, if our reasonable requests were not granted. He pledged his 
life, every cent that he possessed, and his sacred honor under that flag that shel- 
tered him from his birth. (Cheer.) If the men would not put this thing through 
the women would. He referred to the mental agony the women had endured these 
passed years for want of proper protection against disease, many having had to iso- 
late their children in foreign lands. No man can stop or stay this movement now. 
The sails are set. the ship is in motion ; we can not go back. Push her forward into 
the open sea. (Cheers.) 
Mr. Kinney then spoke several minutes in Hawaiian. 

Hon. S. B. Dole, being called upon, said : Fellow citizens : There are two thoughts 
to which I will call your attention in our constitution. First. "The King conducts 
his Government for the common good." The second is like unto it, "All men are 
allowed to assemble to consult upon the common good." We have a right to be here, 
and we have assembled according to law; but we would not be here to-day if the 
King had conducted the Government for the common good. He has not done so. 
This meeting has come together to consider the public interests, and is composed of 
men who are determined to have good government. As I understand the situation, 
this meeting is called to give the King one chance to fall into line for political reform — 
just one chance. I do not say he will take the chance. I am not here to talk about 
the ministers, but about the King (loud cheers), for he is not conducting the Gov- 
ernment for the benefit of the people. I need not detail the fact of bad government 
by the King to you ; it relates to all departments of the administration ; interference 
with everything appertaining- to government has been his rule, and he has sold his 
sacred oath of office to the highest bidder. We aTe here for no unlawful purpose ; we 
are here to demand that the King cleanse the Government, and that he return this 
money — which every man, woman, and child in the country believes he took unlaw- 
fully — not for the sake of the parties to whom it belongs, hut to show that the 
Government is to he conducted henceforth upon clean principles. We remember the 
last six years, during which the rights of the people have been trampled under foot, 
the representative principle of government has been practically destroyed, the prin- 
ciple of ministerial responsibility interrupted, and public moneys recklessly squan- 
dered. These things cannot go on. This movement means political reform, and it 
has gone so far that, from the talk I hear as I go along the street, opposition or 
hostility to it is in the public mind something akin to treason. 

Mr. J. A. McCandless, whom the chairman introduced as a gentleman who went 
down into the bowels of the earth, spoke next. He said he supported these resolu- 
tions, and in doing so he believed that he represented some 1.500 people. He was 
ready to support them with the last drop of his blood. All were united — merchants, 
mechanics, laborers, and all. He believed that there was a unanimity which had 
never before been attained. Fifteen hundred persons had been disfranchised for no 
other reason than they were white men, and they were not going to have this much 
longer. They had a right to have their franchise granted unconditionally. [A 
voice, We'll take them.] He was afraid there were some among them who were 
weak-kneed. One man had got his gun and taken it home, and left a note upon the 
table with the words "Good-bye; shall be out of town till next Sunday.'" That 
there were some who wanted bracing up. There were men among thein the grand- 
children of those who had fought at Waterloo, and made it what it was, of the noble 
six hundred at Balaklava. They had among them some of the heroes of Appomattox, 
and also of the Franco-German war. These were the kind of men this community 
is made up of. Abraham Lincoln had remarked on the eve of the late war, " it may 
be necessary to set the foot down hard."' And a great newspaper correspondent who 
was present said that he knew then for the first time that the great North was 



334 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



ready, and, concluded the speaker, from what I see here to-day I know that we 

are ready to put our foot down. (Applause.) 

Hon. C. R. Bishop said: This is unquestionably an important meeting, the most 
important ever held in Honolulu. I see before me mechanics, merchants, professional 
men. They are not here for amusement, but because they feel that the course of 
affairs calls for prompt and determined action. We should discuss matters in a peace- 
able manner without any threats; we do not need any threats. The fact That so 
many men have come here shows that we do not need any threats. I came hece in 
1846, became naturalized in 1849, and have lived under five kings. We thought we 
had really a liberal constitution, because those kings did not encroach upon the 
rights of "their subjects. But we have found out within the last few years that our 
constitution is defective, partly on account of bad advice to the King, but largely on 
his own account. The King has encroached on our rights. We have bad very few 
mass meetings, but when we have one like this I believe it means either a new con- 
stitution or one with material reforms, which I am sure we shall have. I coine here 
as a Hawaiian, not for any class or clique. If it was any class or clique, I would not 
come here at all. (Applause.) 

Mr. Henry Waterhouse spoke in native in substance as follows: 

Fellow-citizens of Hawaii nei — Hon. C. R. Bishop says the constitution is full of 
faults. If so, let us have a new constitution. Therefore, let us stand by the reso- 
lutions. We shall see from those who stand by these resolutions who arc the friends 
of the Hawaiian people. My counsel is to stand firm and go before the King with- 
out fear, and make our demands fearlessly. 

Mr. R. Jay Green said: Gentlemen, fellow-citizens, friends, neighbors, and 
brothers: I was not aware that I should be asked to speak here or I should have 
put on my other coat. But the boys left me to come here, and I had to follow them, 
and all I want to say is that I expect to keep on following the boys. (Applause.) 

Hon. L. A. Thurston said: Gentlemen, you and I have been waiting a long time 
for this day, but it has come. It is a long lane that has no turning, but we have 
come to the turning of our lane. There are persons here to speak to all of you, but 
I am here to speak as a Hawaiian. My ancestors came here in the reign of Kaineha- 
nieha I. I was born and brought up here, and I mean to die here. Hawaii is good 
enough for me. I speak for Hawaiians, because you foreigners can speak for your- 
selves and can look out for yourselves, but many of these Hawaiians are ignorant 
and have been deserted by their leaders. I am the representative of tne constitu- 
ency of Molokai. and spent some weeks there last summer, and I wish to say that 
the Hawaiians on Molokai are with us to a man. It may be that this letter from 
His Majesty was meant to head off these resolutions. I remember reading somewhere 
of a man who was going to shoot a coon, and the coon said, "Don't shoot; I'll come 
down." The King is the coon and this meeting the gun. [Great applause.] His- 
tory repeats itself. We all remember the King's message to the Legislature in 1884, 
recommending economy, and asking that it should begin with His Majesty's privy 
purse. That message was accepted in good faith, and there was a grand torchlight 
procession to the palace to thank him — I carried a torch in that procession myself 
— but it was followed by appropriations enormously in excess of the revenue. And 
again, in 1886, came another message for retrenchment, but this time it didn't wash. 
There was a meeting during the Moreno time to protest against bad government, 
and into the midst of it someone came and said, '"It's ail right: the King has ap- 
pointed a new ministry," and there Avere three cheers for the King, and that was 
the last of it. Are there any cheers to-day ? (Loud cries of No! No!) The King 
was taken at his word. 1 noticed that there were no cheers proposed for the King 
to-day. It is not sufficient to have the King accept these resolutions: we must 
have a new constitution, and must have it now. A constitution is a contract, and 
if the King and the people both agree to change it. there is no violation of consti- 
tutional rights and no revolution. If we have let things come to this pitch, and 
take the King at his word, it is to rely on wind. Let a change in the constitution 
be the first and last and only request, if necessary, but let that be the one to be 
insisted on till the last moment. 

* Hon. Paul Isenberg said that on many points he agreed to these resolutions, but 
as far as the new constitution was concerned he was somewhat doubtful. Let it be 
done legally. The subject had been broached the previous day of his entering a 
new ministry. If so, he would not be a party to pushing a new constitution through 
in a hurry. It would not be legal unless "carried by the Legislature. fDr. C. T. 
Rodgers : What assembly gave us our present constitution ? | We could have an ex- 
tra session to pass the constitution, and another extra session to ratify it. (Hisses 
and applause.) He hoped all would be peaceful and not hasty. (A voice : We have 
been waiting six years.) If so, we could very well wait another. ^ Great uproar 
and cries of "No, no." Dr. Emerson: "We won't wait another year." A voice: 
"We meau to have it now." Cries of " Sit down.") The speaker took his seat. 

*See "Footnote to Hawaiian History," p. 27. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 335 



H. L. Swinton said, in Hawaiian: I am not going to speak in the English lan- 
guage, because the baoles all think as I do. It has been said that this meeting is 
called to incite to kill the Hawaiians. I have always been called a rebel. This is 
because I am not afraid to speak my mind, and my mind is firm and clear that the 
Government is false and corrupt. . My advice is to stand by the resolution for a new 
constitution, and let us not be satisfied with promises by the King. Let us not be 
satisfied when the King tells us he has turned out the cabinet, what more do you 
want. Let us follow the lead of Thurston, and demand a new constitution. 

Mr. Alexander Young, who represented the Honolulu Iron Works, said he was 
proud to stand upon the platform and look so many honest men in the face. They 
were men who not only looked what they meant, but meant what they looked. He 
was no speaker, but a thinker. He came here twenty-three years ago, and at one 
time, when traveling, he was proud of living here. Lately he had done some trav- 
eling, and had to hide his face when he found this flag stinking abroad. He repre- 
sented a large class of men not only in thi*country, but all over the world. The 
class he represented were the horny-handed sons of toil, who earned their 
honest dollar and could lie down and sleep without it burning them. He was 
ready to shoulder a musket to defend Kalakaua, and not a knave. Some had* 
counseled them to wait; but he said wait not, strike the iron while it is hot. Kala- 
kaua had had a great many years to let us see whether he was a man or not. The 
tension about our hearts had long been strained, and to-day the strings had broken, 
and we must express ourselves. He was not a lawyer, and could not tell whether 
we could have a constitution in five minutes; but necessity was the mother of inven- 
tion, and we must get it as soon as possible. There was not a coward in that assem- 
bly — not one, though it was not always wise to rush into mischief. If the King 
wouldnot do what was wanted, he must be made to do it. Let us exercise patience 
and put the matter in the hands of people able to deal with it. Let us have a new 
constitution, and if it is not legal, the same power would make another. 

Dr. Tucker said that when he came to this country there were rnutterings of dis- 
content, and it was all Walter Murray Gibson. We arraign the King. He does not 
know that this assembly — largely composed of men who tliink that kings are not of 
much account anyway — he does not know that if it was not for the wise counsel of 
men in this movement his head would have been off before this. They could not 
wait any longer for reform. The King had better be a saint while he is well, as well 
as when he is sick. 

Mr. L. C. Abies, who represented the clerks, said that he had come here to seek 
his fortune, but had not seen it. He was an American; the stars and stripes was his 
flag, but the Hawaiian flag would suit him as well, and he was going to stay by it. 
The class whom he represented wanted a new constitution, and they were going to 
have it. He was not a lawyer, but he had been told by lawyers that the constitu- 
tion was promulgated by a king. It could be done again. Some would ask, "Are 
you going to get it?" In illustration of his determination to have it, he related an 
anecdote* about a certain youth who had evinced an indomitable determination in 
hunting for a woodchuck wherewith to regale the appetite of a hungry Methodist 
preacher. The boy chased the woodchuck into his hole. A man came along and 
asked the boy if he could get him, "Mister," said the boy, "Tve got to get him;" 
and for the constitution, we've got to have it ! 

Hon. Cecil Brown said, in Hawaiian: "Perhaps you ask, why is this meeting of 
citizens? Perhaps the thought may enter that it is to propose to do evil to 
Hawaiians. Not so. I am an Hawaiian, and was born under this flag, and under 
it my bones shall be buried. Has there been good government in the past few years ? 
No. Has the legislative right been respected? No. We want, then, a new consti- 
tution. We want the King -to think of the public good, not of personal ends. We 
have just seen the jubilee of Queen Victoria, and if Kalakaua would follow her 
example, he might reign as long. But if Queen Victoria were to acf as badly as 
Kalakaua, she would not live an hour. Let us, then, go for a new constitution. 

Mr. E. M. Walsh, manager of the Paia plantation, Maui, said that he represented 
the planters, who, he felt sure, would indorse the sentiments so ably expressed. In 
1882 a deputation representing the plantations on the other islands waited on the 
King to petitiq|i His Majesty to give them honest government. The result was they 
were snubbed. The King afterwards went to North Kona, and with the assistance 
of his soldiers defeated Pilipo in the election. They did not want to use threats, 
but to-day they were prepared, and would not be again insulted. He believed it 
would be wise to change the constitution. He did not know the best way of doing 
it, but in view of the consummate skill which had brought this movement forward, 
he was ready to leave it to the thirteen gentlemen to see that it was done right. 
It seemed to him, however, that this was a time to have the voice of the people. 
From Maui all were with them. In 1882, as he had said, the King let them go with false 
promises. They took his word then. Now, let us prepare a constitution and say 
this is what we want and what we must have. (Applause.) 



336 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Mr. J. M. Vivas then rear! the resolutions in Portuguese, and made a speech which 
evidently went to the hearts of his countrymen. 

Mr. J. G. Tucker said they had heard talk about this flag and that ting, but they 
had gone into this thing as people of all nationalities merged into Hawaiians. They 
had come and meant to stay till they got what thoy wanted. 

Mr. W. H. Rice, of Kauai, spoke in the native language, as follows : 

Hawaiian citizens, from Hawaii to Niihau; from northwest to southeast; we want 
to clean up the Government. Has the Government been clean? No ! The roads are 
wasting and groaning from one end to another of the land. Where is the money 
for the roads? Sent on an exploration with the Kaiiniloa. If we go asking for 
"bread, shall we be satisfied with stones? Some one asked me to-day it I had my 
gun? Well, yes; I am a cattle-drover, and I need one. It has been well said that 
the ship of this movement has been launched, the anchor is weighed, the -ail- s< t. 
now let us take the helm and steer. 

Lieut. C. W. Ashford was the last speaker. He appeared upon the platform in 
uniform, and armed with a ride and belt of cartridges. He stated that lie was under 
military orders, and had been commanded by his superior officer not to indulge in a 
political speech. He had not had the privilege of listening to all the speeches, but 
from reports which had been carried to the corps outside, he understood that a 
gentleman representing vast moneyed interests here had counselled the meeting to 
wait another year for a new constitution. 

Here the rifle company inarched round the outer edge of the building and took 
up their position inside to hear the speech of their comrade, and as they did so, three 
rousing cheers and a tiger were given for the "boys." 

Lieut. Ashford, resuming, acknowledged the compliment on behalf of the 
corps. He had joined it three years ago in anticipation of trouble such as they saw- 
that day. Returning to Mr. Isenberg's remark, he said that gentleman, in view of 
his position, would naturally have an aversion to anything having a tendency to 

disturbance. He (the spea^r) did not want to tight, but by heaven if we did . 

If we set about getting reform under the present constitution we might wait till 
our grandchildren were gray. He felt sure Mr. Iscnberg did not express the senti- 
ments of that meeting, certainly not those of the Honolulu Rifles. At the same 
time he had the greatest respect for the great nation that gentleman represented. 
He thought that Germans were pretty well decided not to submit to dictation 
abroad, however much they might at home. 

The German heart is strong and true, 

The German arm is strong. 
The German loot goes seldom hack 

"Where armed foemen throng. 

If armed foemen should throng here, he did not think the German foot would go 
back. He wished to say a few words on the merits of a new constitution. It has 
been objected that we could not have it at once, because such a thing would be 
unconstitutional and illegal. He would show the fallacy of that argument. In 18<U. 
when Kamehameha V convoked his legislature, it was thought that a new consti- 
tution was wanted. After some weeks they failed to agree upon one satisfactory to 
His Majesty. The Legislature was arbitrarily dismissed, and the King, without even 
saying "By your leave," forced upon them a new constitution. That was the con- 
stitution we were living under to-day, and some people had the gall to say we were 
living under a constitutional government. He held that nothing was constitutional 
which was forced upon the people without their consent. The present constitution 
did not adequately protect personal rights, and it gave the King power which no 
monarch in a civilized country in the present day possessed. Who had ever heard of 
an absolute veto by the monarch anywhere in recent years? King Kalakaua had a 
great many very pleasant qualities, and many which were not so pleasant. Person- 
ally, he had behaved in a very friendly manner to the speaker wdien he came here, 
and perhaps would still if he'were to truckle to him as some did. Cries of "Time" 
being heard, he concluded by urging upon all not to let the matter drop until some 
sensible and concerted action was taken. (Applause.) 

Hon. W. R. Castle moved the adoption of the resolutions, seconded by Dr. Emer- 
son and many others. On being put to the meeting they were carried unanimously, 
there being a roar of ayes, and dead silence when Mr. Jones put the question: 
" Contrary minded ! " 

The chairman stated, as the meeting was dispersing, that he had been requested 
to say that Mr. Gibson had sent for a squad of the Honolulu Rifles to go down to his 
house and protect him against the Hawaiians. 

The committee immediately waited on the King, who stated that he was willing 
to give an answer offhand; but the committee informed him that they would leave 
the documents in his hands, and ex2>eet a reply in writing. 

The meeting was thoroughly orderly throughout, but it was strong and determined. 

After the meeting the committee of thirteen proceeded to the palace and presented 
the resolutions to the King, requesting a reply. 

n 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 337 



The next day the King called a meeting composed of the American minister. W, 
II. Merrill; the British commissioner, James Hay Wodehonse; the French com- 
missioner, Henri Feer, and the Portuguese commissioner, A. de Sonza Canavarro, to 
whom he ottered to transfer the powers vested in him as King. These gentlemen 
refused to accept the trust, but advised the King to lose no time in forming a new 
cabinet and signing a new constitution, which would meet the demands of the peo- 
ple. Accordingly, in the afternoon, the following reply was forwarded to the citi- 
zen's committee: 

THE KING'S REPLY. 

To Honorable Paul Isenberg and the gentlemen composing the committee of a meeting of 
subjects and citizens. 

Gentlemen: In acknowledging the receipt of the resolutions adopted at amass 
meeting held yesterday and presentedto us by you, we are pleased to convey through 
you to our loyal subjects as well as to the citizens of Honolulu our expression of 
good will and our gratification that our people have taken the usual constitutional 
step in presenting their grievances.. 

To the first proposition contained in the resolutions passed by the meeting, whose 
action you represent, we reply that it has been substantially complied with by the 
formal resignation of the ministry, which took place on the 28th day of June, and 
was accepted on that date, and that we had already requested the Hon. W. L. Green 
to form a new cabinet on the day succeeding the resignation of the cabinet. 

To the second proposition we reply that Mr. Walter M. Gibson has severed all 
his connections with the Hawaiian Government by resignation. 

To the third proposition we reply that we do not admit the truth of the matter 
stated therein, but will submit the whole subject to our new cabinet, and will gladly 
act according to their advice, and will cause restitution to be made by the parties 
found responsible. 

To the fourth proposition we reply that at our command Mr. Junius Kaae resigned 
the office of registrar of conveyance on the 28th day of June, and his successor has 
been appointed. 

To the fifth proposition we reply that the specific pledges required of us are each 
severally acceded to. 

We are pleased to assure the members of the committee and our loyal subjects that 
we are, and shall at all times be, anxious and ready to cooperate with our council- 
lors and advisers, as well as with our intelligent and patriotic citizens in all matters 
touching the honor, welfare, and prosperity of our Kingdom. 

Given at our palace this first day of July, A. D. 1887, and the fourteenth year of 
our reign. Kalakatja, Rex. 

The new cabinet, consisting of Messrs. W. L. Green, finance: Godfrey Brown, 
foreign affairs; Lorrin A. Thurston, interior, and C. W. Ashford, attorney-general, 
were sworn in the same day, and the revolution was practically over. It only 
remained to sign the new constitution. This document was prepared with great 
care, a large number of the members of the Hawaiian league being present and 
taking part in the debates. The document was ready on Wednesday, July 6, re- 
ceived the King's signature at 6.15 p. m. of that day, and was duly proclaimed on the 
next, copies being sent forward to the other islands. 

Without the organization known as the Hawaiian league, this revolution could 
never have taken place. The moment that the members were called upon they were 
ready and well armed. Without the assistance of Major V. V. Ashford, who had 
command of the Honolulu rifles, order could not have been kept. To the gentlemen 
who form that corps the citizens of Honolulu owe a deep debt of gratitude. For 
two days Honolulu was under martial law, and yet the most perfect order was kept, 
the banks and business places were open, and there was perfect security to both life 
and property. It was the most peaceful and most complete of revolutions, but it 
was so because the power was there to sustain it. 

A word or two about Mr. Gibson. He was arrested by the military on the morn- 
ing of July 1, and was handed over to the civil authorities on a charge of embez- 
zlement on the evening of the Saturday. He was permitted to remain in his house 
under guard, but on July 5 was removed to the prison. When brought before the 
police court the attorney- general entered a nolle pros., and Mr. Gibson quietly got 
on board the brigantine John D. Spreckels. which was leaving that same day. and 
sailed for California. Thus bringing one of the most unpleasant episodes in 
Hawaiian history to a conclusion. 

10518 22 



338 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



THE TWO CONSTITUTIONS. 



Constitution of 1864. 

Granted by His Majesty Kamehameha 
V., by the grace of God, King of the 
Hawaiian Islands, on the twentieth 
day of August, A. D. 1864. 



Article 1. God hath endowed all men 
with certain inalienable rights, among 
which are life, liberty, and the right of 
acquiring, possessing, and protecting 
property, and of pursuing and obtaining 
safety and happiness. 

Article 2. All men are free to worship 
God according to the dictates of their 
own consciences; but this sacred privi- 
lege hereby secured shall not be so con- 
strued as to justify acts of licentiousness, 
or practices inconsistent with the peace 
or safety of the Kingdom. 

Article 3. All men may freely speak, 
write, and publish their sentiments on all 
subjects, being responsible for the abuse 
of that right, and no law shall be enacted 
to restrain the liberty of speech or of the 
press, except such laws as may -be neces- 
sary for the protection of His Majesty the 
King and the royal family. 

Article 4. All men shall have the 
right, in an orderly and peaceable man- 
ner, to assemble, without arms, to consult 
upou the common good, and to petition 
the King or Legislative assembly for 
redress of grievances. 

Article 5. The privilege of the writ of 
habeas corpus belongs to all men, and shall 
not be suspended, unless by the King, 
when in cases of rebellion or invasion the 
public safety shall require its suspension. 

Article 6. No person shall be subject 
to punishment for any offense, except on 
due and legal conviction thereof in a 
court having jurisdiction of the case 

Article 7. No person shall be held 
to answer for any crime or offense 
(except in cases of impeachment, or for. 
offenses within the jurisdiction of a police 
or district justice, or in summary proceed- 
ings for contempt), unless upon indict- 
ment, fully and plainly describing such 
crime or offense, and he shall have the 
right to meet the witnesses who are pro- 



Constitution of 1887. 

Whereas, the constitution of this 
Kingdom, heretofore in force, contains 
many provisions subversive of civil rights 
and incompatible with enlightened con- 
stitutional government. 

And whereas, it has become impera- 
tive, in order to restore order and tran- 
quility and the confidence necessary to a 
further maintenance of the present Gov- 
ernment, that a new constitution should 
be at once promulgated : 

Now, therefore, I, Kalakaua, King 
of the Hawaiian Islands, in my capacity 
as sovereign of this Kingdom, and as the 
representative of the people hereunto by 
them duly authorized and empowered, 
do annul and abrogate the constitution 
promulgated by Kamehameha the Fifth, 
on the 20th day of August, A. I). 1864, 
and do proclaim and promulgate this con- 
stitution. 

Article 1. God hath endowed all men 
with certain inalienable rights, among 
which are life, liberty, and the right of 
acquiring, possessing, and protecting 
property, and of pursuing and obtaining 
safety and happiness. 

Article 2. All men are free to worship 
God according to the dictates cf their 
own consciences; but this sacred privi- 
lege hereby secured shall not be so con- 
strued as to justify acts of licentiousness, 
or practices inconsistent with the peace 
or safety of the Kingdom. 

Article 3. All men may freely speak, 
write, and publish their sentiments on all 
subjects, being responsible for the abuse 
of that right, and no law shall be enacted 
to restrain the liberty of speech or of the 
press. 



Article 4. All men shall have the 
right, in an orderly and peaceable man- 
ner, to assemble, without arms, to consult 
upon the common good, and to x>etition 
the King or Legislature for redress of 
grievances. 

Article 5. The privilege of the writ of 
habeas corpus belongs to all men, and shall 
not be suspended, unless by the King, 
when, in case of rebellion or invasion, the 
public safety shall require its suspension. 

Article 6. No person shall be subject 
to punishment for any offense, except on 
due and legal conviction thereof, in a 
court having jurisdiction of the case. 

Article 7. No person shall be held to 
answer for any crime or offense (except 
in cases of impeachment, or for offenses 
within the jurisdiction of a police or dis- 
trict justice, or in summary proceedings 
for contempt), unless upon indictment, 
fully and plainly describing such crime 
or offence, and he shall have the right to 
meet the witnesses who are produced 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 330 



duced against him face to face ; to pro- 
duce witnesses and proofs in his own 
favor : and by himself, or his counsel, at 
his election, to examine the witnesses pro- 
duced by himself, and cross-examine 
those produced against him. and to be 
fully heard in his defence. In all cases 
in which the right of trial by jury has 
been heretofore used, it shall be held 
inviolable forever, excej)t in actions of 
debt or assumpsit in which the amount 
claimed is less than fifty dollars. 

Article 8. No person shall be required 
to answer again for any offence of which 
he has been duly convicted, or of which 
he has been duly acquitted upon a good 
and sufficient indictment. 

Article 9. No person shall be com- 
pelled, in any criminal case, to be a wit- 
ness against himself, nor be deprived of 
life, liberty, or prorjerty without due 
process of law. 

Article 10. No person shall sit as a 
judge or juror, in any case in which his 
relative is interested, either as plaintiff 
or defendant, or in the issue of which 
the said judge or juror may have, either 
directly or through a relative, any pecu- 
niary interest. 

Article 11. Involuntary servitude, ex- 
cept for crime, is forever prohibited in 
this Kingdom; whenever a slave shall 
enter Hawaiian territory he shall be free. 

Article 12. Every person has the right 
to be secure from all unreasonable searches 
and seizures of his person, his house, his 
papers, and effects : and no warrants shall 
issue, but on probable cause, supported 
by oath or affirmation, and describing the 
place to be searched and the persons or 
things to be seized. 

Article 13. The King conducts his 
Government for the common good, and 
not for the profit, honor, or private 
interest of any one man, family, or class 
of men among his subjects. 

Article 14. Each member of society 
has a right to be protected by it. in the 
enjoyment of his life, liberty, and prop- 
erty, according to law; and, therefore, 
he shall be obliged to contribute his pro- 
portional share to the expense of this 
protection, and to give his personal 
services, or an equivalent when neces- 
sary; but no part of the property of any 
individual shall be taken from him or 
applied to public uses without his own 
consent or the enactment of the legisla- 
tive assembly, except the same shall be 
necessary for the military operations of 
the Kingdom in time of war or insurrec- 
tion ; and whenever the public exigencies 
may require that the property of any 
individual should be appropriated to 
public uses he shall receive a reasonable 
compensation therefor. 

Article 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax 
of any description shall be established or 
levied without the consent of the legis- 



against him face to face; to produce wit- 
nesses and proof in his own favor : and 
by himself or his counsel, at his election, 
to examine the witnesses produced by 
himself, and cross-examine those pro- 
duced against him, and to be fully heard 
in his own defence. In all cases in which 
the right of trial by jury has been here- 
tofore used, it shall be held inviolable 
forever, except in actions of debt or 
assumpsit in which the amount claimed 
is less than fifty dollars. 

Article 8. No person shall be required 
to answer again for an offense of which 
he has been duly convicted, or of which 
he has been duly acquitted. 

Article -9. No person shall be com- 
pelled, in any criminal case, to be a wit- 
ness against himself, nor be deprived of 
life, liberty, or property without due 
process of law. 

Article 10. No person shall sit as a 
judge or juror, in any case in which his 
relative, by affinity, or by consanguinity 
within the third degree, is interested; 
either as plaintiff or defendant, or in the 
issue of which the said judge or juror 
may have, either directly or through such 
relative, any pecuniary interest. 

Article 11. Involuntary servitude, ex- 
cept for crime, is forever prohibited in 
this Kingdom. Whenever a slave shall 
enter Hawaiian territory he shall be free. 

Article 12. Every person has the right 
to be secure from all unreasonable searches 
and seizures of his person, his house, his 
papers, and effects ; and no warrants shall 
issue, except on probable cause, supported 
by oath or affirmation, and describing the 
place to be searched and the persons or 
things to be seized. 

Article 13. The Government is con- 
ducted for the common good, and not for 
the profit, honor, or private interest of 
any one man, family, or class of men. 

Article 14. Each member of society 
has a right to be protected in the enjoy- 
ment of his life, liberty, and property, 
according to law ; and, therefore, he shall 
be obliged to contribute his proportional 
share to the expense of this protection, 
and to give his personal services, or 
an equivalent, when necessary. Private 
property may be taken for public use, 
but only upon due process of law and 
just compensation. 



Article 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax 
of any description shall be established 
or levied without the consent of the Leg- 



340 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



lative assembly ; nor shall any money be 
drawn from the public treasury without 
such consent, except when between the 
sessions of the legislative assembly the 
emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, 
pestilence, or other public disaster shall 
arise, and then not without the concur- 
rence of all the cabinet and of a majority 
of the wiiole privy council; and the min- 
ister of finance shall render a detailed ac- 
count of such expenditure to the legisla- 
tive assembly. 

Article 16. No retrospective laws shall 
ever be enacted. 

Article 17. The military shall always 
be subject to the laws of the land, and 
no soldier shall, in time of peace, be 
quartered in any house without the con- 
sent of the owner, nor in time of war, 
but in a manner to be prescribed by the 
Legislature. 

Article 18. Every elector shall be 
privileged from arrest on election days 
during his attendance at election, and 
in. going to and returning therefrom, 
except in cases of treason, felony, or 
breach of the peace. 

Article 19. No elector shall be so 
obliged to perform military duty, on the 
day of election, as to prevent his voting, 
except in time of war or public danger. 

Article 20. The supreme power of 
the Kingdom in its exercise is divided 
into the executive, legislative, and judi- 
cial ; these shall always be preserved dis- 
tinct, and no judge of a court of record 
shall ever be a member of the legislative 
assembly. 



Article 21. The Government of this 
Kingdom is that of a constitutional mon- 
archy, under His Majesty Kamehameha 
V, his heirs and successors. 

Article 22. The Crown is hereby per- 
manently confirmed to His Majesty Kam- 
ehameha V, and to the heirs of his body 
lawfully begotten, and to their laAvful de- 
scendants in a direct line; failing whom, 
the Crown shall descend to Her Royal 
Highness the Princess Victoria Kamama- 
lu Kaahumanu, and the heirs of her body 
lawfully begotten, and their descendants 
in a direct line. The succession shall bo 
to the senior male child, and to the heirs 
of his body ; failing a male child, the 
succession shall be to the senior female 
child, and to the heirs of her body. In 
case there is no heir as above provided, 
then the successor shall be the person 
whom the Sovereign shall appoint with 
the consent of the nobles, and publicly 
proclaim as such during the King's life, 



islature; nor shall any money be drawn 
from the public treasury without such 
consent, except when the sessions of the 
Legislature, the emergencies of war, in- 
vasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other 
public- disaster shall arise, aixl then not 
witho it the concurrence of all the cabinet 
and of a majority of the whole privy 
council; and the minister of finance shall 
render a detailed account of such expen- 
diture to the Legislature. 

Article 16. No retrospective laws shall 
ever be enacted. 

Article 17. The military shall always 
be subject tS the laws of the land, and 
no soldier shall, in time of peace, be 
quartered in any house without the con- 
sent of the owner, nor in time of war, 
but in a manner prescribed by the Leg- 
islature. 

Article 18. Every elector shall be 
privileged from arrest on election day s 
during his attendance at election, and in 
going to and returning therefrom, except 
in case of -treason, felony, or breach of 
the peace. 

Article 19. No elector shall be so 
obliged to perform military duty, on the 
day of election, as to prevent his voting, 
except in time of Avar or public danger. 

Article 20. The supreme power of the 
Kingdom in its exercise is divided into 
the executive, legislative, and judicial; 
these shall always be preserved distinct, 
and no executive or judicial officers, or 
any contractor or employee of the Gov- 
ernment, or any person in the receipt of 
salary or emolument from the Govern- 
ment, shall be eligible to election to the 
Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom, 
or to hold the position of an elective mem- 
ber of the same. And no member of the 
Legislature shall, during the time for 
which he is elected, be appointed to any 
civil office under the Government, except 
that of a member of the Cabinet. 

Article 21. The Government of this 
Kingdom is that of a constitutional mon- 
archy, under His Majesty Kalakaua, his 
heirs and successors. 

Article 22. The Crown is hereby per- 
manently confirmed to His Majesty Kala- 
kaua, and to the heirs of his body law- 
fully begotten, and to their lawful des- 
cendants in a direct line ; failing whom 
the Crown shall descend to Her Royal 
Highness the Princess Liliuokalani, and 
heirs of her body lawfully begotten, and 
their lawful descendants in a direct line. 
The succession shall be to the senior male 
child, and to the heirs of his body; fail- 
ing a male child, the succession shall be 
to the senior female child, and to the 
heirs of her body. In case there is no 
heir as above provided, the successor 
shall be the person whom the Sovereign 
shall appoint with the consent of the 
nobles, and publicly proclaim during the 
Sovereign's life ; but should there be no 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 341 



but should there be no such appointmen ; 
and proclamation, and the throne should 
become vacant, then the Cabinet Council, 
immediately after the occurring of such 
vacancy, shall cause a meeting of the 
legislative assembly, who shall elect by 
ballot sonie native Alii of the Kingdom 
as successor to the throne ; and the suc- 
cessor so elected shall become a new 
Stirps for a royal family : and the suc- 
cession from the Sovereign thus elected, 
shall be regulated by the same law as 
the present royal family of Hawaii. 

Article 23. It shall not be lawful for 
any member of the royal family of 
Hawaii who may by law succeed to the 
throne, to contract marriage without 
the consent of the reigning sovereign. 
Every marriage so contracted shall be 
void, and the person so contracting a 
marriage may, by the proclamation of 
the reigning Sovereign be declared to 
have forfeited his or her right to the 
throne, and after such proclamation, the 
right of succession shall vest in the next 
heir as though such offender were dead. 

Article 24. His Majesty Kameha- 
meha V will, and his successors upon 
coming to the throne shall, take the fol- 
lowing oath: I solemnly swear, in the 
presence of Almighty God, to maintain 
the constitution of the Kingdom whole 
and inviolate, and to govern in confor- 
mity therewith. 

Article 25. No person shall ever sit 
upon the throne who has been convicted 
of any infamous crime, or who is insane 
or an idiot. 

Article 26. The King is the com- 
mander-in-chief of the army and navy, 
and of all other military forces of the 
Kingdom, by sea and land ; and has full 
power by himself, or by any officer or 
officers he may appoint, to train and 
govern such forces as he may judge best 
for the defense and safety of the King- 
dom. But he shall never proclaim war 
without the consent of the legislative 
assembly. 

Article 27. The King, by and with the 
consent of his privy council, has the 
power to grant reprieves and pardons, 
after conviction, for all offences, except 
in cases of impeachment. 

Article 28. The King, by and with 
the consent of his privy council, con- 
venes the legislative assembly at the 
seat of Government, or at a different 
place, if that should become dangerous 
from an enemy or any dangerous disorder ; 
and in case of disagreement between 
His Majesty and the legislative assem- 
bly, he adjourns, prorogues, or dissolves 
it, but not beyond the next ordinary ses- 
sion; under any- great emergency, he 
may convene the legislative assembly 
to extraordinary sessions. 



such appointment and proclamation, and 
the throne should become vacant, then the 
Cabinet immediately after the occurring 
of such vacancy shall cause a meeting 
of the Legislature, who shall elect by bal- 
lot) some native Alii of the Kingdom as 
successor to the throne ; and the succes- 
sor so elected shall become a new Stirpa 
for a royal family; and the succession 
from the Sovereign thus elected shall bo 
regulated by the same law as the present 
royal family of Hawaii. 

Article 23. It shall not be lawful 
for any member of the royal family 
of Hawaii who may by law succeed 
to the throne, to contract marriage with- 
out the consent of the reigning Sov- 
ereign. Every marriage so contracted 
shall be void, and the person so con- 
tracting a marriage may, by the procla- 
mation of the reigning Sovereign, be 
declared to have forfeited his or her right 
to the throne, and after such proclama- 
tion, the right of succession shall vest in 
the next heir as though such offender 
were dead. 

Article '24. His Majesty Kalakaua 
will, and his successors shall, take the 
following oath: I solemnly swear, in the 
presence of Almighty God, to maintain 
the constitution of the Kingdom whole 
and inviolate, and to govern in conform- 
ity therewith. 

Article 25. No person shall sit upon 
the throne who has been convicted of any 
infamous crime, or who is insane, or an 
idiot. 

Article 26. The King is the comman- 
der-in-chief of the army and navy and 
of all other military forces of the king- 
dom, by sea and land. But he shall never 
proclaim war without the consent of the 
Legislature; and no military or naval 
force shall be organized except by the 
authority of the Legislature. 



Article 27. The King, by and with the 
advice of his privy council, and with the 
consent of the Cabinet, has the power to 
grant reprieves and pardons, after con- 
viction, for all offenses, except in ease 
of impeachment. 

Article 28. The King convenes the 
Legislature at the seat of Government, 
or at a different place, if that should 
become insecure from an enemy or any 
dangerous disorder, and prorogues the 
same; and in any great emergency he 
may, with the advice of the privy coun- 
cil, convene the Legislature in extraor- 
dinary session. 



342 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Article 29. The King has the power 
to make treaties. Treaties involving- 
changes in the tariff or in any law of 
the Kingdom shall he referred for ap- 
proval to the legislative assembly. The 
King appoints public ministers, who 
shall he commissioned, accredited, and 
instructed agreeably to the usage and 
law of nations. 

Article 30. It is the King's preroga- 
tive to receive and acknowledge puhlic 
ministers ; to inform the legislative 
assembly by. royal message", from time 
to time, of the state of the Kingdom, and 
to recommend to its consideration such 
measures as he shall judge necessary 
and expedient. 

Article 31. The person of the King is 
inviolable and sacred. His ministers 
ar&responsible. To the King belongs the 
executive power. All laws that have 
passed the legislative assembly shall re- 
quire His Majesty's signature, in order to 
their validity. 

Article 32. Whenever, upon the de- 
cease of the reigning sovereign, the heir 
shall be less than 18 years of age, the 
royal po wer shall be exercised by a regent 
or council of regency, as hereinafter pro- 
vided. 

Article 33. It shall be lawful for the 
King at any time when he may be about 
to absent himself from the Kingdom, to 
appoint a regent or council of regency, 
who shall administer the Government in 
his name ; and likewise the King may, by 
his last will and testament, appoint a re- 
gent or council of regency to administer 
the Government during the minority of 
any heir to the throne ; and should a sov- 
ereign decease, leaving a minor heir, and 
having made no last will and testament, 
the cabinet council at the time of such 
decease shall be a council of regency un- 
til the legislative assembly, which shall 
be called immediately, may be assembled, 
and the legislative assembly immediately 
that it is assembled shall proceed to 
choose by ballot a regent or council of 
regency, who shall administer the Gov- 
ernment in the name of the King, and ex- 
ercise all the powers which are constitu- 
tionally vested in the King, until he shall 
have attained the age of 18 years, which 
age is declared to be the legal majority 
of such sovereign. 

Article 34. The King is sovereign of 
all the chiefs and of all the people ; the 
Kingdom is his. 

Article 35. All titles of honor, orders, 
and other distinctions emanate from 
the King. 

Article 36. The King coins money 
and regulates the currency by law. 

Article 37. The King, in case of in- 
vasion or rebellion, <*an place the whole 
Kingdom or any part of it under martial 
law. 



Article 29. The King has the power 
to make treaties. Treaties involving 
changes in the tariff or in any law of the 
Kingdom, shall be referred for approval 
to the Legislature. The King appoints 
public ministers, who shall be commis- 
sioned, accredited, and instructed agree- 
ably to the usage and law of nations. 

Article 30. It is the King's preroga- 
tive to receive and acknowledge public 
ministers; to inform the Legislature by 
royal message, from time to time, of the 
state of the Kingdom, and to recommend 
to its consideration such measures as he 
shall judge necessary and expedient. 

Article 31. The person of the King i s 
inviolable and sacred. His ministers 
are responsible. To the King and the 
cabinet belongs the executive power. All 
laws that have passed the Legislature 
shall require His Majesty's signature, in 
order to their validity, except as provided 
in article 48. 

Article 32. Whenever, upon the de- 
cease of the reigning sovereign, the heir 
shall be less than 18 years of age, the 
royal power shall be exercised by a regent 
or council of regency, as hereinafter pro- 
vided. 

Article 33. It shall be lawful for the 
King at any time when he may be about 
to absent himself from the Kingdom, to 
appoint a regent or council of regency, 
who shall administer the Government in 
his name; and likewise the Kingmay. by 
his last will and testament, appoint a re- 
gent or council of regency to administer 
the Government during the minority of 
any heir to the throne; and should a sov- 
ereign decease. leaA'ing a minor heir, and 
having made no last will and testament, 
the cabinet at the time of such decease 
shall be a council of regency until the 
Legislature, which shall be called imme- 
diately, be assembled, and the Legislature 
immediately that it is assembled shall 
proceed to choose by ballot a regent or 
council of regency, who shall administer 
the Government in the name of the King, 
and exercise all the powers which are 
vested in the King, until such heir shall 
have attained the age of 18 years, which 
age is declared to be the legal majority of 
such sovereign. 

Article 34. The King is sovereign of 
all the chiefs and of all the people. 

Article 35. All titles of honor, orders, 
and other distinctions emanate from the 
King. 

Article 36. The King coins money 
and regulates the currency by law. 

Article 37. The King, in case of in- 
vasion or rebellion, can place the whole 
Kingdom or any part of it under martial 
law. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 343 



Article 38. The national ensign shall 
not he changed, except by act of the 
Legislature. 

Article 39. The King's private lands 
and other property are inviolable. 

Article 40. The King can not be sued 
or held to account in any court or 
tribunal of the realm. 



Article 41. There shall continue to 
be a council of state for advising the 
King in all matters for the good of the 
state, wherein he may require its advice, 
and for assisting him in administering 
the executive affairs of the Government 
in such manner as he may direct, which 
council shall be called the King's privy 
council of state, and the members thereof 
shall be appointed by the King to hold 
office during His Majesty's pleasure. 



Article 42. The King's cabinet shall 
consist of the minister of foreign affairs, 
the minister of the interior, the minister 
of hnance, and the attorney-general of 
the Kingdom, and these shall be His Maj- 
esty's special advisers in the executive af- 
fairs of the Kingdom; and they shall be 
ex officio members of His Majesty's privy 
council of state. They shall be appointed 
and commissioned by the King, and hold 
office during His Majesty's pleasure, sub- 
ject to impeachment. Jn o act of the King 
shall have any effect unless it be counter- 
signed by a minister, who, by that signa- 
ture, makes himself responsible. 

Article 43. Each member of the 
King's cabinet shall keep an office at 
the seat of Government, and shall be 
accountable for the conduct of his dep- 
uties and clerks. The ministry hold 
seats ex officio as nobles in the legis- 
lative assembly. 

Article 44." The minister of finance 
shall present to the legislative assembly, 
in the name of the Government, on the 
first day of the meeting of the Legisla- 
ture, the financial budget, in the Ha- 
waiian and English languages. 

Article 45. The legislative power of 
the three estates of this Kingdom is 
vested in the King, and the legislative 
assembly, which assembly shall consist 
of the nobles, appointed by the King, and 
of the representatives of the people, 
sitting together. 



Article 38. The national ensign shall 
not be changed, except by act of the 
Legislature. 

Article 39. The King can not be sued 
or held to account in any court or 
tribunal of the Kingdom. 

Article 40. There shall continue to be 
a council of state for advising the King 
in all matters for the good of the state, 
wherein he may require its advice, which 
council shall be called the King's privy 
council of state, and the members 
thereof shall be appointed by the King- 
to hold office during His Majesty's 
pleasure, and which council shall have 
and exercise only such powers as are 
given to it by the constitution. 

Article 41. The cabinet shall consist 
of the minister of foreign affairs, the 
minister of the interior, the minister of 
finance, and the attorney-general, and 
they shall be His Majesty's special advis- 
ers in the executive affairs of the King- 
dom ; and they shall be ex officio members 
of His Majesty's privy council of state. 
They shall be appointed and commis- 
sioned by the King, and shall be removed 
by him only upon a vote of want of confi- 
dence passed by a majority of all ^he 
elective members of the Legislature, or 
upon conviction of felony, and shall be 
subject to impeachment. No act of the 
King shall have any effect unless it be 
countersigned by a member of the cabi- 
net, who. by that signature, makes him- 
self responsible. 

Article 42. Each member of the cabi- 
net shall keep an office at the seat of Gov- 
ernment, and shall be accountable for the 
conduct of his deputies and clerks. The 
cabinet hold seats ex officio in the Legis- 
lature, with the right to vote, except on 
a question of want of confidence in them. 



Article 43. The minister of finance 
shall present to the Legislature, in the 
name of the Government, on the first day 
of each biennial session, the financial 
budget, in the Hawaiian and English 
languages. 

Article 44. The legislative power of 
the Kingdom is vested in the King and 
the Legislature, which shall consist of 
the nobles and representatives sitting 
together. 

Article 45. The legislative body shall 
be styled the Legislature of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, and shall assemble, biennially, 
in the month of May. The first regular 
session shall be held in the year of our 
Lord eighteen hundred and eighty- 
eight. 



344 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Article 46. The legislative l>o<ly 
shall assemble biennially, in the month 
of April, and at such other time as the 
King may judge necessary, for the pur- 
pose of seeking the welfare of the nation. 
This body shall be styled the Legislature 
of the Hawaiian Kingdom. 

Article 47. Every member of the 
legislative assembly shall take the fol- 
lowing oath: I most solemnly swear, in 
the presence of Almighty Godj that I 
will faithfully support the constitution 
of the Hawaiian Kingdom, and conscien- 
tiously and impartially discharge my 
duties as a member ol this Assembly. 

Article 48. The Legislature has full 
power and authority to ainend the con- 
stitution as hereinafter provided: and 
from time to time to make all maimer of 
wholesome laws not repugnant to the 
provisions of the constitution. 



Article 49. The King shall signify 
his approval of any bill or resolution 
which shall have passed the legislative 
assembly, by signing the same previous 
to the final rising of the Legislature. 
But if he shall object to the passing of 
such bill or resolution he will return it to 
the legislative assembly, who shall enter 
the fact of such return on its journal, 
and such bill or resolution shall not be 
brought forward thereafter during the 
same session. 

Article 50. The legislative assem- 
bly shall be the judge of the qualifica- 
tions of its own members, and a majority 
shall constitute a quorum to do business; 
but a smaller number may adjourn from 
day to day, and compel the attendance of 
absent members, in such manner and 
under such penalties as the assembly may 
provide. 

Article 51. The legislative assembly 
shall choose its own officers and deter- 
mine the rulos of its own ijroceedings. 



Article 46. Every member of the 
Legislature shall take the following oath : 
I solemnly swear, in the presence of 
Almighty God, that I will faithfully sup- 
port the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, and conscienciously and im- 
partially discharge my duties as a mem- 
ber of the Legislature. 

Article 47. The Legislature has full 
power and authority to amend the Con- 
stitution as hereinafter provided; and 
from time to time to make all manner of 
wholesome laws not repugnant to the 
constitution. 



Article 48. Every bill which shall 
have passed the Legislature shall, before 
it becomes law, be presented to the King. 
If he approve he shall sign it and it shall 
thereby become a law, but if not, he shall 
return it, with his objections, to the 
Legislature, which shall enter the objec- 
tions at large on their journal and pro- 
ceed to reconsider it. If after such re- 
consideration it shall be approved by a 
two-thirds vote of all the elective mem- 
bers of the Legislature it shall become a 
law. In all such cases the vote shall be 
determined by yeas and nays, and the 
names of the persons voting for and 
against the bill shall be entered on the 
journal of the Legislature. If any bill 
shall not be returned by the King within 
ten days (Sunday excepted) after it shall 
have been presented to him, the same 
shall be a law in like manner as if he had 
signed it, unless the Legislature by their 
adjournment prevent its return, in which 
case it shall not be a law. 

Article 49. The Legislature shall be 
the judge of the qualifications of its own 
members, except as may hereafter be pro- 
vided by law, and a majority shall con- 
stitute a quorum to do business; but a 
smaller number may adjourn from day to 
day, and compel the attendance of absent 
members, in such manner and under such 
penalties as the Legislature may provide. 



Article 50. The Legislature shall 
choose its own officers and determine the 
rules of its own proceedings. 



Article 51. The Legislature shall have 
authority to punish by imprisonment, not 
exceeding thirty days, every person, not 
a member, who shall be guilty of disre- 
spect to the Legislature by any disorderly 
or contemptuous behavior in its presence ; 
or who, during the time of its sitting, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 345 



Article 52. The legislative assembly 
shall have authority to punish by impris- 
onment, not exceeding thirty days, every 
person, not a member, who shall be 
guilty of disrespect to the assembly, by 
any disorderly or contemptuous behavior 
in its presence; or who, during the time 
of its sitting, shall publish any false 
report of its proceedings, or insulting 
comments upon the same; or who shall 
threaten harm to the body or estate of 
any of its members, for anything said or 
done in the assembly; or who shall 
assault any of them therefor, or who shall 
assault or arrest any witness, or other 
person ordered to attend the assembly, \ 
in his way going or returning; or who 
shall rescue any person arrested by order 
ef the assembly. 

Article 53. The legislative assembly 
may punish its own members for disor- 
derly behavior. 



Article 54. The legislative assembly 
shall keep a journal of its proceed- 
ings ; and the yeas and nays of the mem- 
bers on any question shall, at the desire 
of one-fifth of those present, be entered 
on the journal. 



shall publish any false report of its |>ro- 
ceedings, or insulting comments upon the 
same ; or who shall threaten harm to the 
body or estate of any of its members for 
anything said or done in the Legislature ; 
or who shall assault any of them therefor; 
or who shall assault or arrest any wit- 
ness, or other person ordered to attend 
the Legislature, on his way going or 
returning; or who shall rescue any per- 
son arrested by order of the Legislature. 

Article 52. The Legislature may pun- 
ish its own members for disorderly behav- 
ior. 



Article 53. The Legislature shall keep 
a journal of its proceedings; and the 
yeas and nays of the members, on any 
question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth 
of those present, be entered on the jour- 
nal.. 

Article 54. The members of the Leg- 
islature shall, in all cases, except treason, 
felony, or breach of the peace, be privi- 
leged from arrest during their attendance 
at the sessions of the Legislature, and in 
going to and returning from the same; 
provided such privilege as to going and 
returning shall not cover a period of over 
twenty days; and they shall not be held 
to answer for any speech or debate made 
in the Legislature, in any court or place 
whatsoever. 



Article 55. The members of the leg- 
islative assemby shall, in all cases, 
except treason, felony, or breach of the 
peace, be privileged from arrest during 
their attendance at the sessions of the 
Legislature, and in going to and return- 
ing from the same; and they shall not be 
held to answer for any speech or debate 
made in the assembly, in any court or 
place whatsoever. 

Article 56. The representatives shall 
receive for their services a compensation 
to be ascertained by law, and paid out of 
the public treasury, but no increase of 
compensation shall take effect during the 
year in which it shall have been made; 
and no law shall be passed increasing the 
compensation of said representatives be- 
yond the sum of one hundred and fifty 
dollars for each session. 



Article 55. The representatives shall 
receive for their services a compensation 
to be determined by law, and paid out of 
the public treasury, but no increase of 
compensation shall take effect during the 
biennial term in which it shall have been 
made ; and no law shall be passed increas- 
ing the compensation of representatives 
beyond the sum of two hundred and fifty 
dollars each for each bienuial term. 

Article 56. A noble shall be a subject 
of the Kingdom, who shall have attained 
the age of twenty-five years, and resided 
in the Kingdom three years, and shall be 
the owner of taxable property in this 
Kingdom of the value of three thousand 
dollars over aud above all encumbrances, 
or in receipt of an income of not less than 
six hundred dollars per annum. 



346 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Article 57. The King appoints the 
nobles, who shall hold "their appoint- 
ments during life, subject to the pro- 
visions of Article 53: hut their number 
shall not exceed twenty. 



Article 58. No person shall be ap- 
pointed a noble who shall not have 
attained the age of twenty-one years and 
resided in the Kingdom rive Fears. 



The 



misconoi 



Article 59 
with full and 
determine all 
representativ 
the Kingdom 
Kingdom, foi 
istration in theii off 
the trial of every im] 
shall respectively 1 
impartially to try 
charge in question, a 
and the law, Their 
shall not extend fur 
from office and disc t 



nobles shall be a court 
uithoritvto bear and 



: or maladmin- 
>ut previous to 
nent the nobles 
urn. truly and 
determine the 
ing to eviden . e 
nent. however; 



convicted. snaL. be. nevertheless 
to indictment, trial, judgment, and pun- 
ishment according to the laws of the 
land. No Minister shall sit as a noble 
on the trial of any impeachment. 



Article 57. The nobles shall be a 
court, with full and sole authority to 
hear and determine all impeachments 
made by the representatives, as the grand 
inquest of the Kingdom, against any 
ofrieers of the Kingdom, for misconduct 
or maladministration in their orhces : but 
previous to the trial of every impeach- 
ment the nobles shall respectively be 
sworn, truly and impartially to try and 
determine the charge in question, accord-^ 
ing to evidence and law. Their judg-" 
ment. however, shall not extend further 
than to removal from office and disquali- 
fication to hold or enjoy any place of 
honor, trust, or profit under this Govern- 
ment: but the party so convicted shall 
be, nevertheless, liable to indictment, 
trial, judgment and punishment accord- 
ing to the laws of the land. 

Article 58'. Twenty-four nobles -diall 
be elected, as follows : Six from the island 
of Hawaii: six from the islands of Maui. 
Molokai. and Lanai : nine from the island 
of Oahn. and three from the islands of 
Kauai and Niihau. At the first election 
held under this constitution the nobles 
shall be elected to serve until the general 
election to the Legislature for the year of 
our Lord 1890, at which election, and 
thereafter, the nobles shall be elected at 
the same time and places as the repre- 
sentatives. At the election for the year 
of our Lord 1890 one-third of the nobles 
from each of the divisions aforesaid shall 
be elected for two years, and one-third 
for four years, and one-third for six years, 
and the electors shall ballot for them for 
such terms, respectively ; and at all sub- 
sequent general elections they shall be 
elected for six years. The nobles shall 
serve without pay. 

Article 59. Every male resident of the 
Hawaiian Islands, of Hawaiian. American, 
or European birth or descent, who shall 
have attained the age of twenty years, 
and shall have paid his taxes, and shall 
have caused his name to be entered on 
the list of voters for nobles for bis dis- 
trict, shall be an elector of nobles, and 
shall be entitled to vote at any election 
of nobles : provided. 

First. That he shall have resided in the 
country not less than three years, and in 
the district in which he offers to vote 
not less than three months, immediately 
preceding the election at which he offers 

Second. That he shall own and be pos- 
sessed, in his own right, of taxable prop- 
erty in this country of the value of notless 
than three thousand dollars over and 
above all encumbrances, or shall have ac- 
tually received an income of notless than 

preceding his registration for such elec- 
tion. 

Third. That he shall be able to read 
and comprehend an ordinary newspaper 
printed in either the Hawaiian. English 
or some European Language. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 347 



Article 60. The representation of the 
people shall he hased upon the principal 
of equality, and shall he regulated and 
apportioned by the legislature according 
to the population, to he ascertained, from 
time to time, hy the official census. The 
representatives shall not he less in num- 
ber than twenty-four, nor more than 
forty, who shall he elected biennially. 



Article 61. No person shall he eligible 
for a representative of the people who 
is insane or an idiot, nor unless he he a 
male subject of the Kingdom, who shall 
have arrived at the full age of twenty- 
one years, who shall know' how to read 
and write, who shall understand accounts 
and shall have been domiciled in the 
Kingdom for at least three years — the last 
of which shall be the year immediately 
preceding his election — and who shall 
own real estate within the Kingdom of 
a clear value, over and above all incum- 
brances, of at least five hundred dollars, 
or who shall have an annual income of 
at least two hundred and fifty dollars, 
derived from any property or some law- 
ful employment. 

Article 62. Every male subject of the 
Kingdom, who shall have paid his taxes, 
who shall have attained the age of twenty 
years, and shall have been domiciled 
in the Kingdom for one year immedi- 
ately preceding the election, and shall 
be possessed of real property in the 
Kingdom, to the value, over and above 
all encumbrances, of one hundred and 
fifty dollars, or of a leasehold property 
on which the rent is twenty-five dollars 
per year, or of an income of not less than 
seventy-five dollars per year, derived 
from any property or some lawful employ- 
ment, and shall know how to read and 



Fourth. That he shall have taken an 
oath to support the Constitution and 
laws, such oath to be administered by 
any person authorized to administer oaths 
or hy any inspector of elections. 

Provided, however, that the require- 
ments of a three years' residence and of 
ability to read and comprehend an ordi- 
nary newspaper, printed either in the 
Hawaiian, English, or some European 
language, shall not apply to persons re- 
siding in the Kingdom at the time of the 
promulgation of this constitution, if they 
shall register and vote at the first elec- 
tion which shall be held under this con- 
stitution. 

Article 60. There shall be twenty- 
four representatives of the people elected 
biennially, except those first elected 
under this constitution, who shall serve 
until the general election for the year of 
our Lord 1890. The representation shall 
be based upon the principles of equality, 
and shall be regulated and apportioned 
by the Legislature according to the popu- 
lation to be ascertained, from time to 
time, by the official census. But until 
such apportionment by the Legislature, 
the apportionment now established by 
law shall remain in force, with the fol- 
lowing exceptions, namely, there shall 
be but two representatives for the dis- 
tricts of Hilo and Puna, on the island of 
Hawaii ; but one for the districts of Laha- 
ina and Kaanapali, on the island of Maui ; 
and but one for the districts of Koolau- 
loa and Waialua, on the island of Calm 

Article 61. No person shall be eligible 
as a representative of the people unless 
he be a male subject of the Kingdom 
who shall have arrived at the full age of 
twenty-one years, who shall know how 
to read and write either the Hawaiian, 
English, or some European language, who 
shall understand accounts, who shall 
have been domiciled in the Kingdom for 
at least three years — the last of which 
shall be the year immediately preceding 
his election — and who shall own real 
estate within the Kingdom of a clear 
value, over and above all encumbrances, 
of at least five hundred dollars, or who 
shall have an annual income of at least 
two hundred and fifty dollars, derived 
from any property or some lawful em- 
ployment. 

Article 62. Every male resident of 
the Kingdom, of Hawaiian, American, or 
European birth or descent, who shall 
have taken an oath to support the con- 
stitution and laws in the manner pro- 
vided for electors of nobles, who shall 
have paid his taxes, who shall have at- 
tained the age of twenty years, and shall 
have been domiciled in the Kingdom for 
one year immediately preceding the 
election, and shall know how to read and 
write either the Hawaiian, English, or 
some European language (if born since 
the year 1840), and shall have caused his 
name to be entered on the list of voters 



348 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



write, if born since the year 1840. and 
shall have caused his name to be entered 
on the list of voters of his district as may 
be provided by law, shall be entitled to 
one vote for the representative or rep- 
resentatives of that district: Provided, 
however. That no insane or idiotic person, 
nor any person who shall have been con- 
victed of any infamous crime within tliis 
Kingdom, unless he shall have been par- 
doned by the King, and by the terms of 
such pardon have been restored to all the 
lights of a subject, shall be allowed to 
vote. 

Article 63. The property qualification 
of the representatives of the people, and 
of the electors, may be increased by law. 



Article 64. The judicial power of the 
Kingdom shall be vested in one supreme 
court and in such inferior courts as the 
Legislature may, from time to time, 
establish. 

Article 65. The supreme court shall 
consist of a chief justice and not less 
than two associate justices, any of whom 
may hold the court. The justices of the 
supreme court shall hold their offices 
during good behavior, subject to removal 
upon impeachment, and shall, at stated 
times, receive for their services a com- 
pensation, which shall not be diminished 
during their continuance in office: Pro- 
vided, however, That any judge of the 
supreme court or any other court of 
record may be removed from office, on a 
resolution passed by two-thirds of the 
legislative assembly, for good cause 
shown to the satisfaction of the King. 
The judge against whom the legislative 
assembly may be about to proceed shall 
receive due notice thereof, accompanied 
by a copy of the causes alleged for his 
removal, at least ten days before the day 
on which the legislative assembly shall 
act thereon. He shall be heard before the 
legislative assembly, 

Article 66. The judicial power shall 
be divided among the supreme court and 
the several inferior courts of the King- 
dom in such manner as the legislature 
may, from time to time, prescribe, and 
the tenure of office in the inferior courts 
of the Kingdom shall be such as may be 
defined by the law creating them. 

Article 67. The judicial power shall 
extend to all cases in law and equity, 
arisiDg under the constitution and laws 
of this Kingdom, and treaties made, or 
which shall be made under their au- 
thority, to all cases affecting public min- 
isters and consuls, and to all cases of 
admiralty and maritime jurisdiction. 



of his district as may be provided by law, 
shall be entitled to one vote for the rep- 
resentative or representatives of that 
district: Provided, however. That the re- 
quirements of being domiciled in the 
Kingdom for one year immediately pre- 
ceding the election, and of knowing how 
to read and write, either the Hawaiian, 
English, or some European language, 
shall not apply to persons raiding in this 
Kingdom at the time of the promulgation 
of this constitution if they shall register 
and vote at the first election which shall 
be held under this constitution. 

Article 63. Xo person shall sit as a 
noble or representative in the Legisla- 
ture unless elected under, and in con- 
formity with, the provisions of this con- 
stitution. The property or income quali- 
fication of representatives, of nobles, 
and of electors of nobles may be in- 
creased by law ; and a property or income 
qualification of electors of representa- 
tives may be created and altered by law. 

Article 64. The j udiciary power of the 
Kingdom shall be vested in one >upreme 
court, and in such inferior courts as the 
Legislature niav, from time to time, estab- 
lish. 

Article 65. The supreme court shall 
consist of a chief justice, and not less 
than two associate justices, any one of 
whom may hold the court. The justices 
of the supreme court shall hold their 
offices during good behavior, subject to 
removal upon impeachment, and shall, at 
stated times, receive for their services a 
compensation, which shall not be dimin- 
ished during their continuance in office : 
Provided, however. That any judge of the 
supreme court or any other court of record 
may be removed from office on a resolu- 
liori passed by two-thirds of all the mem- 
bers of the Legislature, for good cause 
shown to the satisfaction of the King. 
The judge against whom the Legislature 
may" be about to proceed shall receive 
notice thereof, accompanied by a copy of 
the causes alleged for his removal, at least 
ten days before the day on which the Leg- 
islature shall act thereon. He shall be 
heard before the Legislature. 

Article 66. The judicial power shall 
be divided among the supreme court and 
the several inferior courts of the King- 
dom, in such manner as the Legislature 
may. from time to time, prescribe, and 
the tenure of office in the inferior courts 
of the Kingdom shall be such as may be 
defined by the law creating them. 

Article 67. The judicial power shall 
extend to all cases in law and equity, 
arising under the constitution and laws 
of this Kingdom, and treaties made, or 
which shall be made under their au- 
thority, to all eases arfeeting public min- 
isters and consuls, and to all cases of 
admiralty and maritime jurisdiction. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 349 



Article 68. The chief justice of the 
supreme court shall be the chancellor of 
the Kingdom. He shall he ex officio presi- 
dent of the nobles in all cases of impeach- 
ment, unless when impeached himself, 
and exercise such jurisdiction in equity 
or other cases as the law may confer upon 
him; his decisions beiug subject, how- 
ever, to the revision of the supreme 
court on appeal. Should the chief jus- 
tice ever be impeached, some person 
specially commissioned by the King shall 
be president of the court of impeach- 
ment during such trial. 

Article 69. The decisions of the su- 
preme court, when made by a majority of 
the justices thereof, shall be final and 
conclusive upon all parties. 

Article 70. The King, his cabinet, and 
the legislative assembly shall have au- 
thority to require the opinions of the j us- 
tices of the supreme court upon impor- 
tant questions of law and upon solemn 
occasions. 

Article 71. The King appoints the jus- 
tices of the supreme court and all other 
judges of courts of record. Their Salaries 
are fixed by law. 

Article 72. No judge or magistrate 
can sit alone on an appeal or new trial 
in any case on which he may have given 
a previous judgment. 

Article 73. No person shall ever hold 
any office of honor, trust, or profit under 
the Government of the Hawaiian Islands 
who shall, in due course of law, have 
been convicted of theft, bribery, perjury, 
forgery, embezzlement, or other high 
crime or misdemeanor, unless he shall 
have been pardoned by the King and 
restored to his civil rights, and by the 
express terms of his pardon declared to 
be appoin table to offices of trust, honor, 
and profit. 



Article 74. No officer of this Govern- 
ment shall hold any office or receive any 
salary from any other government or 
power whatever. 

Article 75. The Legislature votes the 
appropriations biennially, after due con- 
sideration of the revenue and expend- 
iture for the two preceding years, and 
the estimates of the revenue and expend- 
iture of the two succeeding years, which 
shall be submitted to them by the min- 
ister of finance. 

Article 76. The enacting style in mak- 
ing and passing all acts and 'laws shall 
be: "Be it enacted by the King and the 
legislative assembly of the Hawaiian 
Islands, in the Legislature of the King- 
dom assembled." 



Article 68. The chief justice of the 
supreme court shall be the chancellor of 
the Kingdom. He shall be ex officio presi- 
dent of the nobles in all cases of impeach- 
ment, unless when impeached himself, 
and shall exercise such jurisdiction in 
equity or other cases as the law may con- 
fer upon him; his decisions being subject, 
however, to the revision of the supreme 
court on appeal. Should the chief jus- 
tice ever be impeached, some person 
specially commissioned by the King shall 
be president of the court of impeach- 
ment during such trial. 

Article' 69. The decisions of the su- 
preme court, when made by a majority of 
the justices thereof, shall be final and 
conclusive upon all parties. 

Article 70. The King, his cabinet, and 
the Legislature shall have authority to 
require the opinions of the justices of the 
supreme court upon important questions 
of law and upon solemn occasions. 

Article 71. The King appoints the jus- 
tices of the supreme court and all other 
judges of the courts of record. Their 
salaries are fixed by law. 

Article 72. No judge or magistrate 
shall sit all alone on an appeal or new 
trial in any case on which he may have 
given a previous judgment. 

Article 73. The following persons 
shall not be permitted to register for vot- 
ing, to vote, or to hold office under any 
department of the Government, or to sit 
in the Legislature, namely : Any person 
who is insane or an idiot, or any person 
who shall have been convicted of any of 
the following-named offenses, viz : Arson, 
barratry, bribery, burglary, counterfeit- 
ing, embezzlement, felonious branding 
of cattle, forgery, gross cheat, incest, 
kidnapping, larceny, malicious burning, 
manslaughter in the first degree, murder, 
perjury, rape, robbery, sodomy, treason, 
subornation of perjury, and malfeasance 
in office, unless he shall have been par- 
doned by the King and restored to his 
civil rights, and by the express terms of 
his pardon declared to be eligible to 
offices of trust, honor, and profit. 

Article 74. No officer of this Govern- 
ment shall hold any office or receive any 
salary from any other government or 
power whatever^ 

Article 75. The Legislature votes the 
appropriation biennially, after due con- 
sideration of the revenue and expend- 
iture for the two preceding years, and 
the estimates of the revenue and expend- 
iture of the two succeeding years, which 
shall be submitted to them by the minis- 
ter of finance. 

Article 76. The enacting style in mak- 
ing and passing all acts and laws shall 
be: "Be it enacted by the King and the 
Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom." 



350 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Article 77. To avoid improper influ- 
ences which may result from intermix- 
ing in one and the same act such things 
as have no proper relation to each other, 
every law shall embrace but one object, 
and that shall be expressed in its title. 

Article 78. All laws now in force in 
this Kingdom shall continue and remain 
in full effect until altered or repealed by 
the Legislature, such parts only excepted, 
as are repugnant to this constitution. 
All laws heretofore eu acted, or that may 
hereafter be enacted, which are contrary 
to this constitution shall be null and. 
void. 

Article 79. This constitution shall be 
in force from the twentieth day of August, 
in the year one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-four, but that there may be no 
failure of justice or inconvenience to the 
Kingdom from any change, all officers of 
this Kingdom at the time this constitu- 
tion shall take effect shall have, hold, and 
exercise all the power to them granted, 
until other persons shall be appointed in 
their stead. 

Article 80. Any amendment or amend- 
ments to this constitution may be pro- 
posed in the legislative assembly, and 
if the same shall be agreed to by a ma- 
jority of members thereof such proposed 
amendment or amendments shall be 
entered on its journal, with the yeas and 
nays taken thereon, and referred, to the 
next Legislature ; which proposed amend- 
ment or amendments shall be published 
for three months previous to the next 
election of representatives ; and if in the 
next Legislature such proposed amend- 
ment or amendments shall be agreed to 
by two-thirds of all the members of the 
legislative assembly, and be approved by 
the King, such amendment or amend- 
ments shall become part of the constitu- 
tion of this country. 

Kamehameha R. 



Article 77. To avoid improper in- 
fluences which may result from inter- 
mixing in one and the same act such 
things as have no proper relation to each 
other, every law shall embrace: but one 
object, and that shall be expressed in its 
title. 

Article 78. Wherever by this consti- 
tution any act is to be done or performed 
by the King or the Sovereign, it shall, un- 
less otherwise expressed, mean that such 
act shall be done and performed by the 
Sovereign by and with the advice and 
consent of the cabinet. 



Article 79. All laws now in force in 
this Kingdom shall continue and remain 
in full effect until altered or repealed by 
the Legislature, such parts only excepted 
as are repugnant to this constitution. 
All laws heretofore enacted, or that may 
hereafter be enacted, which are con- 
trary to this constitution shall be null 
and void. 

^ • '/• 

Article 80. The cabinet shall have 
power to make and publish all necessary 
rules and regulations for the holding of 
any election or elections under this con- 
stitution, prior to the passage by the 
Legislature of appropriate laws for such 
purpose, and to provide for administer- 
ing to officials, subjects, and residents 
the oath to support this constitution. The 
first election here un d er shal 1 be held with- 
in ninety days after the promulgation of 
this constitution, and the Legislature 
then elected may be convened at Hono- 
lulu, upon the call of the cabinet coun- 
cil, in extraordinary session at such time 
as the cabinet council may deem neces- 
sary, thirty days' notice thereof being 
previously given. 

Article 81. This constitution shall be 
in force from the 7th day of July, A. 1). 
1887; but that there may be no failure of 
justice or convenience to the Kingdom 
from any change, all officers of this King- 
dom, at the time this constitution shall 
take effect, shall have, hold, and exercise 
all the power to them granted. Such 
officers shall take an oath to support this 
constitution within sixty days after the 
promulgation thereof. 

Article 82. Any amendment or amend- 
ments to this constitution may be pro- 
posed in the Legislature, and if the same 
shall be agreed to by a majority of the 
members thereof, such proposed amend- 
ment or amendments shall be entered on 
its journal, with the yeas and nays taken 
thereon, and referred to next Legislature ; 
which proposed amendment or amend- 
ments shall be published for three months 
previous to the next election of repre- 
sentatives and nobles; and if in the 
next Legislature such proposed amend- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 351 



ment or amendments shall be agreed 
to by two-thirds of all the members 
of the Legislature, such amendment or 
amendments shall become part of the 
constitution of this Kingdom. 

Kalakaua Rex. 

By the King : 
W. L. Green, 

Minister of Finance. 

Honolulu, Oaelu, ss. 

L Kalakaua, King of the Hawaiian 
Islands, in the presence of Almighty God, 
do solemnly swear to maintain this con- 
stitution whole and inviolate, and to 
govern in conformity therewith. 

Kalakaua Rex. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me 
this sixth day of July, A. D. 1887. 

A. F. Judd, 
Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, 
and Chancellor of the Kingdom. 



No. 24. 

Statement of Charles T. Gulick. 

AGENCY OF UNITED STATES MINISTER STEVENS AND CAPT. WILTSE, 
COMMANDING II. S. S. BOSTON, IN THE OVERTHROW OF THE HAWAIIAN 
GOVERNMENT. WHICH WAS EFFECTED JANUARY 17, 1893. 

"When Mr. Stevens presented his credentials to His Majesty, Kala- 
kaua, as United States minister resident near the Hawaiian court, he 
gave the King a lecture on his duties as a sovereign, and at the same 
time hinted , in an ambiguous way, at the possibilities of th e future. The 
subject matter of the address, and the manner of Mr. Stevens, were so 
offensive as to very nearly produce disagreeable consequences, as the 
King was on the point of abruptly terminating the interview and 
demanding the recall of Mr. Stevens. The unpleasant episode passed, 
however, without subsequent notice. 

Col. G. W. Macfaiiane and Dr. G. Trousseau will confirm the foregoing. 

On the occasion of the Fourth of July celebration in 1891, Mr. Stevens 
delivered an oration at the music hall in which he took the opportunity 
to show his very thinly veiled contempt for the Sovereign and Govern 
ment to which he was accredited. His sentiments were more distinctly 
emphasized in his speech on Memorial Day, 1892, leaving no room for 
doubt with regard to his real meaning. In October, 1892, the Daily 
Bulletin, a newspaper published in Honolulu, contained a criticism on 
Mr. Stevens' tardiness in causing a search for a missing boat's crew 
(supposed to be somewhere to windward of the island of Hawaii) belong- 
ing to an American vessel which had burned at sea. 

Mr. Stevens called in a rage at the foreign office and in his interview 
with the minister of foreign affairs endeavored to fasten on the cabinet 
responsibility for the comments in the Bulletin and demanded, as he 
termed it, "full satisfaction." His manner and language were iu the 
highest degree undiplomatic and offensive, and he would accept no 
explanation. He immediately followed up the insult by demanding an 
audience with the Queen without the usual formality of the presence 



352 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



of the minister of foreign affairs. The audience was accorded, and, 
trembling with passion, he reiterated his demand for u satisfaction.*' 
leaving it somewhat vague as to the form or kind of " satisfaction" 
he desired. The impression left by him in both interviews was that it 
was not so much "'satisfaction" that he was after as it was an oppor- 
tunity to pick a quarrel with, and embarrass, the cabinet who were 
then under lire in the legislative assembly. 

Hon. Samuel Parker, Hon. Paul Xeumann, and Maj. J. W. Robert- 
son can give more fully the details of the foregoing. 

Very shortly after Mr. Stevens' arrival in the Kingdom he in ride it 
generally known that he considered annexation to the United States 
as not only the ultimate or ''manifest" destiny of the little country, 
but that it would be just as well to hasten the event, and the Ameri- 
can legation immediately became the rendezvous or headquarters of 
the annexation leaders, such as Hartwell, Judd (the chief justice), 
Thurston, Dole, Castle, Smith, and others, who frequently met there 
for the purpose of discussing plans for bringing about the desired end. 

On one occasion M. d' An glade, the then French commissioner, and 
M. Canavarro, the present Portuguese charge d'affairs^ were invited 
to dinner at the American legation, and much to their surprise found 
several of the above-named gentlemen present, and as the dinner pro- 
ceeded were not a little annoyed to find that they had been invited for 
the express purpose of being sounded with regard to annexation. 

Senhor Canavarro and Dr. Trousseau, the latter being an intimate 
friend of M. d'Anglade, the French commissioner (who is not now in 
the Kingdom), can throw light on the above if they will submit to an 
interview. 

During August, 1892, the tension became so great in the Legislature 
that the cabinet was voted out, and a new one was appointed on the 
12th day of September. A vote of "want of confidence" in the new 
cabinet was immediately introduced, and the speeches of Thurston. 
Smith, Ashford, and their associates on the motion showed that the 
meetings at the legation were beginning to bear fruit. Mr. Stevens 
was present during a part of the debate on the motion, also Capt. 
Wiltse, who just after one of Mr. Thurston's speeches called at the 
interior office and took occasion to inform the then minister of the 
interior (0. T. Gulick) that he considered Mr. Thurston a "very able 
man," and that his "views on the situation, and particularly those on the 
monarchy, were very sound." It may be observed that Thurston had 
very plainly shown in his speech supporting the motion that he and 
his supporters would leave no stone unturned in order to destroy the 
monarchy and get the reins of power into their own hands. 

As Thurston and his party were known to be annexationists, his 
expressions seemed to please Capt. Wiltse very much. About this 
time (September, 1892) it was a matter frequently spoken of that any 
move for the overthrow of the Government would receive the official 
recognition of Mr. Stevens and the material aid of Capt. Wiltse. 
Annexation was so freely discussed in public that T. T. Williams, of the 
San Francisco Examiner, polled the Legislature on the subject, and when 
they found that their views were likely to be published they denounced 
annexation to a man. 

The meetings at the legation continued, and Stevens and Wiltse 
(the latter more particularly) called frequently at HartwelFs office dur- 
ing the day. Wiltse told people that he kept himself thoroughly 
posted with regard to affairs, as he "was constantly in communication 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 353 

with Hartwell, who was the best informed man in the Kingdom on the 
situation." 

The Boston's troops were landed at about 5 o'clock p. m. on Monday, 
the 16th day of January, A. D. 1893, and were quartered at Arion 
Hall, a position which practically commanded the Government building 
and the palace. The Hawaiian Government protested against their 
presence. The foreign diplomatic representatives called at the legation 
and entered their protest against the procedure as being wholly 
unnecessary. The town was perfectly quiet. Mr. Stevens's excuse was 
that the troops were ashore for the purpose of protec ting the lives and 
property of Americans. They were quartered, however, on property 
belonging to an Englishman ( at that time occupied by an Englishman 
and the Japanese inspector of immigrants under leases), and was sur- 
rounded by property belonging to the Hawaiian Government and native 
Hawaiians. 

During the forenoon of Tuesday, the 17th day of January, 1893, it 
was freely remarked and frequently repeated on the streets that a 
move for deposing the Queen and overturning the Government would 
be made during the day, and that " it was all right, as Stevens had prom- 
ised to support the movement." 

Thirteen men, calling themselves a committee of public safety (all 
foreigners and some of or ief residence in the country), proceeded from 
the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant street to the front of the Gov- 
ernment building, and Cooper, the leader, at about 2 :40 o'clock p. m., 
read a proclamation deposing the Queen and establishing a Provi- 
sional Government." Just before the arrival of the committee at the 
building, Charles L. Carter rode up hastily on horseback to Arion Hall 
and delivered a letter to Capt. Wiltse, who was himself in charge of 
the American troops. Wiltse was seen to tear open the envelope and 
read the letter, nodding his satisfaction to Carter, who then withdrew. 
As the committee turned the corner of the Music Hall on their road up, 
Mr. Cooper hastened forward to Arion Hall and delivered a letter to 
an officer (who apparently stood in readiness to receive it) and rejoined 
the committee. 

At this time, i. e., before the proclamation was read, the American 
troops were under arms, strong picked guards were posted at the cor- 
ner of the Music Hall on King street and at other points around their 
quarters ; the Gatling guns were placed in commanding positions and 
the crews were to attention or handy hy. 

The position of the American troops and their attitude, also the 
delivery of the letters above mentioned, can be verified by several dif- 
ferent people, each one seeing different parts of the procedure. Dr. G. 
Trousseau, T. A. Lloyd, H. F. Poor, Korie, Pond, de Voll, and others 
were eyewitnesses of the matter above referred to. 

By half past 3 o'clock it was generally reported on the streets that 
Stevens had recognized the Provisional Government and had assured 
the Queen's cabinet that he would support their action with the troops 
of the Boston. 

The police department in charge of the marshal of the Kingdom was 
surrendered at dusk — lamps were lighted indoors, but there was still 
daylight on the streets ; it was probably about 7 o'clock in the evening, 
*. e., some three and a half to four hours after Stevens's action was gen- 
erally known to the public. The barracks were not surrendered till 
near night of the following day. 

Chas. T. Gulick. 

Honolulu, May 12, 1893. 
10518 23 



354 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 25. 

Interview with Fred. E. Hayselden, Lanai, A$ril 11, 1893. 

Q. What is your occupation? 
A. I am a stock raiser. 
Q. How much land have you? 
A. I control about 100,000 acres. 
Q. What do you mean by that? 

A. It is my wife's property left in trust to my children. 
Q. How many whites on that island? 
A. Only my family and four white men. 
Q. How many natives? 
A. About 250. 

Q. What is the disposition down there towards the revolution— 
towards the new Government? 

A. The natives are entirely opposed to it. 
Q. What is the reason of that opposition? 
A. Simply personal, I believe. 
Q. Don't like the people? 

A. No ; because they feel that they are shut out in everything. 
Q. Are you well acquainted in Honolulu? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What is the feeling here towards the present Government? 
A. I should imagine among a majority of the whites it is in favor of 
the Provisional Government, for the sake of business. 

Q. Are there any whites here opposed to the existing Government? 

A. A great many. 

Q. How many would you suppose? 

A. I should suppose there are one- third of the whites. 

Q. Do you include in that estimate Portuguese or Japanese? 

A. No. 

Q. You mean people of American descent? 
A. American, English, German, and French. 

Q. W^hat type of people are they — people of education and means ? 
A. Yes; all of them. 

Q. What does their opposition consist in ? 

A. They are opposed because they think they are run by a coterie. 
That is one reason. 
Q. Any other? 

A. The other reason is that they want to force annexation on this 
country and to put them down to the position of serfs. 

Q. Do you mean by that that they meant to deprive them of suf- 
frage? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Are there many of the natives here who have signed petitions for 
annexation? 

A. I have heard that there are quite a considerable number of those 
who have been forced to do so by storekeepers and others — for bread 
and butter. I have asked them why they signed. They said: " On 
account of our food." I said : " Do you really mean that ?" They said : 
"Heart is here — mouth is there." 

Q. You were not here at the time of the revolution? 

A. No. I was in Lauai ; was sheriff there at the time. I had the 
honor of being the first one selected for dismissal. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 355 



Q. They dismissed you on account of your political views? 

A. Yes. I came down to W. O. Smith's office and asked why I was 
dismissed. He said : " Simply because you are a friend of the Queen. 
You and the circuit judge are looked upon as enemies to our arrange- 
ment and we do not think it right to have two prominent officials 
against us." I asked him : -'Do you want a republic here?" He said: 
"No." I said: "Are you quite sure of what you are saying? I have 
heard it reported on the street that you do." He said: "I give you 
my word of honor I do not." He said: "We want annexation." 1 
said: "Do you want it pure and simple?" He asked what I meant. I 
said: "To give the natives franchise." He said: "Oh, no; we could 
not do that." I said: "You will never get it unless you do. I could 
go out and get 1,000 signatures for annexation if I could guarantee the 
franchise. You could not get one." 

Q. As a matter of fact are they not getting signatures? 

A. There is no question about that. My personal interests would be 
advanced 100 per cent by annexation. 

Q. How? 

A* Because we only get 10 cents a pound for our wool. If we had 
annexation we would get 20 in California. We have to send it to Lon- 
don and ship it through the United States. 

Q. What do you think were the causes of the revolution? 

A. Simply 2 cents a pound on sugar — to get some treaty or some 
arrangement with America. They did not see their way clear to get it 
in the face of the McKinley bill. They thought Harrison would be 
reelected and the Eepublican policy would be continued. 

Q. But at the time of the revolution Harrison had been defeated? 

A. Yes ; but this thing was marked up long before that. They wanted 
to force it upon the Harrison administration, if they could, before the 
inauguration of Mr. Cleveland. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate re- 
port of my interview with Col. Blount. 

(Mr. Blount didn't care to have this certified. — E. M.) 



No. 26. 

Statement of C. M. Hyde. 

Honolulu, April 3, 1893. 

Hon. J. S. Blount, 

Commissioner, etc.: 

Since I saw you at your residence last Saturday afternoon, it has 
occurred to me that it might be advisable for me, occupying such a posi- 
tion as I do at the islands, as the only resident missionary of the A. B.C. 
F.M.,to write out for your information and consideration such a state- 
ment of facts as might assist you in arriving at just conclusions in 
regard to the political and social condition of affairs, and the proper 
course for the United States Government to take at this juncture. 

I have no occasion and certainly no desire to appear as either advo- 
cate or assailant of any persons or parties here. Nor have 1 any author- 
ity to act as the representative of the American board in matters out- 
side of my special province as principal of the training school of 



356 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Hawaiian pastors and missionaries, except so far as it has its bearings on 
my instructions "to induce in the Hawaiians more of the sentiments of 
personal independence and self-reliance, and to develop that strength 
of character which shall enable them to withstand the unfavorable 
influences that have hitherto depressed them, and still exist from their 
contact with so large a foreign population." 

You will pardon me in what I have to say if I introduce more of the 
personal element than you would meet in ordinary diplomatic corre- 
spondence. It is this very element that throws upon any such question 
those side lights that give the aspect of vitality and reality to what 
else mi glit be only abstract discussion of abstruse principles of govern- 
ment and social order. 

When I arrived here June 1, 1877, and began to study the situation, 
I found that I must first disabuse myself of the notion that it was 
Hawaiian civilization and a Hawaiian government under which I was 
to live. Such nomenclature was right and proper, but the church and 
state, nominally Hawaiian, was really managed by the few foreigners 
who had the direction of affairs. Not that the foreigners were exer- 
cising an usurped authority and the natives simply subject to their 
beck and call, but rather this, that the management of affairs of church 
and state was under the direction of the missionaries in the one case, 
and trusted advisers in the other; and that without such direction, 
not to say control, both churches and government would disintegrate 
speedily because of utter lack of the needful ability to maintain an 
independent organic existence. 

The number of superannuated missionaries has constantly diminished 
till now there are only three surviving, only one of these an ordained 
preacher. The management of the churches has fallen' entirely into 
the hands of the native pastors, with no direct continuous personal 
supervision. What I can do by correspondence or by chance visits 
and what Mr. Emerson can do by similar means (only in his case these 
are official and in some places semiannual,) — this constitutes all that 
we two workers can well do for the 57 Hawaiian evangelical churches, 
with their membership of 5,427 communicants out of a total population 
(native) of 34,436, with only one foreign pastor (Eev. H. H. Parker, of 
Kawaiajao Church, Honolulu) among the whole number (34) of pastors. 
The native churches are growing poorer and feebler each year, less able 
and willing to support the native pastorate. 

One reason for this growing unwillingness is the demoralization of 
our churches under the influence of the native sovereign Kalakaua. 
It was his custom to appoint natives to office without regard to fitness, 
but rather because of social position among their own people and sub- 
serviency personally to himself. In this way, as our church members 
are among the better class of Hawaiians, they were selected as officials, 
but made to feel that their tenure of office depended upon his own 
pleasure. As there were not offices enough to give to all jealousies arose, 
and removals were necessary to make places for some whom it was the 
necessity of the moment to placate. In this way a greed for office- 
holding was introduced and fostered, till in perversion of the native 
translation of 1 Corinthians, 12 31, office seeking was made to seem 
the duty of every church member (seek the " highest offices for your- 
selves"). 

Another means of demoralizing the native churches was the idea 
instilled assiduously by the King, that a State church was the desir- 
able religious establishment for Hawaii. He was to be the head, and 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 357 

each pastor was to receive Ids salary from the Government treasury 
promptly, and amply sufficient for all his needs. 

It is this same element of personal rule which the King cherished 
and constantly pushed forward in politics. In this he was helped by 
the style of political management which was introduced under the 
sugar-planting interests. Soon after I arrived there occurred the first 
advance made by the King in this direction. The Haiku Sugar Com- 
pany had succeeded in building a canal to bring water from the wind- 
ward side of Maui down to Kiamakuapoko to irrigate their cane fields 
there. Another company wanted to build a canal higher up, of course 
cutting off the water supply of the upper gulches that fed the Haiku 
ditch. The cabinet refused them a charter. 

A loan to the King of $40,000 was effected, and at this place that 
cabinet was dismissed at midnight and a ministry more favorable to 
the other party appointed, and the influence of money rather than 
principle became paramount. From that time onward the King pushed 
his schemes of personal aggrandizement as fast and as far as he dared. 
In Mr. Gibson he found a willing tool, who, for the sake of retaining 
his official position, did the King's bidding, and put through one iniqui- 
tous and ruinous. measure after another. The foreign community 
remonstrated and yielded, remonstrated, opposed, and yielded, till finally 
forbearance ceased to be a virtue, and the situation became so embar- 
rassing, perilous to all business, social, moral, and political interest, 
that an uprising of the sensible and intelligent and respectable part 
of the community (commonly stiginatized as the missionary element) 
led to the promulgation of the constitution of 1887, which abridged 
the power of the King, and was intended to make the cabinet, 
appointed by approval of the Legislature, the responsible organ of 
legislative and executive authority. 

I refused to join the league under whose management this constitu- 
tion was secured because it was a secret organization, whose leaders 
might initiate measures to which I could not consent. I published in 
the newspapers over my own name, however, the first and only public 
complaint that was thus openly made of the conduct and character of 
the King, and asked for a public meeting to formulate demands that 
would secure good government for the benefit of the community and 
end the misrule which was ruining the natives and scandalizing the 
foreign community. The common talk at that time was about shoot- 
ing the King at sight, but I could not be convinced that a stable gov- 
ernment would ever be secured by assassination. 

The special occasion for the very vindictive feeling at that time was 
the conduct of the King in getting an opium license passed by the major- 
ity of the Legislature, then under his personal control, selling the license 
to one Chinaman without delivering it,, but pocketing the money 
($75,000 or thereabouts), selling it afterwards to another Chinaman, 
who was shrewd enough to secure first the delivery of the license. All 
this was supported by sworn affidavits published in the newspapers, to 
which the King made no reply. 

Another fact that incensed the community was the revelation about 
that time of the King's use of old superstitious practices and abomi- 
nable orgies to degrade the Hawaiian people and make them the more 
ready tools to accomplish his jmrposes. In seeking a charter for the 
secret society he had formed (the Hale Nana, a mixture of Free Masonry, 
Mormonism, and diabolism) the character of that institution came to be 
quite generally known. You can obtain information about it from reli- 
able sources. Suffice it for me to say that part of the exercise was the 



358 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN [S LANDS. 



worship of the King as divine. It was affirmed that as a god he could 
do no wrong, and by a curious Hawaiian perversion of logical reasoning 
he did various things that no one would hesitate to call vile as well as 
wrong to prove that he was a god. 

It was hoped that the new constitution would give us a change. 
But largely through various judicial decisions the royal prerogatives 
and not the constitutional limitation of Hawaiian sovereignty have 
been assigned the supremacy. It has been one series of dissapoint- 
rnents after another. The late Queen was in England wheu the con- 
stitution of 18S7 was promulgated. She was bitterly disappointed at 
what her brother had done. Taking advantage of the vexation felt by 
many in the community at the various developments of royal prerog- 
ative, she sent for E. AT. Wilcox to head a revolution, with the idea 
that Kalakaua would be compelled to abdicate and she would be 
placed upon the throne. But this scheme failed. 

When she became Queen the first act was one to disappoint those 
who were ready to support a constitutional monarchial government 
with a responsible ministry approved by the Legislature. She claimed 
the privilege of nominating her own cabinet. The point was yielded, 
hut the Legislature prorogued January 14, 1S93. was*of such a complex- 
ion and so manipulated that there was constant friction between the 
Queen's adherents and the supporters of representative constitutional 
government. Yet forbearance was exercised again and again; hopes 
were cherished in spite of convictions to the contrary from evident 
tendencies and attempts. These culminated in the transactions of 
•January 10-17, with which you are familiar from the published state- 
on ents. 

The point to which I wish to call your attention is this, that the 
political system under which thus far Hawaiian affairs have been 
managed is utterly unfitted for the present changed conditions. It 
answered fairly well under the Kamehamehas. But the last Kame- 
hameha (though older than his brother Kamehameha IV and passed by 
in Kamehameha IIFs election of his successor, because of personal 
unfitness) was restive under constitutional limitations and arbitrarily 
set aside the constitution under which he was appointed. The native 
element in the population at that time was too dominant an element to 
be successfully resisted. 

Xow, business and commerce have brought to these islands so large a 
foreign element that their interests are virtually the controlling element, 
politically and socially. But while they are the controlling element, 
and that fact can not be gainsaid, there has not ever been, nor is there 
now, so far as I am able to judge, any disposition to do any injustice to 
the natives. The present movement has been under the management 
of those who are and always have been the best friends of the natives, 
and in seeking to secure and support their own rights they seek and 
secure the true rights and the highest interests of the native population. 

The organization of a constitutional government originated in the desire 
of the chiefs for a more stable tenure of property titles than simply the 
pleasure of the sovereign. When attempts to secure from abroad com- 
petent persons for this work had repeatedly failed, the American mis- 
sionaries were requested to aid in this work. Interested in all that 
concerned the welfare of the Hawaiian people, they consented, but first 
resigned their commissions as missionaries of the American Board. 
They sought no emoluments for themselves nor their families, and the 
records of those days show how faithfully, tirelessly, self-sacrificingly 
they discharged the duties of their new and responsible positions, which 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 359 



no one then would have taken up with all their disabilities except those 
intent with all singleness of purpose in elevating and sustaining a 
Christian nation here. 

In 1870 the American Board withdrewfrom all supervision of the work 
here. Other influences have come to the front with the opening of com- 
merce from the Pacific coast States. How intimate those relations have 
come to be, the statistical reports will show. Permit me to allude, in 
closing, to the changed social condition of the Hawaiian people. It is 
often asserted that a fundamental mistake was made in mission work 
by not (from the very outset) instructing the people in the English 
language. But those who take that view are persons who do not stop to 
think under what different conditions mission work was begun seventy 
years ago. English text-books and teachers were impossibilities then; 
they are not yet the great success which had been hoped, when the 
experiment was begun in 1876 of making English the medium of instruc- 
tion in the Government schools. There are no pure Hawaiian s at this 
day, so far as I know, who have been instructed in these Government 
schools who would be considered promising candidates to be trained 
for a collegiate course. 

In all my intercourse with young Hawaiians I have met only one 
whom I would call worthy the name of a student, capable of abstruse 
thought, the study of principles, the acquisition of scientific or philo- 
sophical methods. Hawaiian is still the language of the Legislature 
and the judiciary, and every biennial period the attempt is made to 
make the Hawaiian, not the English language, the authoritative 
language of the statute book. The Americanization of the islands will 
necessitate the use of the English language only as the language of 
business, of politics, of education, of church service; and open the wide 
field of English literature to a people who have only poorly edited 
newspapers and a meager number of very rudimentary manuals as 
their text-books in science, or their highest attainments in culture. 

The desire for official position without proper fitness for it is an ele- 
ment to the great disadvantage of the Hawaiian. Money thus easily 
made is foolishly as well as quickly spent for momentary enjoyments. 
Young people ruin themselves, their lives, their property, their families, 
in, sensual enjoyments, and it is almost impossible to train them to 
habits of industry, thrift, forethought under the temptations about 
them to vice, idleness, extravagance. When Kev. Mr. Kuaea was made 
minister of finance, with every bank note he signed, he delighted in 
saying "How rich I am making this country. 7 ' 

In changing the political system of the country there is no abandon- 
ment of the original idea of the American mission, nor any betrayal of its 
high aims, I came here at the expense of the American board. To kind 
friends among the foreign residents I am indebted for the comfortable — 
not luxurious — home their hospitality has provided for an overburdened 
worker interested in everything that concerns the welfare of the com- 
munity. 

I have shirked no responsibility nor any burden of toil and care in 
doing all I could for the Hawaiian people. They have at times misin- 
terpreted my actions, but they have never doubted the sincerity of my 
purposes, nor withheld their expressions of appreciation and approval. 
They may have expected too much, but they have always been ready 
to listen to any words of advice or warning I have had occasion to 
utter. It is as natural for them to follow a leader whom they think 
they can trust as for an Anglo-Saxon to take his stand independently 
whether others come to his support or not. They have not yet learned 



360 EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

the rudimentary principles of government and independent citizen- 
ship. Their lawyers can not grasp the details nor the generalizations 
that are necessary for the successful advocate or judge. Their minis- 
ters in our Christian churches may know how to shepherd the flocks in 
pastures, fenced and barred; but to beat off cunning and fierce 
destroyers they need other qualifications than a kindly spirit and a 
devoted attachment. There is no educated physician of native race in 
practice of his profession at the islands. There is no artisan, nor 
mechanic, nor trader in business for himself. As masters of the smaller 
coasting craft they have risen higher above their fellows and done 
better for their employers than in any other line of business. 

It will take time and patience and devotion to righteousness and 
truth as well as genuine sympathy to uplift and adopt and then to 
adapt American political system to this community, but I believe that 
the foregoing statement of facts will show that it is, in the line of past 
procedure, the only hopeful way out of present difficulties, a necessity 
and an urgency. 

We, who have lived some length of time in the country, know the 
weaknesses of the Hawaiian race, as well as their many excellent char- 
acteristics. The evidences that have shown such weaknesses are 
cumulative. The incidents that have developed such weaknesses, have 
not often been made matters of record and so can not at a moment's 
notice be recalled to substantiate such statements as might be made in 
regard to the unfitness of the Hawaiians for such predominance, polit- 
ically and socially, as has hitherto been accorded to them. 

Here is one incident of recent occurrences: The acting pastor of a 
church on Maui found that the Sunday-school superintendent was 
drinking heavily of sweet-potato beer and was often drunk. He 
brought the case before the deacons, but they decided that they would 
do nothing about it, for two reasons assigned: (1) Sweet-potato beer 
was the common food of the people; (2) drunkenness was so common 
that it could not be treated as an offense. Thereupon the pastor on 
the succeeding Sunday proceeded to read a long proclamation after 
the fashion set by the Provincial Government, deposing the Sunday- 
school superintendent for reasons assigned, as unworthy of his official 
position. 

The people of Kaumakapili church in this city who do not like the 
well-known opposition of their pastor to the late Queen and her mis- 
rule presented a petition for his removal. The chief reason assigned 
was that they had not paid him his salary in full for the last two years, 
and this violation of their contract they acknowledged and made it the 
basis of their petition that he should be removed from the pastorate. 

You will find that such is the childishness of this people, only two 
generations removed from lowest barbarism and heathenism, that the 
working of the political system is utterly unreliable. If voting is their 
privilege, it is sufficient to pose as a special friend of Ha waiian prejudices 
to secure an overwhelming majority for any such partisan. 5sb matter 
how many times he may have deceived them, any demagogue who will 
promise whatever they may foolishly desire at the moment is the one 
whom they will follow. In this desire to perpetuate what is Hawaiian, 
and make that predominant, they are easily led to go back to heathen 
practices and ideas. To break up this tendency, for their own best 
welfare I know nothing better than to Americanize the political system. 
They will then be free to choose what is for their best good, not bound 
to cling to what is old and effete. 

Social regeneration is as necessary as individual regeneration to 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 361 

Christianize a nation. The individual instances of Christian charac- 
ter have not had for the last twenty years the environment favorable 
for any legitimate and proper development; and this has been largely 
owing to the political system. Instead of simply saying that the 
King's advisers, not the King, would be held responsible for mistakes 
in political management, the old constitution positively asserted that 
the King is not amenable to law. It was too much like the old 
Hawaiian idea of autocratic rule, limited only by fear of assassination. 
To get rid of the spirit of submissiveness to despotic authority, and 
, substitute for it the Christian principle of obedience to righteous rule, 
is absolutely essential to the proper development of the national and 
individual life. 

The old system will not work in its want of adaptation to the present 
civilization of the country. We can not trust business interests to the 
decision of a Hawaiian jury. In the management of the Kamehameha 
estate, of which I speak from personal knowledge as one of the trustees 
under the will of the late Mrs. C. E. Bishop, we are forced to put up 
with an inefficient administration of much of the property, because 
no Hawaiian jury would be likely to give us a verdict according to the 
law and evidence. Take what occurred at the last session of the circuit 
court in Kau. A Hawaiian jury brought in a verdict standing 10 to 2. 
The judge said that it was proper; according to the law 9 to 3, would 
be accepted as valid. On the next case, when the jury came to a 
decision they were unanimous. But some sapient juror remarked that 
the judge had just said a verdict of 9 to 3 was valid, so they talked and 
talked till finally three jurors changed their votes, and then their ver- 
dict was reported to the judge. 

In the change of the political system, that seems to me now unavoid- 
able and imperative, I see no other first step than annexation. Then 
let other matters be made the subject of careful consideration. We 
can not go on any longer under the old political system. I had hoped 
that we could. I did not believe annexation was wise or exx^edient, and 
have always said so to Mr. Stevens, whose views of the situation here 
had convinced him of the immediate necessity of such a step. The 
Queen did not show out her true character fully until the last week of 
the last parliamentary session. The logic of events has forced me to 
the conclusion that the old political system can not be made to work 
satisfactorily or endurably even any longer. In seeking for a politi- 
cal system that will meet the requirements of the case, I see nothing 
better than immediate annexation. That will settle forever many 
things that now militate against the stability of any political system 
for the islands as the people are now. Other political questions must 
be left for future deliberation. 

I think that intelligent Hawaii ans, who have at heart the best inter- 
ests of the country and the people, are very generally of that opinion. 
-Give us annexation, and plans will be at once pushed for such a devel- 
opment of the ^country as can not be even thought of under any other 
circumstances. Talk about a protectorate is idle. We have had enough 
of legal fictions. The institutions and connections of the country are 
mainly American. Let us have the name, as well as the appearance; 
the real power as well as the nominal acquiescence, and the Hawaiians 
will accept the situation. They will have to make the best of it, what- 
ever may be decided upon for them. The best thing for the whole peo- 
ple is now to make American citizens of themselves as fast as they can. 
Those who know that they are aiming at the highest j)ossible ideal can 
afford to wait with patience for its realization. The overthrow of an 



362 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



obstructive and ruinous social and political system is the best prepa- 
ration for the spread of the Gospel of Christ, and the enjoyments of its 
privileges and blessings. 
Yours respectfully, 

0. M. Hyde. 

North Pacific Missionary Institute. 



No. 27. 

Statement by Col. C. P. Jaukea, late of Her Majesty's personal staff. 

On arriving at the palace shortly after the landing of the United 
States forces, I found Her Majesty's household in a state of nervous 
excitement. The Queen, although calm and collected, showed signs of 
uneasiness. This feeling soon increased to one of grave alarm and 
apprehension when, a few minutes later, the troops were seen moving in 
the direction of the palace, and, without warning, immediately take 
a position a short distance from, and in full view of, the palace and 
Government building. 

This unexpected show of force right under the palace walls deeply 
impressed Her Majesty; and when on the day following the United 
States forces were seen encamped in the Arion Hall, adjoining the 
Government building premises, and commanding the palace, it at once 
became evident that they were landed for some other purpose than 
the protection of life and property. 

When therefore during the afternoon of the same day the revolution- 
ists took possession of the Government building no resistance was 
offered by the Queen's forces, it being impossible to successfully resist 
them without i)recipitating a conflict with the United States forces. 

0. P. Jaukea, 
Late of Her Majesty's Personal Staff. 



No. 28. 

Interview witli Chief Justice A. F. Judd, Honolulu. May 16, 1893. 

Q. Please state where you were born. 
A. In Honolulu, January 7, 1838. 
Q. Has this always been your home? 

A. With the exception of four years in the United States, two at 
Yale and the other two at Harvard law school, and on occasional 
visits to the States and a trip to Europe. 1 entered the practice of 
law in this country in 1884, and was elected twice to tfye Legislature — 
in 18<>8 from South Kona, Hawaii, and again for Honolulu in 1870, and 
in 1873 I was appointed attorney -general by Lunalilo, and on his death 
in 1874, on the election of Kalakaua, I went onto the bench as asso- 
ciate justice of the supreme court. I continued on the bench until 
now, having held different positions. 1 took the position of first asso- 
ciate justice in 1877, and was appointed chief justice in 1881. I have 
been injudicial life since my first appointment as judge in February, 
1874, and have had my office in the Government building during all 
that time, and am somewhat familiar with political changes that have 
taken place. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 363 



Q. How were your judges selected prior to the constitution of 1887 ? 

A. They were appointed. 

Q. How selected prior to 1887 ? 

A. They were appointed by the King. The supreme judges have 
always been appointed in that way, and, whatever has happened to this 
country, I think the sovereigns have always aimed to give us good men 
as judges. 

Q. Who did Kalakaua appoint first as judges? 

A. Judge Allen was chief justice under a former appointment — he 
being in the United States at the time of Kalakaua's election, of course 
was merely continued in office. The other judges were Hartwell and 
Widemann. Hartwell was appointed attorney- general and Widemann 
as minister of the interior. Judge Harris was then made first asso- 
ciate justice and I second associate justice. 

Q. None of these were men of native blood? 

A. None. 

Q. Were they men of substantial character ? 

A. Yes; all of them. We have had two judges of native blood on 
the bench. 
Q. Appointed by whom ? 

A. By Kamehameha III and Kamehameha V. The first was Judge 
Ii. He was a pure native. The other judge of native blood was R. 
G-. Davis. He was half- white. 

Q. How was your Legislature made up prior to the constitution of 
1887? 

A. It consisted of one body— nobles appointed by the Crown and 
representatives elected by the people. 
Q. How many nobles f 
A. Twenty. 

Q. How many representatives? 

A. It seems to me twenty four — perhaps twenty-six — I do not know 
positively. 

Q. The number of representatives exceeded the number of nobles 
prior to 1887? 
A. I do not remember, but I think so. 
Q. How were nobles selected? 

A. Appointed by the King on nomination by the cabinet. 

Q. And the representatives were— — ; 

A. Elected by the people. 

Q. What suffrage qualification had you? 

A. Under the constitution of 1852 there was no property qualifica- 
tion. The Legislature consisted of two houses that sat separately. 
King Kamehameha V refused to take the oath to that constitution 
when he took the throne in the fall of 1883, and he called a convention 
of delegates to revise the constitution, with the purpose of limiting the 
power of the people and strengthening his own prerogatives. I was sec- 
retary in that convention, and after a very warm discussion the King 
was unable to agree with the delegates as to the measure of that prop- 
erty qualification. He then dismissed the convention and proclaimed 
the constitution of 1864, which prescribed a small property qualifica- 
tion lor voters. 

Q. What was the amount of that property qualification? 

A. Two hundred and fifty dollars a year, I think. 

Q. Was that property qualification for voters the main point on 
which the King and the convention disagreed ? 

A. It was. 



364 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Q. Prior to that there was no property qualification? 
A. No. 

Q. This constitution of 1864 then came by virtue of a proclamation 
of the King? 

A. It did. The people acquiesced in it after awhile, and, although 
there was a good deal of dissatisfaction felt, the people voted under it 
and agreed to it, and a good many believed that it was wise — that is, 
making the Legislature of one house and not of two. 

Q. Prior to the constitution of 1864 how were nobles appointed? 

A. By the King. 

Q. What support had the King in reducing the franchise of the 
native population- of the islands'? 

A. He had the support of his cabinet, and I think that is about all. 

Q. What was the disposition of the more intelligent people here? 

A. They considered it very arbitrary. The King at that time was 
very much opposed to the growth of American influence aud republi- 
can ideas. He was very bitterly opposed to the influence of the Ameri- 
cans, and especially American missionaries. His aim was to strengthen 
the royal prerogatives. 

Q, But if he cut off the number of native votes by property qualifi- 
cations would he accomplish any addition to his strength? 

A. He had one house then only, and there could be no negative 
action on any affirmative action of his. It was not necessary for him 
to have a majority of each house. 

Q. Were the bodies equal in number? 

A. I think not; I think the representative body was larger. It 
was proportioned according to the population of the districts. 

Q. Under the constitution of 1864 did you have a property qualifi- 
catiou ? 

A. We did for a while. 

Q. How long? 

A. For several elections. It was finally eradicated by amendments 
to the constitution. 
Q. In what year ? 

A. I can only speak from memory, but certainly before 1870, but I 
certainly can not say without reference to books. 

Q. How was that brought about ? What state of opinion brought 
that about? 

A. It was mainly the feeling that this was an encroachment. Public 
sentiment did not feel the necessity for it. Demagogism was then not 
prevalent. I think the H awaiians voted better then than they do now. 
That is, demoralizing influences had not set in. 

Q. At that time, I suppose, it was somewhat of a struggle between 
the King and the people ? 

A. Yes, precisely. 

Q. And they were attempting to recover a p&rt &f the power they 
had lost under that constitution ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. I see in the compilation of your laws, page 220, section 780, the 
following : 

For the island of Hawaii, eight, that is to say : 

One for the district of North Kona, beginning at and including Keahualono, and 
extending to and including Puuohao ; one for the district of South Kona, beginning 
at Puuohao and extending to and including Kaheawai. 

One for the district of Kau. 

One for the district of Puna. 

Two for the district of Hilo. 



KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 365 



One for the district of Haniakua. 
One for the district of Kohala. 

For the island of Maui, seven, that is to say, two for the district composed o 
Lahaina, Ukumehame, and Kahoolawe. 
One for the district composed of Kahakuloa and Kaanapali. 

One for the district beginning with and including Waihee and extending to and 
including Honuaula. 

One for the district beginning with and including Kahikinui and extending to and 
including Koolau. 

One for the district beginning with and including Hamakualoa and extending to 
and including Knla. 

Two for the districts composing the Islands of Molokai and Lanai. 

For the island of Oahu, eight, that is to say: Four for the district of Honolulu, 
beginning with and including Maunalua, and extending to and including Moanalua. 

And one for the district composed of Ewa and Waianae. 

One for the district of Waialu^. 

One for the district of Koolauloa. 

One for the district of Koolaupoko. 

For the island of Kauai, three, that is to say : One for the district of Waimea, be- 
ginning with and including Nualolo and extending to and including Hanapepe, and 
also including the island of Niihau. 

One for the district of Puna, beginning with and including Wahiawa, and extend- 
ing to and including Wailua. 

One for the district of Hanalei, beginning with and including Kapaa, and extend- 
ing to and including Awa-awa-puhi. 

Please say how may representatives you had under that? 
A. Twenty- six. 

Q. When was that established? 

A. There have been laws of this character altered little by little, but 
a law of this general character has been in existence from very early 
times — that is from 1852. There would be occasional changes, adding 
one representative to one district and taking one away possibly from 
another district. 

Q. I ask your attention to section 774 of your compilation of laws: 

The house of representatives shall be composed of not less than twenty-four nor 
more than forty members, who shall be elected hiennially. 

Prior to 1887 you had in a legislative body twenty-six representa- 
tives? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Was it ever larger than that? 
A. I think not. 

Q. That gave them a popular element in the Legislature — a majority 
over the power of the King as represented in the nobles? 

A. That is the way it was generally exercised. The King never 
appointed his full number. 

Q. But the constitution itself provided that he might appoint thirty 
and that the representatives might be forty? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. The fact was he generally appointed twenty, and the representa- 
tives were twenty-six? 
A. Yes. 

Q. So that there remained from this an excess of political power in 
the representatives in the legislative body as against the Crown? 

A. That is true; but they rarely ever divided on that issue — nobles 
on one side and representatives on the other. Some of our best legis- 
lation was accomplished through the nobles. They were excellent men. 

Q. What class of men generally? 

A. Such men as Mr. 0. E. Bishop, S. G-. Wilder, and Mr. Dowsett. 
They Avere appointed by Lunalilo, who filled up the body to twenty. 
Q. Were they generally appointed from the class of men who repre- 



366 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



sented the intelligence and wealth and morality of the community or 
not? 

A. In those days they were nominated to the King by his cabinet, 
and they were representative of the property of this Kingdom, combin- 
ing also a fair representation of character and intelligence, until the 
middle of Kalakaua's reign, when, as vacancies occurred, he would 
appoint natives generally who did not have these characteristics of 
wealth, character, and intelligence. 

Q. How was a ministry appointed and removed ? 

A. Under every constitution prior to 1887 the ministers were 
appointed by the King and removed by him ; but until Kalakaua's reign 
it was a very rare thing that any King changed his ministry. They 
had a pretty long lease of political life. My father was minister for 
nine or ten years, and Mr. Wyllie for a longer period. It was a very 
rare political occurrence, and made a great sensation when a change 
was made. Under Kalakaua things were different j I think we had 
twenty-six different cabinets during his reign. 

Q. How long was his reign? 

A. From 1874 to 1891. 

Q. What were the property qualifications of electors prior to 1887? 
A. None — no property qualification. 

Q. They had to be 20 years of age, and to be able to read and write ? 

A. If born since 1810 they had to be able to read and write, but this 
test was rarety applied. If born before that there was no qualification 
at all. 

Q. Under the constitution of 1887 the same qualification of an elec- 
tor for representative was continued ? 
A. Yes; substantially the same. 

Q. Was there any very considerable change in the matter of the 
qualification of a voter for representative under the constitution of 
1887 in the matter of allowing foreigners to vote? 

A. There was. 

Q. Please state it. 

A. Previous to that time only citizens could vote; that is, native 
born or naturalized, or those who had received letters of denization. 
The constitution of 1887 allowed all residents, if they had those quali- 
fications, excepting Asiatics, and they were not allowed to vote, even 
those who were citizens by naturalization. 

Q. Did that cover the Portuguese element? 

A. We allowed Portuguese to vote. 

Q. Then the races that were excluded under that from the privilege 
of voting were the Chinese and the Japanese? 
A. Yes. 

Q. How about the qualifications to read and write for that class of 
voters — I mean the Portuguese, Americans, and Europeans who were 
allowed to vote? Did the qualifications as to reading and writing apply 
to them? 

A. It did. 

Q. Were there many Portuguese then voting under the constitution 
of 1887? 

A. A good many voted. Not having the statistics before me I can 
not say what proportion. 

Q. Under that constitution of 1887 were the number of nobles and 
representatives the same? 

A. Exactly the same — twenty-four nobles and twenty-four rep- 
resentatives. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 367 

Q. The cabinet was appointed by the Crown? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And how removable? 

A. Only by vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of elected 
members. 

Q. What was the character of the increased power of the cabinet 
under the constitution of 1887 over that of 1864? 

A. It made the ministerial responsibility clearer, I think, than it 
existed under the constitution of 1864. 

Q. In what way was it made clearer? 

A. By express provision after 1887, if I mistake not, saying that 
whenever any act was to be done by the sovereign it was to be dooe 
by and with the advice of the cabinet. That the supreme court has 
held to be the advice of a majority of the cabinet. 

Q. Would that be so in the matter of the exercise of the veto power? 

A. We thought not. That is, the justices of the supreme court 
thought not. Under the constitution, which made the legislative 
power consist of the Bang and the legislature, we felt that this act in 
approving or vetoing a bill was a legislative and not an executive act. 

Q. What did the word signify, then, in relation to the power that the 
King could only do it with the advice of the cabinet? 

A. We construed that power of the King which could only be exer- 
cised through the ministry as applying solely to executive and not to 
legislative acts. 

Q. He could do nothing, then, without the sanction of a majority of 
the cabinet in the matter of administration? 
A. No, sir. 

Q. A single member of the cabinet would not answer? 

A. No, sir. The Thurston ministry broke up on that principle, Ash- 
ford advising the King, contrary to the advice of the supreme court, 
that he was not bound to act unless all the members of the cabinet 
advised a certain measure. That led to a serious difference in the 
cabinet, which resulted in breaking it up. 

Q. The court held that it required a majority? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Which Ashford was that? 

A. 0. W. Ashford. After his return from Canada he seemed to be 
very much changed, 

Q. Your house of nobles was equal in number to the representa- 
tives. What was the qualification of an elector for nobles? 

A. The property qualification was an income of $600 a year, or unin- 
cumbered real property of the value of $3, J00. We held that where a 
man was paid wages and his board that his board was not to be inclu- 
ded; that he must have a clear income of $600. 

Q. I wish to ask you the reason for these changes — what they were 
intended to accomplish — and I wish to ask you because of your high 
official position as chief justice and because of your high character? 

A. The main grievance was this: The Legislature was composed of 
officeholders. I mean the representatives prior to 1887. The district 
justice, nominated by the governor of each island, would use his judicial 
influence by making it very easy with the offenses of the people. The 
same thing was true of deputy sheriffs, tax assessors, tax collectors, 
and all minor officials. When once in the Legislature they could be 
very easity controlled either by threats of withdrawing the offices from 
them, or by promises of other offices. As was well expressed by Mr. 
Gibson, who was premier at one time, the King was the larger part of the 



368 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Legislature. That is, his influence exerted through these agents 
became paramount. He could accomplish, against his ministry even, 
almost any measure he chose. 

Q. Did lie appoint all these officers to which you referred ? 

A. Not directly, but the governors, being appointed for four years, 
and being his favorites, would appoint anj' officials he suggested, and as 
a matter of fact Kalakaua nominated, directly or indirectly, the mass of 
the officials in this country. 

Q. Do you mean to say that by the appointment of governors who 
were personal friends of his there came to be appointments of subor- 
dinate officers who were in sympathy with the King in his political 
views and his general wishes ? 

A. I do. and more especially to carry out the money votes which he 
was very eager for in order to pay his debts, the expenses of his tour 
abroad, of his coronation, of the military embassy to Samoa, and other 
extravagances which every respectable person thought very unwise. 
I recommended in my report to the Legislature a change in this 
respect, i. e., in the qualifications of candidates to the Legislature, 
excluding judges, etc. Another cause, hardly second in importance, 
was the matter of the removal of ministries. I have said that up to 
that time there had been twenty-six changes of cabinets. It had 
unsettled the community so greatly and gave opportunity for what is 
called " backstairs cabinets" by adventurers and others that there 
was very little stability in the Government. It was almost impossible 
for any ministry to carry out any settled policy, certainly anj^ policy 
that did not please the King. 

Q. You changed the constitution so as to guard against that im- 
proper mode of the appointment of inferior officers'? 

A. It forbade any person being appointed to office during the whole 
time for which he was elected, and also forbade the election of any- 
body who held any office under the Government. 

Q. Then you cut oft' that power of the King in the use of his , 
patronage ? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. As to the appointment of nobles, the idea was to take that away 
from him? 

A. The nobles were elected by what was supposed to be the wealthy 
and influential class. 

Q. That was taken away from the King and placed among the 
wealthy and influential classes ? 

A. Yes, so that they could have representation in the Legislature. 

Q. Under that a minority of the natives only could vote for nobles'? 

A. Only a minority of them could vote; it gave them great dissatis- 
faction. 

Q. Any other changes of consequence? 
A. I think not. 

Q. You say this new manner of selecting nobles gave the natives 
great dissatisfaction 1 

A. It did. The first election held under the constitution was very 
satisfactory. The natives voted well. Good men were elected. Then 
they were told that the white people had advantages, by reason of 
their wealth, over them, and this idea at election time, that they were 
put in an inferior position, was always forced upon them. 

Q. Will you be kind enough to state how this new constitution was 
established? 

A. The two events which brought this matter to a culminating point 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 369 

were (1) the opium steal of $71,000, by which a Chinaman named Aki 
was made by the King to pay him a bribe of $71,000 of hard coin in 
order to obtain the exclusive franchise for selling opium, and (2) the 
expense of the expedition to Samoa in the Kaimiloa. A secret league 
was formed all over the islands, the result of which was, the King 
was asked to promulgate a new constitution containing those provi- 
sions that I have before alluded to. It was very adroitly managed by 
the Ashfords, and more especially by V. Y. Ashford, who obtained the 
confidence of the King and Mr. Gibson. He was the colonel of the 
rifles, and he assured them that if he was paid a certain sum of money 
and made minister to Canada that he would arrange it so that the 
movement would be futile. 
Q. How was he to do that? 

A. By preventing the use of the military I suppose. And he 
arranged with the military authorities and Capt. Haley that they 
should be called out to preserve public order, although it was this large 
and well-drilled force which made the King fear that if he did not yield 
things would be very critical for him. 

Q. Was that a Government force*? 

A. It was organized under the laws. 

Q. A volunteer organization ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. So that the men in sympathy with the movement of this secret 
league went into it and constituted it under form of law? 

A. Of course I do not know what was told the King privately, but I 
know that he felt it would be very dangerous to refuse to promulgate 
the new constitution. I have no doubt that a great many things were 
circulated which came to his ears in the way of threats that were 
unfounded. 

Q. What was the outside manifestation? 

A. One great feature of it was its secrecy. The King was frightened 
at this secrecy. It was very well managed. The judges of the 
supreme court were not told of it until just before the'event took place. 
I think it was the 2d or 3d of July, 1887. 

Q. Was there then a mass meeting? 

A. There was a large mass meeting held, and a set of resolutions was 
presented to the King, requiring that a new ministry be formed, by Mr. 
W. L. Green and one other person whose name I have forgotten. 

Q. Was there any display of force? 

A. The Honolulu Bines were in detachments marched about in dif- 
ferent portions of the town, having been called out by the legal military 
authorities. 

Q. Who were the legal military authorities? 

A. The governor of the island, Dominis, and Capt H. Burrill-Haley, 
the adjutant-general. 

Q. Were they in sympathy with the movement? 

A. No, sir; the officers of the corps were in sympathy with the move- 
ment. 

Q. Who were they? 

A. Ashford and Hebbard ; I do not remember all. 
Q. Did the governor order them out, not knowing of this state of 
things? 

A. I think he did. I think he knew it; but it was to prevent as I 
believe, something worse happening. As I said, there were threats 
made. 

Q. Of what sort? 
10518 24 



370 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. I understood that at one time there was a very strong feeling 
that the King should be forced to abdicate altogether, and it was only 
the more conservative men born here who said that the King and the 
Hawaiians should have another opportunity. 

Q. Were there not two elements in that movement, one for a repub- 
lic and the other for restraining the power of the King? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Were there not two forces in this movement cooperating together 
up to a certain point, to wit: those who were in favor of restraining the 
King by virtue of the provisions of the constitution of 1887, and those 
who were in favor of dethroning the King and establishing a republic ? 

A. I understand that there were, and that the more conservative 
view prevailed. 

Q. And the men who were in favor of a republic were discontented 
at the outcome? 

A. They were, and they didn't want the Hawaiians to vote at all ; and 
the reason that the Portuguese were allowed to vote was to balance 
the native vote. 

Q. Whose idea was that, was that the idea of the men who made the 
new constitution? 

A. Of the men who made the new constitution. 

Q. It was to balance the native vote with the Portuguese vote? 

A. That was the idea. 

Q. And that would throw the political power into the hands of the 
intelligence and wealth of the country ? 
A. That was the aim. 
Q. How was this military used ? 
A. It was put about in squads over the city. 

Q. The officers of the corps were really in favor of the movement for 
the new constitution, and were called out by Governor Dominis to pre- 
serve order? 

A. Yes. After the affair was over he was thanked by a military 
order from headquarters. 

Q. Do you suppose he was gratified with thanks, under the circum- 
stances ? 

A. Haley said to me when he showed me the order, u It is a little 
funny to thank a man who kicked you out, but I suppose I've got to 
do it." 

Q. The King acceded to the demand for a new constitution and of a 
cabinet of given character? 

A. In the first place he acceded to the proposition to make a new 
cabinet named by Mr. Green. The former cabinet, consisting of Mr. 
Gibson and three Hawaiians, had just resigned a day or two before. In 
three or four days the cabinet waited upon him with the constitution. 

Q. What cabinet? 

A. The cabinet, consisting of Mr. Green, minister of foreign af- 
fairs; Mr. Thurston, minister of the interior; Mr. 0. W. Ashford, at- 
torney-general, and Mr. Godfrey Brown, minister of finance. I was 
sent for in the afternoon of July 5, to swear the King to the constitu- 
tion. When I reached the palace they were all there, and tne King 
asked me in Hawaiian whether he had better sign it or not. I said "You 
must follow the advice of your responsible ministers." He signed it. 

Q. This ministry had been appointed as the result of the demand of 
the mass meeting ? 

A, Yes, sir. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 371 

Q. And then, having been appointed, they presented him with the 
constitution of 1887 ? 
A. Yes, sir. 
Q. And he signed it 1 
A. He did. 

Q. Was that constitution ever submitted to a populai vote for rati- 
fication? 

A. No; it was not. There was no direct vote ratifying the constitu- 
tion, but its provisions requiring that no one should vote unless he had 
taken an oath to support it, and a large number voted at that first 
election, was considered a virtual ratification of the constitution. 

Q. if they voted at all they were considered as accepting it? 

A. Yes, sir. I do not think any large number refused to take the 
oath to it. 

Q. It was not contemplated by the mass meeting, nor the cabinet, 
nor anybody in power, to submit the matter of ratification at all ? 

A. No; it was not. It was considered a revolution. It was a suc- 
cessful revolutionary act. 

Q. And therefore was not submitted to a popular vote for rati- 
fication ? 

A. Yes, sir. It had mischievous effects in encouraging the Wilcox 
revolution of 1889, which was unsuccessful. I think it was a bad prec- 
edent, only the exigencies of the occasion seemed to demand it. 

Q. Was there discontent with that constitution on the part of Kala- 
kaua? Was he ever satisfied with it? 

A. He was very skillful in concealing his views. I do not think he 
was satisfied with it. 

Q. Was the ex-Queen ever satisfied with it? 

A. I think much less satisfied with it than he was, and commenced 
movements against it even before her brother died — while she was 
princess. From my intimate acquaintance with her, I knew that she 
ran away with the idea that she was Queen only of the native Hawaiians 
and not of the whites, even though born here. 

Q. Have the natives as a race been discontented with these changes? 

A. As shown in their public utterances in the Legislature, at elec- 
tion times, and through their native newspapers, I should say yes; but 
from my acquaintance with them personally, I am unable to see that 
it has worked to their injury, and I do not see evidences of their dis- 
satisfaction. 

Q. Were they in this secret league to which you had made reference? 
A. I think there was only one person of mixed blood in the league. 
Q. Did your politics take on anything of a racial form at any time; 
if so, when? 

A. Occasionally a native in the Legislature would lose his head and 
say severe things against the whites as a class. It is generally frowned 
down upon by the most respectable of the natives and the foreigners. 
It has, however, been made a much more prominent feature in politics 
of late. 

Q. Did Gibson use that race feeling to obtain power, and to main- 
tain himself in it? 

A. He did; and he also used flattery to the King to exalt his posi- 
tion. He fostered in the King's mind the idea of proclaiming himself 
emperor of the Pacific in connection with the Samoan affair. 

Q. But in dealing with the natives in the matter of suffrage did he 
play on the matter of race feeling? 



372 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. Somewhat. His emissaries generally looked to other means — 
gin among them. 

Q. Was he in the habit of abusing the whites, those who are called 
missionaries? 

A. Yes: the first mischief he did was in thwarting the treaty of 
reciprocity. 

Q. In what year was that? 
A. In 1873. 

Q. Before Kalakaua was King? 

A. Yes; and the ministry of which I was a member, Mr. Bishop being 
leader, owing to the fact that King Lunalilo was in consumption, felt 
that it was prudent to abandon it. 

Q. You were going to speak of race feeling in regard to politics? 

A. It has been almost impossible to elect any kind of a decent white 
man in Honolulu for many years. 

Q. Why? 

A. I once had a conversation with a very prominent native and 
asked him why they never succeeded in electing a good white man in 
Honolulu. He said: 

The man whom you regard as the best man the natives oppose just because you 
want him elected. 

Q. I suppose you were not with the committee of safety during the 
late revolution ? 

A. I was not informed of any of their proceedings. They kept me 
out. 

Q. Did you know that a constitution was going to be proclaimed in 
1893 before it was done? 

A. I had heard hints during some years before that the Queen was 
anxious to proclaim a new constitution, but I did not hear of her pres- 
ent intention until the morning of Saturday. Shortly before the pro- 
rogation, at 10 o'clock in the morning, a gentleman told me that 
immediately after the prorogation Mr. William White, the lottery 
advocate in the Legislature, was going to the palace with a large num- 
ber of people and that the Queen was going to proclaim a new consti- 
tution. I mentioned it to my associates on the bench. They didn't 
credit it. I mentioned it to a few others, among them the French 
consul. It disturbed me very much. Immediately the Legislature was 
prorogued I looked out from the balcony and saw a large number 
of natives dressed in black and wearing beaver hats marching over to 
the palace with banners and carrying a parcel. 

I said to myself that is the new constitution. Being invited by the 
chamberlain to go over there, which is customary after prorogation, I 
urged my associates to accompany me. Judge Dole had an engage- 
ment and could not go. Judge Bickerton and I ment over. We 
stayed until 4 o'clock and saw the whole thing, except we were not 
in the private room with the Queen when she had her ministry there. 
The speech that she made, when she said she had designed to promul- 
gate a new constitution but had met with obstacles and was prevented 
for the present, I wrote from memory. She said it in Hawaiian. I went 
home that evening, wrote it down from memory, and furnished it to the 
press. 

Q. What was the point of it? 

A. She was under great emotion. I never saw her in such a state 
of agitation. At the same time she controlled herself. It was really a 
magnificent spectacle. She said she had listened to thousands of voices 
demanding a change in the constitution — demanding a new constitu^ 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 373 

tion — and she thought the opportune moment had come. The constitution 
was very defective, and she turned around to defer to me as her wit- 
ness, because I had had occasion so often to construe it. She had pre- 
pared a new constitution which she thought would meet the pur- 
poses required and would please the people; but she said with great 
sorrow: u I am obliged to tell you that I can not do it now. I have 
met with obstacles, but I ask you to go home; continue to love me, and 
I will continue to love you, and in a few clays you will have your wishes 
gratified." Immediately a member of the Legislature, the throne room 
being full of the Hui Kalaiainas, turned around and said: ''What 
shall we do with these men whoprevent the gratification of our wishes'?" 
meaning the ministry. We hushed him up; told him to keep quiet, 
and I left the palace. 

Q. What do you suppose she meant that in a few days they would 
be gratified'? 

A. She hoped to overcome the objections of her cabinet. Parker 
told me that the reason he stayed by her without leaving her all 
that afternoon was that he was afraid she would break away from the 
cabinet, go out on the balcony, and say to the people: u The ministers 
won't approve it, and my chief justice won't swear me to it. Here is 
your constitution. Now look out for these men." We stayed there 
not under any physical compulsion. I sent in two messages by the 
chamberlain asking to be excused, but she sent word asking me to 
remain. Evidently she expected that thing done then and there. Mr. 
Wilson, the marshal, was in a great state of excitement, and told me 
that he had been fighting the battle alone all the morning with her, and 
wanted me to go in and use my influence to prevent her from doing it. 
I said that if the Queen asked me to come into her council I should be 
glad to do it, but I could not swear her to the new constitution. 

Q. Have you any personal knowledge of improper relations between 
Wilson and the ex-Queen *? 

A. I know this as a fact, that when the supreme court decided that 
on the death of Kalakaua she could require the resignation of the cabi- 
net appointed by him and could appoint her own cabinet, that she 
made three conditions with the new cabinet, and one of these condi- 
tions was such that Mr. Peterson would not consent to resume office 
under her. The three conditions were these: That Wilson was to be 
marshal, a native boy named Joe Aea was to be made turnkey of the 
prison, and that Wundenberg was to be dismissed as postmaster- gen- 
eral. Wundenberg had dismissed Henry' Poor from a clerkship in the 
post-office, whose mother, living on Emma street, was a very strong 
friend of the Queen. 

They were schoolmates together with me, and she, Mrs. Poor, is in 
charge of two boys. One of the boys is Dominis's own son by a woman 
named Mary Purely. She is married to the messenger of the foreign 
office, named Kamiki, and the other child is a son of Joe Aea, and 
rumor says it is the Queen's own child. I do not know whether it is 
the Queen's child or a child of Aea's wife. I got it from Kamiki, who 
was deprived of the service of his wife from being Dominis's mistress. 
WhenDominis died he died with one hand in the hands of the Queen 
and the other in Mary Purdy's hands. On one occasion I went to her 
about the morality of the palace, and she professed to me to be in favor of 
religion and morality. I went to her on account of a great deal of scan- 
dal in regard to the character of the palace invitations. 

Q. Did Wilson live in the bungalow? 

A, les. 



374 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Q. And when she went back to Washington Place he always had a 
cottage there % 
A. Yes. 

Q. He was marshal? 

A. Yes; he had been clerk of the waterworks before that. 

Q. Judge, you have a good many races of people here. Could you 
establish stable government here on the basis of a qualification that 
they should read and write the English language? 

A. That would limit the number qualified to vote very much. It 
would exclude nearly all the old Hawaiian s. It would exclude the 
Portuguese, except the younger class that have been to school here, 
and, of course, the younger Hawaiians, who are now taught English 
exclusively. 

Q. What would be the proportion between the white and native 
vote, putting the English test? 
A. I can not say. 

Q. Would it leave the native vote in excess or not! 
^A. I think it would. 

Q. Now, on the basis of reading and writing English, could you 
establish a permanent form of government? 
A. I doubt it very much. 

Q. Could it maintain a government such as obtains in the States of 
the United States — New York, for instance? 
A. It depends upon the character of the imperial government over it. 
Q. What do you mean? 

A. I mean that a republic of our own would not be at all successful. 
Q. W r hy? 

A. Because our natives are so likely to be influenced by demagogues, 
and more especially such influences as obtained in the last Legislature, 
such as the lottery — such schemes as that. The natives joined with the 
lower class of whites. They hav^e not sufficient character to resist. 

Q. Could you establish one that would make life and property safe 
and preserve order? 

A. I doubt it very much. 

Q. Would you be willing to take your chances on that sort of 

government? 

A. No sir. As a property-holder and a man of family I would not 
like to take my chances. 

Q. Could you maintain a good government here as a State in the 
Federal Union, like the State of New York? 

A. I have not thought that was possible, because I do not suppose 
the United States would ever consent to have two Senators from a place 
like this. 

Q. I am not talking about what they would consent to, but as to what 
you consider the qualifications of the Hawaiians to vote. I do not want 
to imply that the Government of the United States means to do any- 
thing. 

A. Yes, I believe we could. 

Q. What is the character of the Hawaiian as a voter? Is he an 
intelligent voter ? 

A. That is a matter of comparison, of course. He is easily influenced. 
Q. In what way ? 

A. When his prejudices are excited, and when he is told the usual 
election stories; that something is going to happen unless they vote 
for such and such a man. 

Q. Is he in the habit of selling his vote! 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



375 



A. I believe there lias been a good deal of bribery in this way, paying 
a man's taxes for him — there being a qualification that a man shall 
have paid his taxes. 

Q. Are they influenced much in elections by liquor? 

A. Until the Australian ballot went into effect. The election of 1886 
was largely managed by gin. 

Q. What is their character as to honesty? 

A. So far as they are concerned, they are not especially addicted to 
larceny. 

Q. Not more than the white race? 

A. No; I have lived in my present residence twenty-one years : have 
never had a theft; we live with our houses very loosely fastened. 
Q. What is the moral character of the race? 

A. The seafaring class are very much addicted to the use of liquor. 

Q. What is the character of the Hawaiian women for chastity? 

A. They are not chaste. At the same time they do not expose their 
immorality to public view. I think strangers would see scarcely any- 
thing of it. There is an outward observance of the laws of decency 
and morality. 

Q. Why do they observe it outwardly and not practice it in secrecy? 
A. I think it is the influence of their religious teaching. It is a 
source of profit to them. 
Q. How? 

A. Sailors and mechanics visit them, and that is what supports their 
families very largely in the low part of the town. 

Q. Is that the character of the Hawaiian women generally? 

A. I must except many very good, virtuous women. 

Q. I do not mean exceptions. 

A. They are accessible. 

Q. As a race they are not chaste? 

A. Their instincts are towards the sexual desire. 

Q. Then the domestic circle is not marked by chaste conversation 
and life? 

A. They are very careless in their conversation before their children. 
Q. There is a good deal of intermarriage between the whites and 
natives here. What is the result of that? Is it a better type ? 
A. It is a more intelligent type. 
Q. Are they not better morally? 
A. As a class, no. 

Q. Are the half-castes generally the result of matrimonial alliances? 

A. There are a large number that are nor. 

Q. What social recognition have these half-castes? 

A. They have always received social recognition. They have always 
been sought after by strangers. 

Q. How in social life here ; are they received among the whites? 

A. Those of good character are. There are several large families 
received on terms of perfect equality. 

Q. The Portuguese population here, is that leaving much? 

A. Yes. 

Q. To what extent; rapidly, would you say? 

A. Yes. On account of their inability to obtain land. 

Q. Why can not they obtain land? 

A. A great many lands have been tied up by long leases, although 
the Government has commenced the system of throwing open lands to 
homesteaders. 

Q. But still the tendency is to leave ? 



376 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. Yes; they want to go to California — to America. 
Q. Then is it the land only? 

A. No ; it is the desire to go to America ; it is their El Dorado. 
Q. The Japanese population is probably yonr future reliance for 
labor ? 

A. Yes ; but I think the Chinese make the best laborers. 

Q. But the authorities who have been controlling the Islands have 
taken the view that it was best not to allow the Chinamen to come in 
in large numbers ? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. And the action of the Government has been toward restricting 
that, and looking to Japan for laborers ? 
A. Yes; that has been the policy of the country for a long time. 
Q. Are these Japanese beginning to get the desire for suffrage. 
A. I only hear it through the newspapers. 
Q. What do you hear ? 

A. I hear that they will in time demand suffrage. 
Q. What do you think of them as voters ? 

A. I think they would vote as the consul wanted them to vote. 
They are an inferior class, brought up with the idea that they must 
obey their superiors. 

Q. They belong to the lowest class of the Japanese population \ 

A. Yes; they have very great deference for their superiors. 

Q. Are they learning to read and write 4he English language to any 
extent? 

A. Those who remain in the field do not have the opportum ty. 
Their children go to school and learn English. 

Q. Your native population — do they understand generally how to 
read and write the native tongue? 

A. Lately they are losing the ability to speak Hawaiian well, by 
reason of their minds being directed in school to English. 

Q. What books have they in the Hawaiian language? 

A. Very few books outside of school books and religious books, and 
a few trashy novels. 

Q. They have the Bible and the Pilgrim's Progress? 

A. Yes. 

Q. You indicated a desire to make a statement in reference to certain 
occurrences in the legislature of 1892. 

A. The body of Kalakaua arrived here on the 29th of January, 
1891. At 2 o'clock that day Liliuokalani took the oath to support 
the constitution of 1887, which I administered. Kalakaua's cab- 
inet consisted then of Cummins, C. N". Spencer, Godfrey Brown, and 
A. P. Peterson. There was a great deal of discussion and wire pulling 
as to whether that cabinet should have the right to continue. Finally 
the opinion of the court was asked and it was held that she had liberty 
to ask for their resignation. They resigned and she appointed Parker, 
minister of foreign affairs; Widemann, finance; Spencer, interior, and 
Whiting, attorney-general. 

At the general election which took place in 1892 all the represen- 
tatives of the island of Oahu were elected from the Liberal party, of 
which Eobert W. Wilcox was the leader (with one exception, W. E. 
Wilder), who was elected for one of the districts of Honolulu. The Legis- 
lature was opened on the 20th of May. On the 6th of June a vote 
was taken to expunge MacFarlane's resolution, which was directed 
against Minister Stevens, which was carried by 33 to 13. On the 30th 
of August the Parker ministry was voted out by 31 to 10. There 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 377 



was no new cabinet appointed until the 12tli of September. That 
was E. 0. MacFarlane, minister of finance; Parker, foreign affairs; 
Gnlick, interior, and Neumarm, attorney-general. On the 15th of 
September there was another vote of want of confidence in this 
MacFarlane cabinet. It received 24 votes against 21. The question 
as to whether that was a sufficient constitutional number to pass it was 
referred to the judges of the supreme court, who decided that 25 votes 
were necessary. 

Meanwhile, on the 4th of October, there was a special election held on 
this island, and Maile, a native from the fish market, and Hopkins, a 
half- white, were elected as nobles, by a very large majority, over two 
very respectable men, M. P. Eobinson and H. Waterhouse, by the 
so-called lottery faction; that is, people who were bound to carry the 
lottery bill through. 

On the 17th of October there was another vote of want of confidence 
introduced in the MacFarlane ministry, and it passed 32 to 15. On the 1st 
of November, at 10 o'clock in the morning, the Queen appointed Cornwell 
minister of finance, Gulick minister of the interior, Nawahi minister 
of foreign affairs, and Oreighton, attorney-general. At half-past 12 
they were voted out — 26 to 15, the same day. Tne 4th of November, 
rumors prevailed that the Queen would agree to appoint G. N. Wil- 
cox minister of the interior, Cecil Brown attorney-general, P. 0. Jones 
minister of finance, and M. 0. Robinson minister of foreign affairs. 

On the 8th of November this cabinet was appointed and sworn in. 
Then the country felt easy. The next important event was on the 6th 
of December, when the Legislature sent a request for an opinion to the 
justices of the supreme court upon the question whether an amendment 
to the constitution which had passed two successive Legislatures 
required the approval of the Queen. We answered that it did not. 

Q. What was the constitutional provision ? 

A. It was something with reference to allowing legislation restricting 
the residence of Chinese here. The idea was that any laws that might 
be passed restricting terms of residence or rights of Chinese here would 
not be held unconstitutional. 

Q. At that time was there any restriction on Chinese immigration? 

A. Oh, yes ; there were restrictions that had passed the Legislature 
with reference to their entering the Kingdom, but when once in the 
Kingdom they had the rights of all residents under Hawaiian law, and 
by our constitution no class legislation would be permissible under the 
constitution. The object of this amendment was to allow legislation of 
that character. 

Q. Do you have reference to legislation providing that the Chinese 
should not reside here after the contract term had expired? 

A. Yes; I think also as to the character of the employment they 
should engage in. It was the desire to pass that law which gave rise 
to this submission to the court. The constitution of 1887 left out all 
the provisions which had previously existed as to the sovereign signing 
an amendment to the constitution. The only popular reference was 
that any amendment that had passed one Legislature would have to be 
published three months previous to the election, and then if it passed 
the second Legislature it became a law. 

Q. Was there no direct submission to the people? 

A. Only in that way. On the 21st of December this ministry, which 
had the confidence of the people, began to have difficulty with the 
Queen with reference to the appointment of circuit judges under the 
new act. 



378 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. In what way? 

A. They nominated Mr. Whiting and Mr. Frear. 
Q. And she was not willing? 

A. At first she was. The appointment of circuit judges was not to 
go into effect until the 1st of January, but it was deemed advisable 
that these gentlemen, who were in the practice of law, should be noti- 
fied beforehand to arrange their business, as terms of the circuit court 
would begin with the new year. She first agreed that she would make 
these appointments. Then she said she did not care to appoint Mr. 
Frear, but wanted Mr. Eosa. I had a long lalk with her. I told her 
that Mr. Rosa's habits would make him unfit; that he got drunk. She 
finally on the 3d of January appointed those two judges. On the 29th 
of December there was talk all over town and in the lobby of the Leg- 
islature that there would be a vote of want of confidence against the 
Wilcox ministry, and on the 4th of January Mr. Bush introduced one. 
It failed, 19 to 22. On the 10th of January the lottery bill, which 
everyone supposed was dead, was moved up by 0. L. Hopkins, who 
had just been elected by the lottery people. 

Q. What is he doing now? 

A. He is in the fishing business. I can not say he is in the opium 
business. It passed on the second reading to the astonishment of 
everybody by 20 to 17. It was hurried right along and passed its third 
reading on the 11th of January, 23 to 20. Six of the members of the 
house had gone home. On the 12th at half past 1 Kapahu intro- 
duced a vote of want of confidence in the Wilcox cabinet, and it passed, 
25 to 16. Noble 0. O. Beyer being the twenty-fifth man and he voted 
that way because Mr. Widemann was promised by the Queen that he 
should form a new cabinet. On the 13th of January there was no 
quorum in the morning. At half past 2 the cabinet came in — Par- 
ker, Corn well, Peterson, ard Colburn. That was Friday. That night 
quite a number of members tried to get their forces together to intro- 
duce a vote of want of confidence in that ministry: People said no, it 
it is no use. Saturday morning Mr. Peterson announced to the Legis- 
lature that the Queen had signed two bills that had interested the 
community for a long time — the bill licensing the sale of opium and 
the establishing of smoking joints, and the lottery bill, giving an exclu- 
sive franchise to these individuals for a term of twenty-five years to 
establish a national lottery, for which they were to give the Government 
$500,000 a year. 

Q. Did the bill provide how it should be used? 

A. It provided that a certain sum should be used for the laying of a 
cable between here and San Francisco. 
Q. Any other public work? 
A. I do not now remember. 

Q. Did you participate in the meetings of the committee of safety 
on 14th, 15th, 16th, and 17th of January? 
A. I did not, being a judge. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate 
report of my interview with Mr. Blount, 

A. F. Jtjdd. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 379 



No. 29. 

Intervieic with the Hui Kalaiaina, Friday April 21, 1893. 

At half past 3 a committee of the Hui Kalaiaina called at the head- - 
quarters of the Commission and presented resolutions from that society, 
which were read by the interpreter, Mr. Solomon Kaleiope. 

In accepting the copy of the resolutions Mr. Blount responded as 
follows : 

Gentlemen: Very much of the duties of my mission I can not com- 
municate to you. I will say, however, that your yjapers which have 
been presented I will accept and forward to the President in the nature 
of information indicating the opinions of your people in these islands 
in reference to the inclination on your part to support the existing con- 
dition of things; that is to say, whether you are in favor of the Pro- 
visional Government and annexation, or whether your preference is 
for royalty. I am gathering information on lines of that sort for the 
purpose of submitting it to the President. That is the extent of what 
I can say to you by way of response. I would like to ask, however, a 
few questions. Which is the chairman of your committee? 

Interpreter. W. L. Holokahiki, Honolulu. 

(These questions were given and answered through the interpreter:) 
Q. On the day of the prorogation of the Legislature a number of 
natives were reported to have gone in to see the Queen — about thirty 
in number — and that their object was to ask for a new constitution. 
Was that a committee from this organization? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. How many voters, people who vote for representatives, are there 
in this order. 

A. Some thousands as we have it in our books; about 3,000 of 
native Hawaiians. 

Q. What did the Queen say in response to your request ? 

A. That she was quite ready to give a new constitution, but her 
cabinet is opposed to it. Her cabinet refused it, so that she could not 
do otherwise. She told the people that they had to go home quietly 
and wait for the next session of the Legislature. 

Q. When would that be if the Government had not been overthrown? 

A. The time, according to our laws, was two years, and that would 
run us up to 1894. 

Q. Then the information was that nothing could be done under two 
years on account of the disapproval of the cabinet? 

A. Yes ; the Queen could do nothing. 

Q. She said she could do nothing? 

A. Yes; because the constitution says she can do nothing without 
being approved by her cabinet. 

Q. What did the committee do when they went out; did they give 
this information to the native people? 

A. Yes, sir. This committee shortly after they came out they told the 
people they could not do anything now. That they would have to wait 
until the next session. Also the Queen came out and told the people 
she could not give them any constitution now because the law forbids. 

(A great many petitions were exhibited; sometimes they were to 
the Queen and sometimes to the Legislature, asking for a new consti* 
tution.) 



380 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



(A book was also shown, containing the names of members of the 
organization throughout the Islands, as follows:) 

(Oahn, 2,320; Maui, 384; Hawaii, 266; Kaai, 222, and Molokai, 263. 

Q. (To interpreter.) Why don't other natives join the organization? 

A. They sometimes go to meetings. When anything happens they 
go together. 

Q. These are active members of the organization? 
A. Yes. 

Q. In matters of this sort the natives followed the lead of the organ- 
ization? 
A. Yes, sir. 

We have read the foregoing and pronounce it to be » correct report: 

A. Solomon Kaleiopu, Interpreter. 
W. 0. Holokahiki. 
J. Alapai. 
John Kanui. 
J. A. Kahoonei. 
J. B. Ktjoho. 
J. Keeui. 

T. C. POLIKAPA. 

D. W. Kanailehua. 



No. 30. 

Interview with J. W. Kalua, president of the Annexation Club, and others, 

May 1, 1893. 

Q. Please give the names of the delegates and the islands they rep- 
resent? 

A. Interpreter J. W. Kalua, president of the Annexation Club and 
chairman of the delegation, Eev. A. Pali, 0. E. Coe, W. F. Pogue, G. F. 
Horner, and E. H. Bailey, all of Maui. 

(Through interpreter.) 

Q. Mr. Kalua, were you chosen by a convention of delegates from 
various districts chairman of the delegation to present their wishes on 
the subject of annexation? 

A. 1 was. 

Q. Are the natives you represent in favor of annexation unless they 
have the right to vote? 
A. They are not. 

Q. Are they in favor of it with any property qualifications ? 
A. They are not in favor of it. 

Q. Have the annexation speakers in addressing them conveyed the 
idea to them that the right to vote would be preserved to them if they 
went into the American Union ? 

A. It has been said to them in speeches. 

Q. If the right to vote is preserved to them they are willing to give 
up the Crown and become annexed to the United States ? 
A. They are. 

Q. Mr. Ooe, were you born in the Island? 
A. I was born in Grant County, Wis. 
Q. How long have you lived here? 
A. Twelve years this coming fall. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 381 



Q. Are the natives in favor of annexation unless the right to vote 
is preserved to them? 
A. I think not. 

Q. Would they be in favor of annexation with a property qualifi- 
cation ? 
A. "No, sir. 

Q. With the right to vote preserved to them, they prefer to be a part 
of tbe United States rather than to be under the Crown? 

A. Yes, sir, thinking that the progress of the country would be 
advanced by being part of the United States. 

Q. Provided the right to vote is preserved? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Mr. Horner, is that your understanding of the situation? 
A. Y'es. 

Q. Mr. Pogue, is that your understanding? 
A. It is. 

Q. Mr. Kalua, how many voters do you represent on the island of 
Maui? 

A. Taking the annexation list for me to go by — the foreigners rep- 
resent three-fourths and the natives represent one-fourth of the lists 
of the annexation club — in all 700. 

(The interpreter, Mr. Kalua, says there are more names on the lists 
than 700, but they have not all been opened yet. He does not know 
the exact number. He says the people have not all subscribed who 
will subscribe, owing to the short time the club has been started — they 
have not had the opportunity.) 

(The notes of the foregoing were read over to the interpreter and 
others and pronounced correct. — E. M.) 



No. 31. 

Interview with Rev. J. Kanoho, ofLihue, Kauai, Wednesday, April 19, 1893. 

(Mr. George Mundon, interpreter.) 

Mr. Blount. What is your occupation? 

A. I am a minister of the Gospel. 

Q. How many members of your church? 

A. Sometimes 30 and sometimes 50. 

Q. Do you belong to the annexation club? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. How many members are there in that club f 

A. I can not state exactly how many. 

Q. Well, about how many ? 

A. I think about 200. 

Q. Are they in favor of annexation ? 

A. They are in favor of annexation. 

Q. Are they in favor of annexation without having the right to ballot? 
A. No, sir; they are not in favor of annexation without they get 
their right to vote. 

Q. How do they feel towards the Queen? 

A. A portion of them would like to have the Queen replaced. Those 
who have not signed for annexation would like to have her back. 
Those who have signed are not in favor of having her returned. 



382 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS* 

Q. Have most of them signed in favor of annexation or not? 
A. Yes; a majority of them have signed annexation papers. 

The foregoing has been translated to me by Mr. George Mundon, and 
I pronounce it a correct report. 

J. Kan oho. 

Honolulu, April 19, 1893. 



No. 32. 

Interview ivith John Lot KaulaJcou. 

Honolulu, Thursday, April 13, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. Where do you live? 
A. In Honolulu. 

Q. Were you in the city on the 14th of January last? 
A. I was. 

Q. Will you please give me a statement of the causes of the revolu- 
tion which resulted in the dethronement of the Queen? 

A. I will tell you what I know. On the 14th of January, the Queen 
dismissed the Legislature — discharged every member of the honse at 12 
o'clock. The Queen went into the palace with several people. On 
that day it was the first time I heard of the Queen's intention to 
declare a new constitution. Since 1887, after the decree of that consti- 
tution, the people were asking and tiling petitions lo the legislatures of 
1890 and also 1892. There were many names on the petitions to his 
late Majesty Kalakaua, and when he died his sister came on the throne. 
The people sent petitions to the legislature and to Her Majesty the 
Queen to make a new constitution, because the people wanted to have 
a new constitution — a constitution for equal rights between everyone 
in this community. 

Q. You mean by equal rights everybody to have the privilege to 
vote who were twenty? 

A. Yes. The constitution of 1887 is to take away the rights of the 
natives to vote for the nobles. For instance, if I had property of 
$2,999.99 I had no right to vote for nobles under that constitution, but 
a man who had an income of $600,' without property, he had that right. 
In these islands there were nine nobles and that man with an income 
of $600 had a right to vote for nine nobles, and a man of property of 
$2,999.99, he nad no right to vote for noble, except one representative 
in the ward where he lived. 

Q. You mean to vote for a member of the ho&se of representatives 
instead of nobles. 

A. Yes; and this man, with an income of $600, he had aright to 
vote for nine nobles in these islands and also a representative in the 
ward where he lived. He voted for ten men. For that reason the 
people claim it is not right. 

Q. These petitions to the legislature and to the Queen, what did 
they ask for in the matter of the election of nobles? Hid they ask 
that the Crown should appoint them or the people be allowed to elect 
them? 

A. That the people be allowed to vote for all — to give everyone 
an equal vote for both noble and representative. That was the 
intention of the petitions. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 383 



Q. Do you know what this constitution the Queen intended to pro- 
claim contained in that connection! 
A. Xo one in this community knows. 

Q. You do know that the demand from the people was for the elec- 
tion of nobles by all classes of the people? 
A. Yes: without any qualification. 
Q. Well, please go on with your statement. 

A. Many people went into the palace to see the Queen and also 
Kalakaua, and they sent a petition to the Queen and also to the legis- 
lature, and called a mass meeting, and that is the only reason Wilcox 
is elected: also Mr. Bush and Antone Rosa, and also the reason why 
they were elected in 1890. 

Q. On the idea of making a new constitution on the ground these 
petitions asked for ? 

A. Yes: and also in 1S92. 

Q. In the elections of 1890 and 1892 the line of division amongst the 
people was upon that question of a new constitution, giving everybody 
the right to vote for nobles and representatives? 

A. Yes; for any candidates running to oppose that view it was 
impossible for that man to go to the legislature in 1890 and 1892. They 
did not want the idea of taking all the power from the Queen. Under 
this constitution they took every power from the Queen. 

0. What power did they want to give the Queen . 7 

A. In regard to veto. They wanted to give some power to the 
Queen. A bill goes to Her Majesty. They want to give that privilege 
to the Queen: if she thinks a bill not propter, not right, she should 
have the right to veto it. 

Q. She did have that power and exercised it, didn't she? 

A. After the case came before the court, the court decided in favor 
of her power to veto. 

Q. When was that decision made? 

A. I think about 1888 or 1889, It was after 1887. 

Q. If that was settled by the court in 1888 or 1889, it would hardly 
be in the campaign in 1890, and 1892? 

A. The real object of the people was for the constitution. They did 
not care about the veto question. They claimed the constitution was 
forced on Kalakaua. The people wanted a new constitution. 

Q. You say the constitution was forced on Kalakaua. How was it 
forced on him ? 

A. He did not like this constitution. 

Q. Why did he proclaim it ? 

A. People told him " if you don't sign this constitution we will over- 
throw vou." 
Q. What people? 
A. White men — foreigners. 
Q. Where did they live? 
A. Here. 

Q. And in the other islands? 

A. In this island and in the other islands. I saw some from, other 
islands. 

Q. How many? 

A. Saw only one that I remember. 

Q. Any natives in the meeting which demanded the new constitution 
of Kalakaua? 

A. Yery few. About three or four natives went there. 

Q. The native population is in the majority. Why didn't they stand 



384 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

by hini — byKalakaua? He did not expect them to help him or he 
would not have yielded to the whites. 

A. The Government had many soldiers and also volunteers. Vol- 
unteers supported the view of the new constitution in 1887. Many 
Portuguese. The officers had commissions from King Kalakaua. Gov- 
ernment furnished guns and ammunition for them. Those peorjle are 
the very people to oppose the King and go in favor of the new consti- 
tution. The Portuguese officers and men were opposed to the King. 

Q. Do I understand you to mean that the desertion of these Portu- 
guese officers and troops left him without the military power to oppose 
this movement of the whitest 

A. The Portuguese officers and Portuguese soldiers went together 
with the volunteers at that time. There were two kinds of volunteers, 
white men, really white men, and the Portuguese joined together with 
the Thurston crowd and opposed the King. 

Q. Were they volunteers ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. How many soldiers had the Thurston crowd % 
. A. Including Portuguese, about 300. 
Q. How many had the King? 
A. I think the King had 700 or 800. 

Q. Was the King with S00 troops afraid of Thurston with 300? 
A. He was not afraid. His Majesty wanted to go and fight, bu A so 
many of his friends would go back on him. 
Q. Why did they go back on hint? 
A. I don't know. 
Q. Who were they? 

A. Haley was one of them. He was an Englishman, I understand. 
The King did not want to have bloodshed, so lie signed his name on 
that constitution. I have no doubt in my mind that if the King had 
opposed this crowd we would have no more town of Honolulu. There 
would have been property lost and lives lost — great many. 

Q. You mean in 1887 ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. But he did not want to see that? 

A. No ; he didn't. 
■ Q. Well, please go on where I interrupted you. 

A. After that we got a new constitution, and every one of us took 
oath to support it. I myself do not like the constitution — the way of 
getting it — but the regulation issued from the interior office if any one 
of the natives did not take the oath to support that constitution he 
had no right to vote. For that reason I myself and all the rest of my 
native friends took oath to support the constitution. So we lived under 
that constitution, and the people did not like it; I mean the natives. 
They did not like it, not because everything in the constitution is bad, 
but they did not like the way of getting it. They were disgusted by 
the way of getting it. Part of that constitution is really part of the 
constitution of Kamehameha Y. 

In the election of 1890 Wilcox was a leader, and Bush and several 
others. Their platform to go before the people is that they want a 
new constitution. Part of their crowd came in and joined the natives 
and said they innst have a new constitution. At that time, if I remem- 
ber right, McOarty — Charlie McCarty (he was one of the volunteers 
against the King in 1887) — was one of the candidates for noble in 1890 
to oppose the constitution, and by uniting of foreigners and natives 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 385 

the whole island on that principle elected members of the House of 
Nobles and Kepresentatives. 

Q. How did they manage to elect nobles witk the property qualifica- 
tion? 

A. As I told you, whoever had an income of $600 had a right to vote 
for nobles. 

Q. Were a majority of the nobles elected in 1892 for or against the 
constitution*? 
A. They did not want this constitution. 

Q. You do not understand my question. In 1892 you elected nobles. 
Now, were a majority of the nobles elected in 1892 for or against the 
constitution? 

A. They were against the constitution of 1887. They wanted to 
have a new constitution. Some of them say, all I want is amendments, 
but a majority of the people wanted a new constitution. So you see a 
majority of the people wanted a new constitution. I suppose that is 
the reason the Queen wanted to have a new constitution. 

Q. Now, a majority of the nobles and representatives being in favor 
of a new constitution, why didn't they pursue the plan laid down in 
the constitution? 

A. The trouble was at that time, before the election they came for- 
ward to the people with the idea of a new constitution, but when they 
go inside the house some of the people go back on their constituents 
and they turn around. Some of them, like Wilcox. He was strongly 
in favor of a new constitution, but he never did anything in the house 
to get a new constitution. Some of them introduced a bill to make a 
new constitution, and some people say that is against the constitution. 
But yet people talk outside "new constitution! new constitution!" 
When we go before the house we never get constitution. They never 
did anything. That is the reason we did not get a new constitution. 
The people wanted to have a constitution for equal rights. 

On the 14th of January I was in the palace myself, and before I 
went into the palace I heard the Queen intended to proclaim a new 
constitution. I went in to see if it was true or not. While there I 
saw Chief Justice Jucld. He asked me, what is all this ? I said I 
didn't know. I heard the Queen was going to proclaim a new consti- 
tution. He asked me what sort of a constitution? I said I didn't 
know. He said he would give $50 for a copy of that constitution. 
We stayed there about an hour, perhaps two hours, and then the 
Queen came from the blue room. 

Q. What you call the throne room? 

A. Yes. She said: 

My people, I am sorry to say I can not proclaim a new constitution to-day, 
because of the advice from niy cabinet not to do so. Therefore, my* people, I want 
yon to go home. Behave yourselves and keep quiet. Do not make any disturbance. 

The people went home. 

Q. Was that speech made in the throne room ? 

A. Yes ; so the people went home quietly. On Sunday morning the 
first I knew there were some posters on the street, the committee of 
safety calling for a mass meeting on Monday. There were no names on 
it; just committee of safety calling mass meeting at the armory on 
Beretania street. Sunday was a very quiet day — no disturbance, no 
riot ; no reason to make any one believe a revolution had come on 
Saturday and Sunday— and Monday morning I saw another poster to 
have another mass meeting for natives on Palace square at 2 o'lock. I 
was at this meeting on Palace square. 
10518 25 



386 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLAND& 



Q. How many people were there ? 

A. I think, including foreigners and natives, about 5,000. There 
were many foreigners there. 
Q. How many foreigners? 

A. I think more than 500. between 500 and 1.000 . the rest were 
natives. They made speeches and thanked Her Majesty, tile Queen, 
for her intention to proclaim a new constitution. She could not do 
anything now because her cabinet had advised her nut: but the meeting 
thanked her for her idea to proclaim a new constitution. They adopted 
resolutions as follows : 

Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty, the Queen, contained in this day's 
proclamation, is accepted by the people as a satisfactory guaranty that the Govern- 
ment does not and will not seek any modification of the constitution by any other 
means than those provided in the organic law. 

Resolved, That accepting this assurance, the citizens here assembled will give 
their cordial support to the administration and indorse them in sustaining that 
policy. 

The meeting adjourned and the people weut home. They made no 
disturbance. Saturday the Queen ordered the people to go home 
quietly. The natives always listen. They always obey. On this day. 
Monday, Bush and 2sawahi told the people to go home quietly and 
calmly. They did so. I went home. Several others went home with- 
out any idea of any revolution to come after that. About 5 o'clock 
in the afternoon was the first time we had news of the landing of the 
Boston's troops on shore — on the same landing you came the other day. 
We went down to see. Heard that some marines and blue jackets 
were there. 

If you were here at that time you could hear foreigners and natives 
asking this question: "What does this mean? For what reason do 
these people come ashore ? "' From there they marched on Fort street, 
turned their right on Fort street and came up to the consul-general's 
office — Mr. Severance. I suppose there were twenty of tbein formed 
there. There were perhaps twenty or twenty-four went over to the 
minister's; the rest of them marched over to King street, the front 
of the palace. They went over with guns, Gatlrng guns. 

Q. The soldiers had Gatling guns? 

A. Yes; they had everything ready to meet their enemies. 

Q. How long did they stop in front of the palace ? 

A. I think they stopped in fr ont of the opera house about three or 
four minutes, and from there they went over to the front of the palace. 
"When thev got there thev saluted the flag. 

Q. What flag? 

A. The Queen's flag. The Queen generally had the flag up when she 
was in the palace. From there they went over to the corner of the 
palace. They remained there. 

Q. How long ? 

A. About rive minutes. From there they went over to Atherton, 
the place where the consul-general lives. 1 was there myself. I sa^v 
them sitting down smoking. After that I came to the Government 
house. While I was there, I think they came from King street and 
took charge of Arion Hall fur that night. 

Q. Who did the building belong xo l 

A. Mr. Gilbert J. Waller. 

Q. They got it from him for occupation that night? 
A. I do not know. I heard they went in without permission. They 
remained there for the night. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 387 

Q. How long altogether were tlie troops about the palace ; how 
much time did they stay there? 

A. They stayed in front of the Opera House about five minutes and 
went over to the end of the palace gate and stayed another five minutes. 

Q. Did they show any signs of being mad in any way — of wanting 
to fight? 

A. What I understand is this : I saw their guns like this (holding 
his hands in a position to show that the weapons were ready for use), 
facing them towards the palace. Their intention I do not know. That 
evening everything around the town was very quiet. If I am not 
mistaken there was a band playing at the hotel that evening. Avery 
important question in the minds of the people was: "Did you see the 
troops of the Boston come ? What does this all mean?" 

Q. Who were talking in this way, whites or natives? 

A. Whites and natives too. I said nobody knows. Perhaps they 
have come to support the Queen's Government. I do not know. I 
will go back a little. On Monday the white men held their meeting at 
the armory. I was not there myself. There was nobody there except 
foreigners and some Portuguese. 

Q. When you say foreigners, do you mean whites ! 

A. Yes, Germans, Americans and different nationalities. I think, 
from what I heard, there were only five natives there — Kanakas. 

Q. Who were they? 

A. One of them, I understand, is the editor of a newspaper under 
the control of the Serano E. Bishop — J. U. Kawainui. I heard there 
were five others. < 

Q. Was Wilcox there ? 

A. No, he was one of the speakers at the Palace square. 

Q. Is he the man who headed the Wilcox revolution ? 

A. Yes. Wilcox says like this r u Any man who insults a lady is noth- 
ing but a pig and a hog, and more especially a man who insults the 
dignity of his Queen. He is nothing but a pig and a hog." At that 
time Wilcox had nothing to do with foreigners. He was strongly 
opposed against them. Tuesday morning the town is very quiet. 
The only question is this : What is all this? We never had any idea of 
a revolution or disturbance. About afternoon the only excitement I 
know we heard the news of the shooting of a man by Capt. Good, cap- 
tain of the guard now at the barracks. He was sent to carry an order 
from the station house to stop the man to carry guns and ammunition 
that day. So Good shot him. People then saw there was some trouble 
coming up. Before that I saw some of these people here. I mean 
Thurston, 0. L. Carter, W. L. Castle going around the streets. What 
they did I do not know. I saw Charlie Carter before 12 o'clock go over 
to Arion Hall and meet with one of the officers of the Boston's troop. 
The conversation I do not know. That evening, about half past 2, we 
heard the news of the proclamation of the Provisional Government and 
the overthrow of the Queen. 

Q. What time was that? 

A. About half past 2, I think. I did not look at my watch. I was 
there myself. A gentleman, now a judge on the bench, Mr. Cooper, he 
read the proclamation with his hand shaking. 

Q. What day was this? 

A. Tuesday the 17th. The marines of the Boston were lying between 
the fence of the Government house. They were lying there when the 
new government was proclaimed. Lying between the Government 
house and Arion Hall. 



388 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Q. How far is Arion Hall from the Government house 1 ? 
A. About 50 or 60 feet. 

Q. When that mass meeting was in session on the 10th where were 
the troops ? Were there any troops on shore ? 

A. No. After that, about 5 o'clock of the same day, the troops 
landed. 

Q. What did that mass meeting determine on that day? 
A. The day the troops landed"? 
Q. Yes. 

A. I can not tell you positively what was the object of their meeting. 
As I heard it, they wanted to overthrow the Queen because she was 
against her oath by her intention to proclaim a new constitution. 
Before Cooper read his proclamation for a new government, the marines 
of the Boston were lying at the same place. I was at the station house 
at that time with plenty of foreigners and also natives — plenty of white 
men and also natives ready to support Her Majesty the Queen's Gov- 
ernment. We could have gone up there and cleaned those soldiers of 
the Provisional Government out in fifteen or twenty minutes. We had 
everything ready to go and fight. We could have cleaned up every 
one of them in fifteen or twenty minutes. 

The barracks were in the hands of someone for Her Majesty the 
Queen. The station house was in the hands of foreigners and natives 
under control of the Queen's Government. So you see the Government 
building was the only place taken by the Provisional .Government at 
that time. The barracks, the Queen's palace, and the station house 
were in the hands of the Queen's friends. I was one of the soldiers 
ready to support the Queen's Government. I think about 500 of us 
were there that day. Sam. Damon came down there. He went out to 
Bill Corn well, minister of finance; I saw him with Sam Damon. 

Sam Parker was down at the station house. Peterson, the attorney- 
general, was there; Antone Rosa was there; in fact, the whole cabinet 
was there. The marshal was there; Deputy Marshal Martin was there, 
and a large crowd ready to go up to the Government house against 
the Provisional Government. While I was there I saw C. L. Hopkins 
in a carriage with a letter, and he went up to his excellency Mr. 
Stevens's residence. About half an hour afterwards Hopkins returned 
to the station house again with his answer to that letter. 

The answer was, I understand, I am not positive, "I recognize the 
Provisional Government at this time." That is my understanding. I 
do not want you to think I saw the letter. We thought before Hopkins 
went up there that his excellency Mr. Stevens was in favor of Her 
Majesty's Government. When Hopkins arrived at the station house 
and some of the members of the cabinet read the letter they told us 
his excellency Mr. Stevens was in favor of the Provisional Government. 
He would not support Her Majesty's Government. For that reason we 
could not do anything, because we did not want to fight with the United 
States Government. 

Q. When this man came back from the American minister with the 
letter recognizing the Provisional Government was the Queen then in 
possession of the barracks and the palace and the station house? 

A. She was in control of the palace, in control of the barracks, and 
the station house. She was ready to meet the Provisional party. I 
assure you if Mr. Stevens had never sent any letter of that kind that 
evening I have no doubt the people in the Government building would 
have to clean out. 

Q. How many were there? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 389 



A. About 50. 

Q. Who knows how many troops the white people had there then — 
who else besides yourself knows about it? 

A. Antone Eosa knows it; Henry Poor, he is three-fourths white; 
Charles Hopkins, and several others. At the time that man returned 
from Minister Stevens's house the station house, the barracks, and the 
palace were in control of the Queen. 

Q. Was the Queen in possession of the barracks, station house, and 
palace when the proclamation was read ! 

A. Yes; I am sure. When we had news from Mr. Stevens in 
favor of the Provisional Government, then some of our friends said : 

It is no use for us to go and tight the Americans. There are few soldiers here out 
there are 65,000,000 of people behind. It is no use to fight. 

If Mr. Stevens had never sent that letter to recognize the Provi- 
sional Government I say Her Majesty would have remained on the 
throne to-day. 

Next morning I read a letter from Minister Stevens in the newspaper. 
He said : 

I recognize the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, because it takes 
the palace, the station house, and the barracks. That is my reason why I recognize 
the Provisional Government. 

Now he had recognized the Provisional Government before they had 
taken charge of the station house, the palace, or the barracks. There 
was only the Government house in the hands of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, We could not fight the United States. If Mr. Stevens had 
never sent any word of that kind, if he had never interfered, you would 
see these people cleaned out in fifteen or twenty minutes, and the Queen 
remain on her throne till to-day. 

Q. How do you know what was in the letter which Mr. Hopkins 
carried to Mr. Stevens? 

A. I do not know. I saw Antone Eosa write a letter and Hopkins 
took it to give to his excellency, Mr. Stevens. 

Q. The letter Mr. Eosa wrote in the station house? 

A. Yes. 

Q. When Hopkins came back he brought an answer. To whom ? 
A. To the members of the cabinet, because they remained in the 
station house. 

Q. Where is the letter? 

A. I suppose Sam Parker or the Queen has it. 

Q. Will you find out and furnish 1 me with the letters'? 

A. I will try. 

Q. I want the letter taken by Mr. Hopkins and given to Mr. Stevens 
and the replv. 
A. Yes. 

Q. Well, please continue your narrative. 

A. Her Majesty the Queen did not surrender her Government to the 
Provisional Government, but to the United States Government. 

Q. How do a majority of the people feel towards the Provisional 
Government ? 

A. They are against it. 

Q. By what majority, if there was a vote on the Australian ballot 
system? 

A. I do not think the Provisional Government would get one-tenth 
of the native people from the Island of Hawaii to Xiihau. 
Q. That is the native people ? 



390 REI'ORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. Yes, 

Q. How about the whites? 

A. I say I think nearly a majority of the white men in town is 
against the Provisional Government, or perhaps half and half. 

Q. I have heard a good many natives were signing papers here and 
in other islands in favor of annexation. If that is true, how do you 
account for it ! 

A. I think some of them have signed their names in favor of annex- 
ation. I will give you the reason: Because their horses run in pasture 
of very people in favor of annexation. Some of them work under 
them on plantations. So they have control of them. Some natives sign 
because they are afraid of being- turned out from their work. They say 
they will have no bread and butter: but if you declare an election like 
the Australian law. when their master or boss would have no control 
of them, it would differ. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate 
report of my interview with Col. Blount, 

J. L. Kaulukou. 



No. 33. 
Statement of Liliuol:aJani. 

His Excellency James H. Blount : 

See : On the morning of the 2Gth of November, 1890. 1 went to Iolani 
palace, where I met His Majesty Kalakaua's ministers. Mr. J. A. Cum- 
mins. C. H". Spencer. G. Brown, and A. P. Peterson, awaiting the 
appearance of His Majesty. 

TTe did not have to wait long and were ushered into the library, the 
King seating me in his chair and formally introduced his ministers to 
me. After exchanging assurances of fidelity to each other and faith- 
fulness in the discharge of their official duties, the ministers left, and 
the King and I were left to talk over matters. 

He told me of things that had transpired a few months back. That 
some of the ministers had thrown guns and ammunition into the sea from 
the steamer Wa imana.Jo. It was done to prevent him from having them, 
and had evidently been directed by the reform party with whom a 
portion of his ministers were in accord, instead of keeping them for his 
protection and safety. These ministers were working with a party of 
conspirators, who are the very same parties who have been the means 
of the overthrow of my government on the 17th of January, 1893. 
They are called the missionary or reform party. The King went on 
to say that his guards had been reduced to twenty men and they were 
barely sufficient to protect me if there should be any disturbance. He 
had requested Mr. Cummins, minister of foreign affairs, to send back 
to the palace all the guns that were at the station house and that the 
carriages had been sent to the palace but the guns themselves had 
been kept back. It was an insult by his cabinet and he felt keenly 
his weakness: that he had no more power or influence since his cabinet 
was working against him. He explained all these things because he 
wanted me to study my situation so as to be able to cope with it. 

The time for his departure on the U. S. S. Charleston drew near and 
he bade the Queen and myself farewell, and I felt in my own heart 
some misgivings that I would never see him again. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 391 



I spent a few nights in the palace and realized the insecurity of the 
situation. Every two or three nights there was an alarm of some kind. 
There was a fear that something was going to happen; what that some- 
thing was no one could tell. Mr. Cummins had heard of some con- 
spiracy but could not prove anything. 

During the session of 1890 the Honolulu Rifles were disban tied, but 
the members of that company were still allowed to carry arms in the 
streets and to wear the uniforms. 

I asked my husband, the Hon. John O. Dominis, how all this conld 
be allowed. He referred me to the minister of foreign affairs. On in- 
quiring of the minister he said that they were part of the Knights of 
Pythias and were permitted to carry arms. This was very unsatisfac- 
tory, and my husband and I concluded that there must be some under- 
handed dealings somewhere. After that I preferred to remain at 
Washington Place, only going to the palace during office hours. 

A few weeks passed, and during that time grand preparations were 
made to receive the King on his return; but the morning of the 29th 
of January, 1891, the city was startled with the news that the -U. S. S. 
Charleston was in sight with the Hawaiian flag flying at half mast. 

I was so shocked by the news that it seemed as if I was in a maze, 
especially as those things which took place on that day was all done 
in a hurry by my ministers, of whom Mr. Godfrey Brown seemed to be 
leader. 

Things that might have been put off for a day or two were all done 
that day, and I had no time to think wisely of my situation, or to 
realize the sad grief that had fallen on Kalakaua's Queen and myself 
and on the whole nation. 

On that day, at 11, I was told that I was to take the oath. I sent a 
note immediately to my husband (at Washington Place) who was lying 
on a sick bed, and told him of the arrival of my brother's remains, and 
of all that had transpired, and he came to the palace weak as he was. 

We conversed on the subject before us; also about the constitution. 
I told him I did not wish to sign it, as there was a general feeling in the 
community, and principally amongst the native Hawaiians, that it was 
not a good constitution, as it had been forced on the King and the 
Hawaiian people, but my husband persuaded me to sign it, and 1 
obeyed. 

At 2 o'clock p. m. we entered the room where all the privy councillors 
were assembled and there, in their presence, 1 took the oath of office 
and swore to abide by the constitution ot 1887. As we left the room 
and waited in the blue room to receive congratulations as well as con- 
dolences, just before the members came in a piece of paper, hurriedly 
written, was thrust in my hand, on which was written, " Do not sign the 
constitution; I shall soon explain why." But the deed was done. Chief 
Justice Judd was the first who came forward, but instead of con- 
gratulations, said in an undertone, " Should your ministers come up, 
say to them that they may keep their portfolios." I suspected some- 
thing wrong and kept my countenance. 

After all the others had come and gone their turn came. Mr. 
Cummins, as head of the cabinet, said: "Your Majesty, we wish to say 
that we are not quite sure that we can hold our commissions." Then 
Mr. Brown finished the sentence for him by saying that the constitution 
distinctly states that the cabinet could only be dismissed by the Legis- 
lature; therefore, all that was required would be to have new commissions 
made out for them. It will be seen there is no clause in the con- 
stitution providing for the cabinet in case of the demise of a sovereign. 



392 EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



I asked them each to keep their portfolios until after the King's funeral, 
and at that time I would discuss the matter. On the 15th of February, 
1891, the funeral took place, and on Monday, the 16th, at 9 a. m., Mr. Cum- 
mins and I had a private conference. He evidently wanted to know 
what my decision would be. I told him I thought they ought to resign, 
and I would give him another position. 

At 10 I met the following gentlemen in the cabinet council: Mr. J, 
A. Cummins, Mr. C. N. Spencer, Mr. Gr. Brown, Mr. A. P. Peterson. I 
told them I had studied over the situation, and concluded that they 
could not remain as my cabinet ; that they ought to resign. They 
said they had also considered the question and concluded that I ought 
to give them new commissions, and asked me to give them more time 
to consider, and it was granted them. It took two weeks before it was 
finally settled. 

At 12 m. of the same day an audience was granted to Admiral 
Brown, as he intended to sail soon. When the hour for the reception 
arrived, I was surprised when the American minister, J. L. Stevens, 
came also, as no notice had been previously given to my chamberlain 
that it was his intention to come. 

After the usual form of presentation was over Mr. Stevens took the 
opportunity to make an address, which I thought was not at all suited 
to the occasion. It was the first step that Mr. Stevens took to inter- 
fere, and I felt at the time that he would take some future occasion to 
make trouble. Two days after Admiral Brown remarked to me that I 
did not seem overpleased with Mr. Stevens's speech and that my eyes 
flashed fire. 

Two weeks elapsed, when the cabinet consulted the supreme bench, 
and was told that they could not hold their seats or positions without 
I gave them new commissions, so they resigned. 

The reading of the King's will took place, and Admiral Brown was 
invited by the Queen dowager to be present. I appointed my new 
cabinet. They were Mr. S. Parker, minister of foreign affairs ; Mr. C. 
S". Spencer, minister of interior ; . Mr. H. A. Widemann, minister of 
finance; Mr. W. A. Whiting, attorney- general. I also appointed Mr. 
C. B. Wilson marshal. 

Before I appointed my ministers Messrs. Bush and Wilcox called 
and offered their services, but as Mr. Bush had shown his ingratitude 
to the late King, and Mr. Wilcox a disposition of disobedience on the 
occasion of his revolution of 1889, I felt I could not have such men for 
ministers, and appointed others, which made them very angry. 

I began a tour to the different islands with my husband and quite a 
large retinue. It took us nearly six months to make a complete tour, 
now and then returning between times to Honolulu on business mat- 
ters, and in the month of July my husband was taken sick and on the 
27th of August, 1891, he breathed his last. I felt his loss very much, 
as his experience of several years' service with Kamehameha IV 
and V, and also under Lunalilo and Kalakaua's reign, proved valu- 
able to me. He was a kind and affectionate husband, a man of honor, 
and esteemed by all who knew him. To those whom he gave in charity 
it was never spoken of. His death was a severe loss, for I needed him 
most at that time to advise with in the affairs of state. 

Soon after the appointment of my ministers I asked my husband to 
come to the palace and stay. He did not wish, to because he had to 
climb those long stairs; so I told him I would have the bungalow put 
in repair and furnished, and Mr. Robertson, my chamberlain, had 
instructions to that effect, and to see that it was done. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 393 



My husband made a request that when the ministers were ready to put 
up the iron fence around the palace grounds (for which the Legislature 
of 1890 had given appropriations) he would like to have a wicket gate 
made for his own convenience. I told him to speak to Minister Spen- 
cer, which he did, but the gate was not finished until 1892, and it had 
never been used by anyone except Mr. Eobertson, my chamberlain, to 
let the young ladies and gentlemen of the Minuet Club pass through. 

Here I will state that in 1889 that palace walls had just been 
completed at a great expense to the Government and after the Wilcox 
revolution, this very L. A. Thurston, the agitator, who was in the cabi- 
net that year, saw fit without any regard to the heavy amount expended 
on the wall, ordered the whole wall to be torn down; hence the appro- 
priation of 1890 for an iron fence. The missionary ladies' party clapped 
their hands with glee as they stood outside the post-office and said, 
"Thank the Lord the country is ours." Had their fathers left a dying- 
request that they should eventually control and hold power over these 
islands? One would suppose so from the actions of their sons and 
daughters. 

I return to the events which took place after my husband's death. 
I asked my cousins Princes Kawananakoa and Kalauiauole to come 
and stay at the bungalow, but they did not seem inclined to do so, so 
one day Mr. Wilson asked if he and Kitty, his wife, might not come 
and stay with me, as he thought that it was necessary I should have 
some one near me to protect me, as he was fearful that some evil- 
minded person might do me harm, as there were parties who did not 
hesitate to make hateful remarks about me in his presence. Perhaps 
I was the obstacle to the full accomplishment of their wishes — that is 
power. 

Mr. Wilson is a man of great decision and firmness of character, and 
as he had been appointed marshal of the Kingdom, I thought it would 
not be out of the way if 1 did accept his offer. I regretted in one sense 
shortly after that, that I had consented, because he was not the same 
person I had known as a boy. He was 19 years of age when he courted 
Evaline, a young girl who had almost grown up in our household, and 
my husband and I encouraged their marriage; but many years had 
flown by, and he had been through rough experience in his duties and 
exhibited now and then how well suited he was to the appointment of 
marshal. He had a brave heart and his wife I have a great fondness 
for. 

The Legislature, Mr. Wilson said, was about to convene, and it was 
necessary for him at such a time to be near me, and I thought it best 
to let them remain till after the prorogation. 

The day arrived for the opening of the Legislature, and I felt that 
my troubles had commenced. With such a party of men as those who 
comprised the Keforin party, and with such unscrupulous men as 
Thurston, W. O. Smith, Alex. Young, J. Marsden, W. C. Wilder, and 
Henry Baldwin, as leaders, I knew that my cabinet would find it a 
difficult matter to contend against such a party. 

Laws were made mostly for their special benefit, and others that 
would prove injurious to the Hawaiians and other nationalities. They 
brought in measures which only tended to prolong the session and to 
give them time for their scheme of annexation to ripen. In the mean- 
time Thurston took a trip to the States to attend to his cyclorama, and 
at the same time try to make stipulations for annexing these islands. 

In the month of August the Reform party began their policy of dis- 
missing the ministry. They made promises to Mr. Cummins, of the 



394 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

National Eeform, and Bush, Wilcox, and Ashford, of the Liberal party, 
and P. P. Kanoa of seats in the cabinet if they joined their party, and 
they did so, besides taking Kamauoha, losepa, and another niember 
with them, which made the Reform party very strong. On the 31st of 
August, for no good cause, the Parker ministry was voted out in accord- 
ance with a clause in the constitution of 1887, that any minister could 
be voted out by a majority of the members of the House for " want of 
confidence." It had been decided by myself and cabinet that our policy 
should be one of economy and retrenchment. This had been our course 
from the commencement of my reign, binding ourselves strictly to and 
guiding our course according to the laws and regulations of our King- 
dom. The Parker ministry had no sooner gone out than twenty-five 
Hawaiian members of the House petitioned me to appoint Mr. Parker 
again. Next day Mr. Baldwin asked for audience and came with a 
request that I would receive the Hons. Kanoa and Kauhane and ask 
them to form a cabinet for me. 

I received those gentlemen, but they brought with them a petition 
with a list of names, principally of the Eeform party, that I would 
nominate from those names my cabinet. They called the [sic] a con- 
stitutional principle. I knew if I yielded to their request I would be 
yielding my own right under the constitution, which gave me the right 
to appoint and the house to dismiss. 

Two weeks passed and I appointed Minister Parker, Gulick, Macfar- 
lane, and Neumann. The policy of this ministry was retrenchment in 
all directions, and Mr. Macfaiiane, as minister of finance, immediately 
set to work with that purpose in view, and laid many satisfactory plans 
for them to pursue. In order to carry out the rigid economies prepared 
by Mr. Macfarlane, I consented to a reduction of $10,000 in the appro- 
priation for my privy purse and further reductions in u household 
expenses, state entertainments, and the military." 

They had, however, been in office only a few days when the American 
minister, J. L. Stevens, made a request through Minister Parker that he 
would like to call on me the next day, the 16th of October, and that he 
would bring his secretary with him. The hour was set for 11 and a 
cabinet council was called to sit at 10. When the hour arrived, the 
cabinet rose to depart. Tasked them to remain, but Mr. MacfavJane 
begged to be excused, as he had once, while as noble in the house, 
brought in a resolution against Mr. J. L. Stevens on account of a speech 
he made on the 30th of May, reflecting on the administration in Hawaii. 
Mr. Gulick and himself were excused and Mr. Parker and Mr. Neumann 
remained. Mr. Parker went to the door and received Mr. Stevens and 
at the same time asked what was the purpose of his visit, that he 
might apprise me. Mr. Stevens said he would mention it to me in per- 
son. They entered, followed by Mr. H. W. Severance. He seated 
himself in a manner which no gentleman would in the presence of a lady, 
and drew from under his arm a document which he read, -stating that 
my Government had grossly insulted him, the ambassador of the 
United States and minister plenipotentiary for that nation, and hold- 
ing them responsible for an article which appeared in the Bulletin 
reflecting upon his indifference in sending relief to the captain and 
crew of a shipwrecked American vessel. 

He then read a clause in international laws relating to a minister's 
position in foreign lands. While he was reading he seemed to belabor- 
ing under great excitement and anger, and when he finished reading I 
rose and said my cabinet would give the matter their best considera- 
tion, whereupon Mr. Stevens and Mr. Severance took their leave. Was 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 395 

ne seeking to make trouble? I remarked to Mr. Parker and Mr. Neu- 
mann that it appeared that way. Next day a lunch was given by the 
ladies of the Central Union Church; the occasion was to help pay for 
the new church on Beretania street. Mr. Henry Severance took the occa- 
sion to say to me" that he was entirely ignorant as to the intention of 
Minister Stevens before they arrived at the palace, as he had not told 
him of the object of the visit and was surprised at Mr. Stevens's con- 
duct. I did not answer. Some correspondence passed between Mr. 
Stevens and my ministers, which resulted in the cabinet entering a suit 
for libel against the Bulletin, which was afterwards withdrawn by Mr. 
Stevens. 

It was during this month that a meeting was held at the residence 
of Mr. Alexander Young, and a discussion arose as to my obstinacy in 
not appointing one of their number. They called this a constitutional 
principle." At this meeting it was proposed to dethrone me. The 
question was asked how it was to be accomplished, when it was stated 
that Capt. Wiltse of the Boston would assist. 

Changes of ministry followed rapidly. The Cornwell cabinet lasted 
only one hour. Its members were W. H. Cornwell, J. Nawahi, C. T. 
Gulick, and C. Creighton. Without giving this cabinet any trial they 
were immediately voted out. 

Here I must mention that when the Mafarlane ministry was voted 
out I wished to send them back to the house again, but Mr. Macfarlane 
and Mr. Neumann advised to the contrary. 1 felt loath, to give up a 
cabinet composed of men in whom I had reason to know the community 
had confidence that their transactions would be straightforward and 
honest. 

The Wilcox (Eeform) cabinet came next. They were appointed by 
stratagem, as I found out afterwards. The policy of this cabinet was 
retrenchment, no changes in the monetary system of the country, and 
to make a commercial treaty which would bring us in closer relation- 
ship with the United States. 

Their first policy they failed to carry out, as they went into all sorts 
of extravagant measures, such as $5,000 for sending a commission to 
Washington — and that commission were to consist of Thurston, Wil- 
cox, and others — with the purpose of annexing these islands; $12,000 
to send the band to Chicago, and $50,000 for the Volcano road. All 
these measures were for Mr. Thurston's private benefit, but were passed 
in the house. It had always been customary for the ministry to con- 
sult the King or sovereign in cabinet council on any measure of impor- 
tance, but in this instance and on all occasions the cabinet had already 
decided on those measures, and simply presented them to me for my 
signature. I had no resource but to acquiesce. 

Whenever I expostulated their answer was generally "We have 
consulted the chief justice, and are of one opinion." I found that I was 
simply a nonentity, a figurehead, but was content to wait patiently 
until the next session, when probably they would be voted out. 

It required diplomacy to overthrow the Wilcox cabinet and the Lib- 
erals used it. The cabinet felt secure because those who worked 
amongst the members as wire-pullers were so sanguine about their 
sneers, but where corruption is practiced there is no stability, and such 
it proved in this instance. 

A short time before the overthrow of the Wilcox cabinet Cummins, 
Bush, E. W. Wilcox, Ashford, and their followers, finding that their 
hopes of being in the cabinet would never be realized, left and turned 
to help the Liberals once more, and with the aid of some of the Nationals 



396 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



they were successful. They did not like the actions of the cabinet when 
it became known that the ministry had no consideration for the Queen 
and were carrying things in such a high-handed way. 

These members had been deceived by the Thurston party, and they 
now combined to help the Liberals. Mr. White was the introducer of 
the bill providing for a constitutional convention; also the opium and 
lottery bills. He watched his opportunity and railroaded the last two 
bills through the house, but he failed in regard to the first bill. 

A vote of want of confidence was then brought in. Three days 
before members flocked in at Washington Place and wanted to know 
if I wanted to get rid of my ministers. I said "No, it is not my priv- 
ilege," they departed and others came and went. Mr. Colburn and 
Ashford called and said they understood it was my wish. 1 answered 
them as I did the others. Mr. Ashford said "I see, Mr. Colburn, we 
have made a mistake, but Your Majesty, should it be your desire to be 
rid of your cabinet, we can be of great service in bringing it about, 
but we would expect to have a representation in the new cabinet." I 
asked who of their number they would put forward, and Mr. Ashford 
replied "Mr. Cummins, Bush, and myself." I made no further reply, 
and they left. 

It was a practice among some of the native members to sell their 
votes for a consideration. This was taught them by the Thurston 
party. They would come to me and then return to that party and 
repeat all that was said, for which they were usually paid something. 

The Liberals won and the cabinet was voted out, partly because they 
were so sure of their success and on account of their own corrupt prac- 
tices. 

Mr. Geo. IS". Wilcox and Mr. Eobiuson I have a high consideration 
for. Mr. P. C. Jones is a hearty sympathizer with his party, while I 
think Mr. Cecil Brown capable of doing anything that the Reform 
X>arty directed him to do. Mr. Berger's vote was the casting vote. It 
was decided between Mr. Parker and myself that Mr. Widemann was to 
be a member of the next cabinet and for that reason Mr. Berger voted 
against the Wilcox cabinet. And so it was, for Mr. Widemann 
gave his consent and afterwards he withdrew. The next day Mr. Par- 
ker, Cornwell, Colburn, and Peterson were appointed. These gentle- 
men were accepted by the majority of the people in the house, who 
applauded them on their entrance, because they were men of liberal 
views, although they were not considered representative men, because 
they were not backed by moneyed men. 

The same day of their appointment they advised me to sign the 
opium and lottery bills. I declined at first, as I wanted to please my 
lady friends, but they said there should be no hesitation on my part, as 
the house had passed those bills by a large majority, and they had 
been signed by the President and committee. I had no option but to 
sign. It took place on the 13th of January, 1893. 

During the month of November, 1892, a private note was sent me in- 
forming me of the intentions of the American minister, J. L. Stevens, 
with the aid of some of our residents, to perfect a scheme of annexation, 
and that the cabinet had knowledge of the fact, but I gave little heed 
to it at the time. 

On the 17th of December, 1892, another note was received, of which 
the following is a copy: 

Her Majesty Queen Liliuokalani, may it please your Majesty: 

Madam: Eeferriug to the confidential communication I took the liberty of address- 
ing your Majesty a few weeks ago, about the attitude and utterances of the Anieri- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 397 



can representatives here, the perfect correctness of which have been confirmed hy 
subsequent information, I now beg- to be allowed to state, that thro ngh the same 
trustworthy source I have been informed that in a very late moment of effusion, 
some American official gave to understand that he had instructions to press and 
hurry up an annexation scheme, which he confidently expected to carry through at 
no distant date, with the help and assistance of the present cabinet. 

If your Majesty will kindly weigh this information by the side of the bold open 
declarations and annexation campaign made at the present time in the Bulletin, by 
the Rev. Sereno Bishop, the well-known mouthpiece of the annexation party, I 
think that your Majesty will be able to draw conclusions for yourself, and realize 
not only that there is yet danger ahead, but that the enemy is in the household, and 
that the strictest watch ought to be kept on the members of the present cabinet'. 
This again in strictest confidence from 

Your Majesty's humble and faithful servant. 

The above was written by a gentleman in whose word I have great 
confidence as a man who had the best interest of Hawaii at heart. 

It was on the receipt of this note that I sent for the British com- 
missioner, James H. Wodehouse, and asked his advice on the matter. 
I asked whether he thought it wonld be wise for me to invite all the 
foreign representatives of the diplomatic and consular corps fearing that 
a disturbance might arise over the political situation. He said he 
should not interfere with our local matters, and he dissuaded me from the 
idea, as he said it was like acknowledging that there was actual danger. 
"Did I think there was any danger"?" I answered, " there might be." 
The morning of the 14th of January, 1803, arrived with all prepara- 
tions for the closing of the Legislature. At 10 a. m. I called a cabinet 
meeting for the purpose of apprising them of their positions in the 
house and other preliminary instructions. I told them it was my inten- 
tion to promulgate a new constitution. The cabinet had to meet the 
Legislature and we adjourned. At 12 m. I prorogued the Legis- 
lature. I noticed that the hall was not filled as at the opening. There 
were not many ladies present in the audience, and I also noticed that 
several members of the Legislature belonging to the Eeform party were 
not there. This looked ominous of some coming trouble. 

On entering the palace I saw Mr. Wilson at the entrance of the blue 
room. I went up to him and asked if all was ready. He replied, 
" Yes." Then I said, " You will have to be brave to day," and I passed 
into the blue room and sat awaiting my ministers. A half hour passed 
and they did not come. After a little longer delay they arrived. I 
immediately judged from their countenances that something was 
wrong. I had a few days before planned that I would sign the consti- 
tution in the throne room and in the presence of the members of the 
Legislature, the majority of whom had been elected by the people for 
the purpose of working for a new constitution. 

At the commencement of my reign petitions were sent from all parts 
of the kingdom asking for a new constitution. Mr. losepa, of Hani; 
Kauhi, of Ewa; l^ahinu, of Molokai; Kanealii, of Waihee; Kamauoha, 
of Kohala, and other members came to me repeatedly and asked for a 
new constitution. Mr. Parker, from the commencement of his ministry, 
advocated a new constitution, as well as most of my friends, but I was 
cautious in my answers to them; but to Mr. Parker I had always said 
it would be a good thing, and he said he would sustain me when the 
proper opportunity arrived. 

A month later 1 met two members of the Legislature, and started in 
to make up a new constitution from Kamehameha Y and that of 1887. 
After completing it, I kept it till the month of October, when I placed 
in the hands of Mr. A. P. Peterson, and asked him to correct it, and 
if he found any defects to strike them out and to put iu such clauses 
as he thought would be good for the peorde and for the country. He 



398 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



toot it and kept it a whole month. To my knowledge lie consulted 
many la wyers and others in regard to many points of interest in the 
document. When it was returned I looked it over and found no 
changes had been made, so I concluded that it was all right. 

A week "before the closing of the Legislature I asked Mr. Peterson 
to make a preamble for my new constitution, but up to the day of pro- 
rogation he had not made one. 

Early in January I mentioned to Capt. Nowlein, of the household 
guards, and Mr. Wilson, the marshal, my intention to promulgate a 
new constitution, and to prepare themselves to quell any riot or out- 
break from the opposition. They assured me they would be ready, and 
I gave strict injunctions of secrecy and showed Mr. Wilson a plan of 
the throne room on the day of the signing. 

Mr. Parker and Mr. Cornwell had given me assurances of their 
support before their appointment as ministers, while Mr. Peterson 
understood that such was my intention, and although I had not men- 
tioned it to Mr. Oolburn, he had heard of it already from Mr. Peterson. 

It appears that immediately on their learning of my intentions Mr. 
Oolburn, on the morning of the 14th of January, immediately acted the 
part of a traitor by going to Mr. Hartwell, a lawyer, and informed him 
of my intentions, and of course received instructions from him to strongly 
advise me to abandon the idea. 

This, then, was the cause of the delay and my long waiting in the 
blue room. The members of the diplomatic corps had been invited; 
also the members of the supreme bench and members of the Legislature, 
besides a committee of the Hui Kalaiaina. The latter were invited to 
be present because it was through them that many petitions had been 
sent to me. When the ministers arrived I told them everything in the 
throne room was ready and the guests were awaiting our presence; 
• that we must not keep them waiting. I was surprised when the cab- 
inet informed me that they did not think it advisable for me to rake 
such a step, that there was danger of an uprising, etc. I told them 
that I would not have undertaken such a step if they had not encour 
aged me. They had led me out to the edge of a precipice and now were 
leaving me to take the leap alone. It was humiliating. I said, " Why 
not give the people the constitution and I will bear the brunt of all 
the blame afterwards." Mr. Peterson said, a We have not read the con- 
stitution." I told him he had had it in his possession a whole month. 

The three ministers left Mr. Parker to try to dissuade me from my 
purpose, and in the meantime they all (Peterson, Cornwell, and Ool- 
burn) went to the Government building to inform Thurston and his 
party of the stand I took. Of course they were instructed not to yield. 
When they went over everything was peaceful and quiet, and the 
guests Waiting patiently in the throne room. 

The ministers returned and I asked them to read the constitution 
over. At the end I asked them what they saw injurious in the docu- 
ment. Mr. Peterson said there were some poirits which he thought 
were not exactly suited. I told him the Legislature could make the 
amendments. He begged that I should wait for two weeks ; in the 
meantime they would be ready to present it to me. With these 
assurances I yielded, and we adjourned to the throne room. I stated 
to the guests present my reasons for inviting their presence. It was 
to promulgate a new constitution at the request of my people; that the 
constitution of 1887 was imperfect and full of defects. Turning to the 
chief justice I asked, "Is it not so, Mr. Judd?" and he answered in the 
affirmative, in the presence of all the members assembled. 

I then informed the people assembled that under the advice of my 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 399 



ministers, I had yielded, as they had promised that, on some future day 
I could give them a new constitution. I then asked them to return to 
their homes and keep the peace. 

I noticed the look of disappointment in their faces when I retired. 
During all that transpired in the blue room from, 1 o'clock p. m. to 
4 p. m., I was not at all agitated; was as calm as could be expected 
under the circumstances. When I reached the landing of the upper 
hall I heard a commotion below in the yard, so I hurried to the front 
veranda, accompanied by Prince Kawanauakoa and Kalaniauaole, 
and from there I addressed the people, saying that their wishes for a 
new constitution could not be granted just then, but will be some 
future day. They must go home and keep the peace and to pray for 
me, which they have done ever since. 

There was a dinner prepared, at which forty persons sat down ; 
everything was orderly and without confusion in the palace, and 
everything remained so all night. At 11 a. m. Sunday, the 15th, Mr. 
Parker came in to say that there was a meeting taking place in the 
Government building by the Reform party, but he did not say of 
what nature. 

All Sunday everything seemed quiet until Monday morning. Even 
if any great commotion had been going on I would have remained 
indifferent ; the reaction was a great strain, and all that took place 
after that I accepted as a matter of course. It was the disappointment 
in my ministry. 

At about 10 a. m. Monday, the 16th of January, notice was issued 
by my ministers, stating "that the position I took and the attempt I 
made to promulgate a new constitution was at the earnest solicitation 
of my people — of my native subjects." They gave assurances that any 
changes desired in the fundamental law of the land would be sought 
only by methods provided in the constitution itself and signed by 
myself and ministers. It was intended to reassure the people that 
they might continue to maintain order and peace. 

At about 5 i3.ni., however, the troops from the U. S. S. Boston were 
landed, by the order of the United States minister, J. L. Stevens, in 
secret understanding with the revolutionarv party, whose names are 
L. A. Thurston, Henry Waterhouse, W. E. Castle, W. O. Smith, A. F. 
Judd, P. G. Jones, W. 0. Wilder, S. B. Dole, Cecil Brown, S. M. Damon, 
C. Bolte, John Emmeluth, J. H. Soper, 0. L. Garter. Why had they 
landed when everything was at peace? 

I was told that it was for the safety of American citizens and the 
protection of their interests. Then why had they not gone to the resi- 
dences instead of drawing in line iu front of the palace gates, with 
guns pointed at us, and when I was living with my people in the 
palace? 

I was sitting alone in the blue room when Mr. Widemann and Dr. 
Trousseau came in hurriedly to inform me of the approach of the 
troops. I asked them to go out and tell the people to be quiet, which 
they did. 

There was no intention on the part of the Hawaiians to harm them or 
to raise any disturbance of any kind, nor Avas the life of any American 
citizen in danger. These revolutionists, having their wicked plans 
and objects in view, and feeling sure of the support from the American 
minister, had worked their feelings to such a state of excitement that 
they called a meeting of the citizens and met at the armory at Punch 
Bowl street on Monday at 2 o'clock p. m. There may have been 1,200 
present, but the majority of those present simply went to see and hear 
what the revolutionists had to say, and had no sympathy with them or 



400 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



their ideas. At the meeting they made incendiary remarks and 
appointed what they called a committee of safety. The Hawaiians 
called a massmeeting and passed resolutions supporting the actions 
of the Queen. It was a movement intended to reassure the people 
and to ward off the danger which they saw was approaching. 

The troops remained in front of the palace until dark, when they 
withdrew to the Arion Hall. 

That evening the Eoyal Hawaiian Band played as usual at the 
Hawaiian Hotel, and a large crowd of people met and everything around 
was quiet and peaceful. Tuesday morning at 9 o'clock Mr. S. M. Damon 
called at the palace. He told me that he had been asked to join a revo- 
lutionary council, but that he had declined. He asked me what he 
should do and whether he should join the advisory or executive coun- 
cils, suggesting that perliapshe could be of service to me ; so I told him 
to join the advisory council. I had no idea that they intended to estab- 
lish a new Government. 

At about 2:30 p. m. the establisment of the Provisional Government 
was proclaimed, and nearly fifteen minutes later Mr. J . S. Walker came 
and told me "that he had come on a painful duty, that the opposition 
party had requested that I should abdicate." I told him that I had no 
idea of doing so, but that I would like to see Mr. Neumann. Half an 
hour later he returned with the gentleman, and I explained to him my 
position, and he advised that I should consult my friends. I immedi- 
ately sent for Mr. J. O. Garter, Damon, Wideinann, Cleghorn, my 
ministers, also Mr. Neumann, Walker, and Macfarlane being present. 
The situation being taken into consideration and found, that since the 
troops of the United States had been landed to support the revolution- 
ists, by the order of the American minister, it would be impossible for 
us to make any resistance. Mr. Damon had previously intimated to 
Mr. Parker that it was useless to resist, their party was supported by 
the American minister. Mr. Damon also said at the meeting that it 
was to be understood that I should remain at the palace and continue 
to fly the royal standard. At 6 p. m. I signed the following protest: 

I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against 
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain 
persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government ofaud for this King- 
dom. 

That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister 
plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops 
to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional 
Government. 

Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do, 
under this protest and impelled by said forces, yield my authority until snch time 
as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, 
undo (?) the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I 
claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 
(Signed) Liliuokalani E. 

(Signed) Samuel Paekee, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
(Signed) Wm. H. Cornwell, 

Minister of Finance. 
(Signed) John F. Colbuen, 

Minister of Interior. 
(Signed) A. P. Peteeson, 

Attorney- General. 

(Addressed) 

To S. B. Dole, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Govern- 
ment of the Hawaiian Islands. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 401 



A letter was sent to the marshal of the Kingdom requesting him to 
deliver everything to the Provisional Government. 

All that night and next day everything remained quiet. 

At 10 a. m. the 18th, I moved to Washington Place of my own accord, 
preferring to live in retirement. 

On the 19th of January, I wrote a letter to President Harrison, mak- 
ing an appeal that justice should be done. 

His Excellency Benjamin Harrison, 

President of the United States : 

My Great and Good Friend: It is with deep regret that I address you on this 
occasion. Some of my subjects, aided by aliens, have renounced their loyalty and 
revolted against the constitutional Government of my Kingdom. They have 
attempted to depose me and to establish a Provisional Government in direct conflict 
with the organic law of this Kingdom. Upon receiving incontestable proofs that 
his excellency the minister plenipotentiary of the United States aided and abetted 
their unlawful movement and caused United States troops to be landed for that 
purpose, I submitted to force, believing that he would not have acted in that man- 
ner unless by authority of the Government which he represents. 

This action on my part was prompted by three reasons, the futility of a conflict 
with the United States, the desire to avoid violence and bloodshed and the destruc- 
tion of life and property, and the certainty which I feel that you and your Govern- 
ment will right whatever wrongs may have been inflicted upon us in the premises. 
In due time a statement of the true facts relating to this matter will be laid before 
you, and I live in the hope that you will judge uxjrightly and justly between myself 
and my enemies. 

This appeal is not made for myself personally but for my people who have hitherto 
always enjoyed the friendship and protection of the United States. 

My opponents have taken the only vessel which could be obtained here for the 
purpose, and hearing of their intention to send a delegation of their number to pre- 
sent their side ef this conflict before you I requested the favor of sending by the 
same vessel an envoy to you to lay before you my statement as the facts appear to 
myself and my loyal subjects. 

This request has been refused and I now ask you that in justice to myself and to 
my people that no steps be taken by the Government of the United States until my 
cause can be heard by you. I shall be able to dispatch an envoy about the 2d day 
of February, as that will be the first available opportunity hence, and he will reach, 
you with every possible haste that there may be no delay in the settlement of this 
matter. 

I pray you, therefore, my good friend that you will not allow any conclusions to be 
reached by you until my envoy arrives. 

. I beg to assure you of the continuance of my highest consideration. 

(Signed) Liliuokalani K. 

It appears that President Harrison could not have taken notice of my 
appeal, or perhaps he was as anxious as the Provisional Government to 
annex these Islands, for the 16th of February I find he sent a message 
to the Senate transmitting the treaty, with a view to its ratification, 
without having first investigated or inquired into all the conditions or 
points of our situation, or that of the United States itself. I will not 
attempt to write the President's message, as you are already aware of its 
text. 

I also wrote a letter to Mr. Cleveland, dated the 31st of January, 1893. 

His Excellency Grover Cleveland, 

President-elect of the United States: 

My Great and Good Friend : In the vicissitudes which happened in the Hawaiian 
Islands, and which affect my people, myself, and my house so seriously, I feel com- 
forted the more that, besides the "friendly relation of the United States, I have the 
boon of your personal friendship and good will. 

The changes which occurred here need not be stated in this letter; you will have 
at the time at which it reaches you the official information, but I have instructed 
the Hon. Paul Neumann, whom I have appointed my representative at Washington, 
to submit to you a precis of the facts and circumstances relating to the revolution in 
Honolulu, and to supplement it by such statements which you may please to elicit. 
10518 26 



402 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



I beg that you will consider this matter, in which there is so ranch involved for my 
people, and that you give us your friendly assistance in granting redress for a wrong 
which we claim has been done to us. under color of the assistance of the naval 
forces of the United States in a friendly port. Believe mc that 1 do not veil under 
this a request to you the fulfillment of which could in the slightest degree he con- 
trary to your position, and I leave our grievance in your hands, confident that iu so 
far as you deem it proper we shall have your sympathy and your aid. 
I am, your good friend, 

LlLIUOKALANI R. 

On the 31st of January the Hon. Paul Neumann received his appoint- 
ment as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary to the United 
States of America. On the 1st of February he departed ibr Washing- 
ton, with Prince David Kawanauakoa to accompany him on his com 
mission, to negotiate for a withdrawal of the treaty and to restore to 
us what had been taken away by the actions of the revolutionists. At 
my request Mr. E. C. Macfarlane kindly consented to accompany the 
commission. 

Happily, Providence ordered otherwise than as was expected by the 
revolutionists. Man proposes and God disposes. My commissioners 
arrived in time to stay the progress of the treaty. The members of the 
Seuate became doubtful as to the correctness of the actions of the com- 
missioners of the Provisional Government. 

President Harrison's term expired, and President Cleveland's inau- 
guration took place, and I hailed it as a good omen, having met him in 
1887 while he occupied the Presidential chair that year, and I have not 
been disappointed. 

President Cleveland's first act has been to withdraw that annexa- 
tion treaty; the second, to send a Commissioner to investigate the 
situation in Hawaii Nei. 

Your arrival in this country has brought relief to our people and 
your presence safety. There is no doubt but that the Provisional 
Government would have carried out extreme measures toward myself 
and my people, as you may have already seen ere this, by their unjust 
actions. If the President had been indifferent to my petitions I am 
certain it would have brought serious results to myself and tyranny to 
my subjects. In this I recognize the high sense of justice and honor 
in the person who is ruler of the American nation. 

In making out this lengthy statement I will present the main points: 

(1) That it has been a project of many years on the part of the 
missionary element that their children might some day be rulers over 
these islands and have the control and power in their own hands, as 
was the case after the revolution of 1887. Mr. W. W. Hall openly stated 
that they had planned for this for twelve years. It was a long-thought- 
of project, a dream of many years. So also said Mr. F. S. Lyman, of 
Hilo, in his speech to the people in the month of J anuary. He said, 
"Fifteen long years we have prayed for this, and now our prayers are 
heard." 

The disposition of those appointed to positions of authority, to act 
with the missionary element, tends to make the Government unstable, 
and because they found I could not easily be led by them, they do not 
like me. 

(2) The interference of the American minister, J. L. Stevens, in our 
local affairs and conspiring with a few foreign people to overthrow me 
and annex these islands to the United States, and by his actions has 
placed me and my people in this unhappy position. 

(3) My attempt to promulgate a new constitution. It was in answer 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 403 



to the prayers and petitions of my people. They had sent petitions to 
the late King, and to the Legislature ever since 1887. 

The Legislature is the proper course by which a new constitution or 
any amendments to the constitution could be made ; that is the law. 
But when members are bribed and the Legislature corrupted how can 
one depend on any good measure being carried by the house? It is 
simply impossible. That method was "tried and failed. There was 
only one recourse, and that was, that with the signature of one of the 
cabinet I could make a new constitution. 

There is no clause in the constitution of 1887, to which 1 took my 
oath to maintain, stating "that there should be no other constitution 
but this," and article 78 reads that — 

Wheresoever by this constitution any act is to be done or performed by the King 
or Sovereign it shall, unless otherwise expressed, mean that such act shall be done 
and performed by the Sovereign by and with the advice and consent of the cabinet. 

The last clause of the forty-first article of the constitution reads : 

No acts of the King shall have any effect unless it be countersigned by a member 
of the cabinet, who by that signature makes himself responsible. 

My cabinet encouraged me, then afterwards advised me to the con- 
trary. In yielding to their protest I claim I have not committed any 
unconstitutional or revolutionary act, and having withdrawn, why should 
the Reform party have gone on making preparations for war, as they 
did? 

(4 and lastly.) That on the afternoon of the 16th of January, at 5 p.m., 
the United States troops were landed to support the conspirators, by 
orders of the United States minister, J. L. Stevens; 

That on Tuesday, the 17th of January, 1893, at about 2 :30 o'clock p. 
m.,the Provisional Government was proclaimed, and Minister Stevens 
assured my cabinet that he recognized them, that Government; that at 
6 p. m. of the same day I yielded my authority to the superior force of 
the United States. 

We have been waiting patiently, and will still wait, until such time 
as the Government of the United States, on the facts presented to it, 
shall undo the act of its representative. 

I hope and pray that the United States and her President will see 
that justice is done to my people and to myself; that they will not 
recognize the treaty of annexation, and that it may forever be laid 
aside; that they will restore to me and to my nation all the rights that 
have been taken away by the action of her minister; that we niay be 
permitted to continue to maintain our independent stand amongst the 
civilized nations of the world as in years gone by; that your great 
nation will continue those kind and friendly relations that have always 
existed for many years past between the two countries. I can assure 
that Hawaii and her people have no other sentiment toward America 
and her President than one of kindest regard. 

The Provisional Government, instead of being under the guidance of 
the President and cabinet, as the responsible heads of the nation, are 
virtually led by irresponsible people, who compose the advisory coun- 
cils and " provisional army," and who set the laws of the land at defi- 
ance. A continuance of this state of things I consider dangerous to 
life and to the community. 

I pray, therefore, that this unsatisfactory state of things may not con- 
tinue and that we may not suffer further waste, justice may be 
speedily granted and that peace and quiet may once more reign over 
our land, Hawaii Nei. 

LlLIUOKALANI. 



404 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 34. 

Interview with Albert B. Loebenstein, of Hilo, Hawaii, surveyor and 
civil engineer. Tuesday, April 11, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. What is your business? 

Mr. Loebenstein. I take charge of lands belonging to the Govern- 
ment in respect to rents and suggestions I am pleased to give relative 
to their reservation, whether best to sell them or what disposition. 

Q. Will you tell me in whose hands the lands of the islands gener- 
ally are? 

A. Government lands ? 

Q. The whole land system ? 

A. The Crown lands, the Government lands. The amounts of 
Government land is about 873,000 acres and of Crown over 900,000 
acres, throughout the group. 

Q. Who owns the residue? 

A. Bishop estate and private parties? 

Q. What is the amount owned by private parties? 

A. I can not say. The report of 1890 will give the figures of that. 

Q. Can you tell me as to the holdings of the Kanaka population? 

A. They are very small indeed. 

Q. Can you give me any figures? 

A. I can not. The tax returns would give that most accurately. 
Q. To whom should I apply for that? 

A. To the minister of finance. I know it is very small, and each 
year diminishes in amount. 
Q. By leases and sales? 

A. Mostly by mortgages, which foreclose by nonpayment of interest 
and principal. The Chinese have a large amount of lands which were 
originally assigned to Kanakas on these islands. 

Q. Have they absolute title ? 

A. In most instances they hold by lease. 

Q. They are not lands which belonged to the chiefs ? 

A. No; they are lands which come under the head of Kuleanas — 
small holdings, seldom over 5 acres in extent, and on these islands 
they are the principal lands which form taro patches and receive irri- 
gation. They are now controlled by the Chinese. 

Q. The Chinese are not owners of sugar plantations, are they ? 

A. No ; I believe there is but one sugar j)lantation owned by Chinese, 
and that is on the island of Molakai. That has since been sold, and 
now the only plantation interest owned or controlled by Chinese is one 
on the island of Hawaii, and more particularly the plantation of 
Pepeekeo, in the district of Hilo, of which one-third of the capital stock 
is owned by one C. Afong. 

Mr. Loebenstein continuing at 11 o'clock Wednesday, April 12. 

Mr. Blount. This is a map of Hawaii? 

Mr. Loebenstein. Yes. 

Q. What do the various colors represent ? 

A. The yellow represents land belonging to the Crown, the green 
that owned by the Government. 
Q. And the remainder ? 

A. The remainder represents individual ownership and other owner- 
ship, including lands convej'ed by the Government, and also Kuleanas. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO TEE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 405 

which represent small parcels conveyed to the original tenants, who 
resided on the land at the time that the land system was established. 
Q. By whom ? 

A. By Kamehameha III. They were conveyed by the King on con- 
firmation of the land commission subsequent to 1848. 
Q. Were not some of them conveyed to chiefs ? 

A. No $ all the lands which were conveyed to the chiefs were merely 
in reward for services rendered by their ancestors at the time of the 
conquest by Kamehameha I. 

Q. Now, what part of the lands, outside of the Government lands 
and the crown lands, belongs to what is known as Kuleanas, and what 
part belongs to individuals and corporations'? 

A. At the time the awards were made about 11,000 acres in all were 
conveyed as Kuleanas by the King and privy council. Subsequent to 
that, and I might say for a short time preceding, sections of land were 
sold by the King, and subsequently by the Government, and royal 
patented to individuals — Hawaiians and foreigners — about 290,000 acres 
in all. 

Q. What part of the 290,000 acres did the natives get? 

A. On the Island of Hawaii, two-thirds ; this is approximate. I want 
• to be on the safe side, giving the Hawaiians the benefit of the ratio. 
Then there remained, of course, the lands which are still owned by the 
Government, and also those which come under the crown lands proper. 
On figuring up the area of the crown lands of Hawaii, allowing for 
those lands whose area is not correctly known, I should say there 
were over 625,000 acres of crown lands on the Island of Hawaii. There 
are nearly 600,000 acres of Government land. There are lands which 
come under the head of unassigned lands, and also those which have 
not yet been investigated, that I should say were nearly 150,000 acres 
more. 

Q. What do you mean by unassigned? 

A. At the time the land system was established a list of lands was 
made out. Certain lands were to be given to chiefs; others were 
reserved by the King, and the remainder were to form what has since 
been called Government lands. Certain lands were overlooked, and 
have since come under the head of unassigned lands. The larger por- 
tion of the crown lands are now under lease for long terms of vears. 

Q. What is the limit? 

A. Thirty years, allowed by law. A number of these leases have 
lately been made, which of course throws them out of any calculation 
for development by small settlers for sometime to come. 

Q. To whom are they leased? 

A. Corporations. 

Q. And for what purpose? 

A. Grazing purposes and cane cultivation. That land is only suita- 
ble for that purpose and also for the needs of planters. 

Q. What do you mean by the needs of planters? 

A. They felt that they required land for the purpose of planting 
cane, and they offered so much a year, and generally they got it — 
sometimes far below the actual value. I know of several instances 
where leases have been executed for crown lands far below their actual 
v alue. 

Q. To corporations? 

A. Yes. Of course a large quantity part of this crown land is abso- 
lutely worthless. A reference to the map will show that most of these 
crown lands converge towards the backbone of the island. Then there 



406 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



is a large amount of lava and other volcanic country unfit for anything, 
but enough remains to be applicable to purposes of fanning, especially 
small farms. In the higher altitudes crops can be raised which are 
grown in temperate zones, and nearer the level of the sea tropical 
products. I should say that of these 625,000 acres 50 per cent can be 
made available, after the leases which now tie them have expired. I 
think the value of the crown lands has been very much overrated. 

Q. You speak of the natives owning Kuleanas, and then of their 
having gotten lands sold by the Government. 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. The latter class; are they in small parcels or not? 

A. The largest amounts of land sold to the native Hawaiian by the 
Hawaiian Government are seldom over 100 acres in extent. There 
are some which are of larger area, and when so have generally been 
purchased by a number of individuals pooling together. 

Q. Well, now, the pooling of these lands ; who owns them? 

A. To-day! 

Q. Yes. 

A. Individuals. 

Q. For sugar culture? 

A. Yes, and for grazing. I should say that by far the larger part is 
now in the hands of foreigners. 
Q. Did the natives sell it? 

A. They sold it and they raised money on it by mortgage, and in 
• some instances lost it by foreclosure. 

Q. Have they conveyed away in that way the larger proportion of 
their holdings? 

A. I should say that not over 10 per cent of the land originally con- 
veyed to the Hawaiians or purchased by them from the Government 
has remained in their hands to-day. 

Q. The lands sold then are generally in the hands of these corpora- 
tions? 

A. Yes, sir. I should state, in this connection, that the larger portion 
of the lands sold by the Government is situated in the districts of Kohala, 
Ham aqua, and Hilo, the three districts on the island of Hawaii 
which now produce over one-half of the crop of the Hawaiian Islands, 
over 60,000 tons. The districts of Kona and Kau in the olden times 
were mostly settled by Hawaiians. The fishing was good, and they 
preferred to live there in preference to living on the windward side of 
the Island. As the plantations throughout the group expanded and 
their needs for land increased, it gradually assumed control of these 
little sections. 

Q. By purchase? 

A. The process would be this : The Hawaiian would get hard up. 
He wanted to raise money on his property, and of course the planta- 
tion was always ready to advance that money; or if he went to other 
parties it would sooner or later be transferred to the plantation. The 
man who had made him advances would want his interest or principal, and 
in the natural course of events it always came over to the corporation, 
and this is how they managed to obtain the whole or larger part of the 
land. 

Q. Now, the lands on the leeward; who are they owned by now 
mostly ? 

A. The ownership is about even between the descendants of the 
original awardees and the others who have obtained control in the 
manner I have just stated. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 407 



Q. What are they used for? 

A, For grazing lands and sites for dwellings. The leeward side is 
largely volcanic — very rough and rocky — and the lower contours are 
uufifc for anything but grazing. The higher contours are generally on 
larger awards, which are now owned by others. This condition holds 
good with the other islands as on Hawaii, only more emphatically so. 

Q. You mean to say that these changes of title are more emphatic 
than on Hawaii? 

A. Yes ; Hawaii is only a sugar-producing island of comparatively 
recent date, while Maui and Kauai were the initial points of the sugar 
industry. 

Q. How about this island? 

A. Sugar on this island is of comparatively recent date. The total 
amount of land owned by Hawaiian s on these islands does not exceed 
7,000 acres. I am giving approximate figures. 

Q. How much is owned by other parties ? 

A. The remainder. I think the area of this island is about 340,000 
or 350,000 acres. 

Q. And the remainder, -after taking out the amount owned by 
natives ? 

A. About 65,000 acres is owned by the Crown; a small tract is owned 
by the Government and the Bishop estate, and private parties, mostly 
foreigners, come in for the remainder. Of the 7,000 acres I have 
given 1.200 acres or thereabouts is now under cultivation by the 
Chinese in rice and taro patches. 

Q. Did they get that .from the natives? 

A. Yes. The remaining 6,000 is what is called Kula land, or plateau 
land. It is all heavily mortgaged. 

Q. About what rate of interest is charged? 

A. The legal rate is 9 per cent. 

Q. Suppose more than that is charged? 

A. If it is with the consent of the mortgagor, he is held. 

(Mr. Loebenstein here presented a map of the island of Maui.) 

Q. Will you please tell me what opportunity you have had for get- 
ting this information you have been giving this morning? 

A. I have been a surveyor for a number of years and I am constantly 
traveling over all the islands of the group. I have taken great inter- 
est in the land system here and given it a careful study. I know the 
Hawaiian language thoroughly — I speak it, read it, and write it. 

Q. How long have you been in the islands? 

A. Off and on, fifteen years. I was born at Macon, G-a. 

Q. You have not been south since you have been away? 

A. No. 

Q. Your surveying has been done at the instance of private parties 
or the Government? 

A. Both. The Government has frequently retained me for work 
when their own corps was insufficient to carry on the work, but I am 
not a salaried Government official. 

Q. You have perhaps found it more profitable to have private 
employment? 

A. Oh, by far. 

Q. When employed by the Government vou get the same rate of 
pay? 

A. I charge the same rate as I do to private parties. I would say 
this — that I also hold an appointment as Government land agent for 
the island of Hawaii, and my duties are to maintain an oversight and 



408 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

supervision of Government lands. I have always endeavored to look 
out for the interest of the people as against the grasp and greed of 
other parties — that is in respect to fair figures for rentals, and setting 
apart such lands as I think should be set apart for homestead settlers, 
so as to give the experiment of small farming in the country a fair 
trial. Of the lands set apart for homestead purposes on the island of 
Hawaii there are about 7,000 acres in all, which have been laid out in 
tracts not exceeding 20 acres. 

Q. Now, going from the land question, do you know anything about 
the causes which led to the dethronement of the Queen and the estab- 
lishment of the Provisional Government? 

A. I believe I have kept myself posted on the events of the day. I 
believe I understand to some extent how the crisis was brought about. 

Q. Please give me your views. 

A. Since the forcing of the new constitution upon Kaulakaua there 
has been a constant endeavor on the part of the Sovereign to under- 
mine those constitutional checks which were set against the royal pre- 
rogative. That of course led to constant collision. 

Q. You mean force? 

A. No; constitutional collision. In many instances the constitu- 
tional side of the question, as I understand it, was set aside. That is 
to say, by opinions and decisions from the highest court in the land — 
the supreme court. The sovereign was generally sustained. All these 
different results and different tendencies finally combined in making 
the issue very plain and broad. Then again the Hawaiian looks upon 
the Government and upon official position as a legitimate source from 
which to fill his pocket. In other words, he is naturally corrupt. 
The younger generation have only the one ambition — to become Gov- 
ernment employes. For this reason the sovereign has generally been 
able to depend on that element in its encroachments on constitutional 
liberty. These different streams all converged into that revolution of 
a few months ago, which set aside the Queen. I know, of course, that 
at times there must have been a private understanding and differences 
of opinion which were adjusted in order to maintain a peaceful condi- 
tion of affairs. 

Q. Who were these private understandings between ? 

A. In this statement I am giving my own individual opinion. I have 
nothing authoritative, but events have occurred at times which any 
lover of constitutional liberty, or anything which meant the independ- 
ence of white men, would grit his teeth over and still find things would 
remain the same. 

Q. Hid these differences run along the race line generally? 

A. I could answer that in this way — that what differences there have 
been have generally resulted in the race line being sharply drawn, and 
the Hawaiian would of course use his vote in strengthening his side of 
the case. There has been no working in harmony between the two 
races for the last ten years. 

Q. The difference then practically has been between the whites and 
the Crown and the natives on such questions as you have already 
indicated ? Is that true ? 

A. It is undoubtedly so. 

Q. Hid there seem to be a general sentiment amongst the whites for 
annexation ? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. When did that get to be pronounced? 
A. You mean as a public enunciation % 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 409 
Q. You can state it both ways. 

A. It became a public enunciation January 16, and before that time 
there had been several. I know of one instance where the same move- 
ment was in force to bring about annexation. 

Q. What time was that? 

A. Between the months of March and October of 1892. 
Q. Was that the Ashford- Wilcox movement? 

A. Yes; I was requested to join the movement. It was a secret 
conspiracy at that time. 
Q. The object being to dethrone the Queen? 

A. To overthrow the throne and have annexation. I won't say to 
what republic. It was the initial step to evolve a system of annexa- 
tion. 

Q.Why did it fail? 

A. In the first place the officials nabbed the head conspirators before 
the thing was readj^. My personal conviction is that the time was not 
ripe ; that capital, which is proverbially timid and slow to accept a new 
order of things, was unwilling to embark in the scheme. 

Q. Did the leaders of that movement have anything to do with the 
failure of the capitalists to join? 

A. Yes, sir; I believe it was the want of responsible men — who were 
known as men of financial standing in the community — that was the 
cause of the failure. Some of the leaders who were then annunciating 
annexation are now violently opposed to it. 

Q. And were they on the 16th of January ? 

A. I know of two who in public utterances opposed the movement. 
Q. What is your judgment as to the disposition on the part of the 
people toward the Provisional Government? 
A. Hawaiians, you mean ? 

Q. You can take the several classes in such order as you want. 

A. I believe the feeling among the whites generally is in support of 
the Provisional Government. There are exceptions, but I think I have 
a right to say they do not represent the respectable element in the 
community. 

Q. How are they in point of numbers? What percentage of the 
white population ? 
A. I know there are very few. 

Q. There is an English element here. How is it disposed towards 
the present Government ? 

A. Equally divided as to annexation and n on annexation. 

Q. Is it trne or not that they and the whites generally are looking at 
the matter from a business standpoint? 

A. In my conversations with a number of leading sugar-planters, 
and managers who represent owners, they have advanced several 
reasons like this: We are folly aware that the bounty is a thing that 
can be knocked in the heaa. We do not care. We want better gov- 
ernment. And as for the contract labor, we can get along without it. 
We have enough Japanese in the country now. Some of them look at 
the thing from a financial point of view, and might be unwilling to 
express these views. 

Q. What do they desire and expect if they entered into union with 
the United States? 

A. Stable government. 

Q. What do you mean by stable government ? 

A. A government which is not under the pleasure of a sovereign 
whose mere will or wish or pleasure will overthrow constitutional rights. 



410 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Q. The larger part of the population here is not white? 

A. No, sir; they are not — whites only a small minority. 

Q. Well, then, if the Portuguese and the Japanese and the Kanakas 
were allowed suffrage, would they not overthrow the political power of 
what is called the best people here? 

A. The Hawaiians alone would do it without the aid of the other 
elements. 

' Q. With that in view, what is the expectation of the better class as 
to the question of suffrage in connection with their desire for annex- 
ation'? 

A. The original intention was — which is a matter of history — to apply 
for union with the United States and to be accepted by them under a 
territorial form of government. 

Q. And so avoid the suffrage question? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Looking to the fact that, as you have said, the native population 
would overwhelm the better elements in any political contest if manhood 
suffrage was adopted, what condition, what relation could they hope to 
have with the Government of the United States to protect them from 
that situation? 

A. A territorial form of government, formed on lines parallel to the 
government of the District of Columbia. That was the original idea 
and expectation when the Queen was dethroned. 

Q. After the Provisional Government was established? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. You say that was the original idea? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. What is the idea now — any change of feeling or belief or hope? 

A. I do not think so. I think the feeling remains the same; but, in 
view of the opposition which this has brought forth, the matter has 
now evolved into a desire to give them civil rights. 

Q. Who? 

A. The Hawaiians. 
Q. To what extent? 
A. Votes. 

Q. Without qualification? 

A. That has not been entered into, so far as T know. 

Q. Do you think, in view of what you have said about the Govern- 
ment being overwhelmed by a popular vote, would you suppose they 
would be satisfied to go into the Union, giving unqualified suffrage to 
the native population? 

A. I do not think they look that far ahead. I believe that the suf- 
frage given to the Hawaiians would make them a football and an 
object which different political parties would try their best to get 
hold of. At the same time the Hawaiian has no love for the present 
dynasty of sovereigns. 

Q. And if the question of annexation was submitted now? 

A. It would be overwhelmingly defeated. 

Q. By whom? 

A. By the Hawaiians. 

Q. Have you thought over that, and are you giving me your deliber- 
ate opinion ? 
A. I have studied the matter carefully. 

Q. Then I will ask you why it is that so many of the native popula- 
tion are signing petitions in favor of annexation? 

A. It illustrates the natural instability and unreliability of the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 411 

Hawaiian character. He signs petitions in favor of one thing to-day 
and repudiates it by signing a different one to-morrow. 

Q. Then how could you feel assured that if submitted to a ballot he 
would vote against annexation ? 

A. He is in the hands of political leaders of his own race. 

Q. And their leaders are against it! 

A. Their leaders are at present against it. Personally, he is indif- 
ferent. 

Q. The revolution of 1887, from which came the constitution of that 
year, was that accomplished by the people about Honolulu and on this 
Island? 

A. The practical part of it was accomplished by the people of this 
town. There were divisions and auxiliary branches sworn to bring 
about the same results on the other islands. 

Q. Made up o'f what race of people? 

A. Whites, entirely. 

Q. They did not participate in the actual movement in Honolulu at 
the time of the overthrow of the Queen? 

A. No 5 it was purely and simply a movement by the people of Hono- 
lulu. 

Q. Was there any participation on the part of anybody on any other 
island than this? 

A. Only a moral support. 

Q. I mean any physical force which was resorted to? 

A. No; but a number of them were prepared to exert it if necessary 
to do so. I was one of them. 

Q. You say there had been an organization in existence for some 
time for that purpose among the whites? 

A. For annexation ? 

Q. No; I am speaking of the movement of 1887. 

A. Yes, sir; it was conceived some time in January, 1887, and culmi- 
nated in June, if my recollection is correct. 

Q. The object of it was to wrest from the King the authority to 
appoint nobles? 

A. Well, the object was to bring about a cleaner condition of affairs 
and to check his tendency to absolutism. 
Q. Where did they get their arms from ? 

A. From San Francisco, and they were supplied by various mercan- 
tile firms in this town. I would say tnat there were in existence sev- 
eral militia companies who had arms and ammunition for sometime. 

Q. In the movement of the 14th of January had there been any 
preparation in the way of the white people possessing themselves of 
arms ? 

A. I can only speak from hearsay and reading the papers. 
Q. What did you believe? 

A. That there was no preconcerted action whatever. 

Q. They went to the armory, it appears from some proceedings fur- 
nished at Washington, and got arms. Do you know anything about 
those arms? 

A. They were taken there after the mass meeting had been held in 
town protesting against the action of the Queen. 
Q. From what source taken there? 
A. From several mercantile houses here. 
Q. What kind of arms ? 

A. Rifles — Winchester and Springfield, and whatever guns wore 
there. Private citizens who had arms in their possession responded 



412 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and delivered them over to the committee of .safety. When we heard 
of this on the other islands we put our guns in order. I had several. 

Q. Is it the practice on the other islands to do as you did to have 
arms! 

A. No, it is not: but very few had been as prominently identified as 
myself in matters of this kind. I had several rifles given to me at the 
close of hostilities in 1SS9. There was fear that an outbreak might 
occur on one of the other islands and naturally these arms and a lot of 
ammunition were given to me. 

Q. And were they distributed about towu in the same way? 

A. I do not believe they were. It was for fear hostilities might arise 
and it was deemed best to distribute them there. A number there are 
of men who frequently go huntiug and as a rule have a rifle or two in 
the house. But the Hawaiian is not naturally bloodthirsty. He is too 
indolent, and any crisis or issue which would have to be fought out by 
force of arms with native Hawaiians pitted against white men would be 
merely the result of demagogue teachings. 

Q. Is it not generally accepted here that the superiority of the 
white race always suppresses the inferior races! 

A. Yes: that is the feeling among white people. 

Q. Is not that true ! 

A. Yes: emphatically true. 

Q. Whenever you get to an emergency and the people are thor- 
oughly aroused there is a feeling on the part of the white people that 
they can exert their will I 

A. Certainly: and the average Hawaiian does not care. 

Q. He is not disposed to fight? 

A. So: it is not in him. but the leaders and half-castes — they are 
the dangerous element in the community. 

Q. Well, but in a contest with the whites have they ever been able 
to successfully rally this native force? 

A. N~o. I speak from experience, gathered in 1SS0. where a compara- 
tively small body of whites were able to cope with an immeasurably 
superior force of natives. The average Hawaiian really does not care 
in this contest for annexation, but in any case at issue between his 
color arid white men he will side with his own race. Get the leaders 
out of the way and the Hawaiians would very soon be reconciled. A 
few leaders keep alive the face issue. 

Q. Is it not easy in a legal way to get rid of these leaders? 

A. They can be influenced by financial considerations. 

Q. Then, in order to control popular elections here, it would be neces- 
sary to resort to the use of money with the leaders! 

A. I know it would be necessary or el>e give them places. The 
younger men are the ones on whom these demagogues depend. The 
younger ones really have a hatred of white men. 

Mr. Blount. Thank you. I will not detain you longer. 

My father arrived in United States in 1S4S from G-erinany. He was 
more or less mixed up with political matters there. He was traveling 
in Macon at the time I was born. I was brought up in N"ew York 
City — graduate of Cooper Union — as a civil engineer and mechanical 
engineer. I was born in Macon in 1857. when my father, who was a 
musical artist, was traveling. 

I have carefully gone through the foregoing interview between Col. 
J. H. Blount and myself and pronounce it to be an absolutely accurate 
report. 

ALBEET B. LOEBENSTELN. 

Honolulu, April 17 y 1893. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 413 

Kb. 35. 

Inter view tvith Curtis J. Lyons j assistant on Government survey, Honolulu, 
Wednesday, April 12, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. Mr. Lyons, I ask you to give me what you conceive to 
be the causes of the revolution — the causes of the dethronement of the 
Queen and the establishment of the Provisional Government? 

Mr. Lyons. The revolution of 1887 was the spontaneous rising of 
the better elements here against the ultramonarchical government of 
Kalakaua. 

Q. Let me interrupt .you here. What do you mean by the better 
element of the people? 

A. By the better element I mean the leading element in society and 
in business. 

Q. And what nationalities would cover that? 

A. Americans, English, and Germans. 

Q. Please proceed. 

A. The influence of the King over the Legislature was one of the 
grievances, and the meddling of Kalakaua unnecessarily with foreign 
matters in the Pacific, which would naturally lead us into trouble. 

Q. What foreign matters? 

A. Samoan matters. Then the taking of a large bribe from the 
Chinese for an opium license was especially aggravating. To illus- 
trate the meddling of the sovereign in the Legislature. At a previous 
Legislature I have seen 

Q. Previous Legislature to what? 

A. Previous to 1887 — I have seen the King in the noon interim for 
lunch go with a body of legislators to the house of Mr. J. E. Bush, 
then minister of the interior, to arrange things for the afternoon 
session. It was the acknowledged object of their meeting there. The 
feeling in 1887 became very great. A body of volunteer riflemen was 
drilled. 

Q. By whom? 

A. By one of the Ashfords. 

Q. They were not organized by the Government ? 

A. They were organized under the volunteer act; that is, volunteer 
companies were allowed, and under that act this volunteer company 
was drilled. Glubs for rifle practice were formed. The revolution was 
accomplished by means of a mass meeting which included the larger 
part of the foreign population of Honolulu. The rifle company was 
called out ostensibly to preserve order. 

Q. By whom ? 

A. As I understand it, Antone Rosa, the attorney-general. He was 
requested to order it out. I do not know the details. At that time I 
was in charge of the survey office. I did not deem it honorable to join 
the movement, although my sympathy was with it. The rifle company 
came over to the Government building ostensibly to protect the life of 
William M. Gibson. A committee was sent to Kalakaua. 

Q. Who was William M. Gibson ? 

A. He was then premier, minister of foreign affairs. The commit- 
tee went to the King with demands, the main feature of which was 
the appointment of a new ministry which should prepare a new consti- 
tution. The ministry was appointed and the constitution promulgated 
in one week. This constitution had three notable features of reform. 
The first 3 that no executive officer of the Government should be elected 



414 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



to the Legislature nor any member of the Legislature appointed to exec- 
utive office during the biennial period for which he held office. That 
the nobles in the Legislature who had previously been appointed by the 
King should be appointed by a restricted vote having a property quali- 
fication. 

Q. What was the property qualification ? 

A. It was a yearly income of $600, or property of $3,000 in real estate. 
The third important feature: the King was not to dismiss a ministry 
without a legislative vote of want of confidence. The vote for repre- 
sentatives which had been previously enjoyed was untouched. The 
vote for nobles was an entirely new feature which had never been 
euj oy ed by any one previously. After this revolution — the Beforin party 
which sustained it 

Q. Will you wait one moment? With a property qualification of 
$3,000 or an income of $600 to vote, how would the number of native 
voters compare with the number of white voters'? 

A. That could be settled by reference to the great register. My 
impression is that about 25 per cent of the voters would be HaAvaiians. 

Q. And the balance would be whites? 

A. That is my impression. 

Q. The result of that would have been to have given — if the whites 
were united — the election of nobles to them? 

A. If they had been united it would. 

Q. Was that the object of the change in that particular? 

A. The object of the change from the King's appointment to the 
electoral appointment was to limit the power of the King. 

Q. The effect would be the disqualification of the mass of the native 
population, so that there would not be more than 25 per cent of them 
having the right to vote as against 75 per cent of the whites. So that 
the proportion was fixed in order to give the white element the greatest 
power in the selection of the body of natives [nobles] ? 

A. It was not done with any reference to whites or Hawaiian s. It 
was simply on the general principle of giving to those who had suffi- 
cient intelligence to earn $600 per year the predominating influence. 

Q. Conceding that principle, was it not expected that the principle 
applied would result in the whites having the power to select the body 
of nobles ? 

A. I can not say that was the exact intention as between the 
whites and the Hawaiians. 

Q. Was it the expectation of the intelligent people on the islands 
that the application of this principle would mark out somewhat about 
what you have stated — 25 per cent of the votes for the nobles by Hawaii- 
ans and the remainder by the whites — was that in the minds of the 
ruling class here then? 

A. Any reflecting person of that class would see that that would be 
the consequence. 

Q. Please resume. 

A. After the successful ending of that revolution, matters went on 
well for some months, but there gradually developed a disruption. 
Q. Of what? 

A. The elements that carried the revolution through. What was 
called the National Reform party originated in opposition to what was 
called the Reform party. It gathered to itself a large element of the 
Hawaiian strength. It didn't sympathize with the main movement, 
and the Legislature of 1S90 secured the ministry of that party. 

Q. What party? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 415 

A. The National Eeform party as opposed to the original Eeform 
party. It is hard to define the elements of pa;.'ty in this little com- 
munity. There was more or less complaint about the constitution 
of 1887. 

Q. In what way — the matter of the election of nobles? 
A. Principally in regard to the election of nobles. 
Q. What was the exact point of complaint ? 

A. That the property qualification was too high. The Eeform party 
claimed that the Hawaiias, the complaining party, had never had the 
privilege of voting for nobles anyway. Therefore they were not 
deprived of anything. The Legislature of 1892 may be characterized 
largely as a struggle for the possession of the ministry for the Govern- 
ment. It revealed, too, to thinking people the weakness of the system. 
I mean the ministerial system. 

Q. What weakness did it reveal? 

A. The change of government being placed so entirely in the hands 
of the Legislature it became a temptation to gain possession of the 
Government by manipulation. 

Q. On the line of vote of confidence or want of confidence? 

A. Yes. That Legislature lasted about seven months. The com- 
munity generally became weary of the long struggle. 

Q. Do you mean all classes and all races ? 

A. Yes. Several critical measures were hanging over the commu- 
nity. One was for unlimited paper currency — a paper currency based 
upon real estate, and practically unredeemable. 

Q. What became of that currency bill? 

A. It was defeated. 

Q. By what vote? 

A. I do not remember. I think it was not a very large majority. 

A. (Continuing.) There was a bill for legalizing a lottery scheme 
which was favored very largely by the Hawaiians in the community as 
well as in the legislature. There was also a bill for renewing the opium 
license. Later in the session, about four months after the beginning 
of the session, a ministry was secured which commanded the respect 
of the business part of the community. Later on in the session there 
were attempts made to oust this ministry. The party which may be 
characterized as the reform party opposed this. They said that such 
a measure would tend to weaken the whole system of government, and 
it might perhaps bring on a crisis. 

Q. In the form of debates in the legislature? 

A. No ; as outside advice. There was a feeling that if the Govern- 
ment didn't maintain its superiority that foreign interference might 
take place. The advice of these people who were in favor of what 
afterwards became the annexation movement, was to retain that min- 
istry, and my opinion is that if it had been retained the Queen would 
have been on her throne to-day. 

Q. Do you mean by that that the condition of that ministry would 
have been in accord with the views and feelings of the Eeform party? 

A. No, sir; but the displacement of that ministry produced alarm 
and resentment. It produced a feeling that the Government was unre- 
liable. There was a withdrawal of business confidence. With reference 
to annexation ideas at that time, I would say that the general feeling 
as understood among planters and others was against it for this reason, 
that contract labor system, which has been considered almost essential, 
would doubtless be broken up ; and in the second place the United States 
tariff coming into effect here would affect business unfavorably in many 



416 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



respects ; in the third place there was little confidence that the sugar 
bounty would be continued andiu the fourth place it was persistently said 
that the United States would not take us. I have favored annexation 
in a quiet way. so far as it was courteous for a person in my position, 
for a great many years. One attempt was made to oust the ministry, 
which is known as the George Wilcox ministry, which might be char- 
acterized as the Reform, ministry which failed. Later on the lottery 
bill was passed by a very small majority, only one white man. as T 
remember, voting for it. I myself remonstrated with one of the mem- 
bers of the Legislature against making that a race issue, as the 
Hawaiians appeared to be making it so. 

Q. Will you explain to me what you mean by making it a race issue 
as the Hawaiians appeared to be doing.' 

A. They seemed to regard it as somehow intended to benefit them. 

Q-. What was the exact idea they had as to how it would benefit them ? 

A. I do not know. I do not comprehend, myself. There is an 
instinctive tendency on the part of the Hawaiians to take the crown 
side upon questions of this sort. On one occasion in the Legislature 
the argument was seriously brought forward in favor of a bill that 
the Queen favored it. I forget what bill it was. 

Q. Brought forward by some man making a speech? 

A. Yes. (Continuing.) The lottery bill passed and there was a doubt 
in the minds of its supporters whether the ministry would carry it out. 
They took occasion of that to oust the ministry. That was the day 
before the closing of the Legislature. 

Q. This was the 13th of January, the Legislature adjourned on the 
14th. 

A. Yes: the lottery bill passed on Wednesday the 11th. The vote 
of want of confidence in the cabinet passed on the 12th, 25 to 16. On 
the 13th, in the afternoon, the new ministry took their seats. There 
was an unusual amount of enthusiasm in the audience at the time this 
ministry was voted out. 

Q. The Wilcox ministry ? 

A. Yes; I noted the enthusiasm among the Hawaiians with great 
concern. 

Q. What was the occasion of your concern: what disturbed you? 

A. I felt that the Hawaiian element had taken advantage of its 
majority and its ability to coalesce with other parties, and had taken 
the weak and vicious side — that it would bring trouble. 

Q. What sort of trouble ? 

A. Indefinite. I could hardly say what. I thought that they would 
become bankrupt — not have money to carry on the Government, 
possibly. 

Q. Did you think of it possibly creating a revolution ? 

A. Xo ; 1 did not, because there was no intention of a revolution 
at that time. To put it plainly, we expected to grin and bear it until 
something turned up. On Saturday morning it was known generally 
that the lottery and opium bill had been signed by the Queen. The 
prorogation of the Legislature was set for noon. My own statement of 
the case was that it was time for the Hawaiians themselves to step 
down and out. I have always been a friend to the Hawaiians and tried 
to do what I could for them always. I have felt that they were wreck- 
ing their own Government, as a man might steer a ship to destruction. 
Nothing was generally known at the prorogation of a new constitution. 
There had been some abortive attempts to secure a constitutional con- 
vention in the Legislature. It resulted in nothing. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER OF THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 417 

Q. Any petition to the Legislature on the subject of the constitution ? 
A. There had been many petitions. 

Q. What was the substance of the petitions : what was wanted by 
the petitioners f 

A. A large reduction in the property qualification or abolition of it. 
My recollection is that there were other important changes wanted 
to which I paid little attention. 

Q. Where did these petitions come from ? 

A. The natives. 

Q. From all the islands? 

A. I can hardly say. It was deemed that the oath to support the 
constitution among legislators precluded a constitutional convention. 

Q. The opposition to the constitutional convention was placed by 
the opponents on the ground that there was no authority to call a con- 
vention! 

A. Yes; that there was only oneway — to amend it — and that was 
specified in the constitution itself. 

Q. And that was by a vote of two successive legislatures? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Are you familiar with the affairs of Saturday afternoon? 

A. I was simply a spectator. T left my office half an hour after the 
legislature closed, rather wondering why the band continued playing 
at the palace. I passed legislature hall. I saw men talking, I said 
to myself the circus has begun. I saw soldiers drawn up in line from 
the palace gate. 

Q. How many of them ? 

A. I should say 75. or about that number. The palace yard was 
fall of natives waiting on the grass, and many out in the street. I saw 
a small flag held at the foot of the palace stairs. 

Q. What hind of hag? 

A. A small Hawaiian flag. The flag of the Hui Kalaiaina (the last 
word means statesmanship). A man met me at the palace gate. He 
said the ministers had just resigned. In fact, that they had just fled 
from the palace over to the Government building. 

Q. How do you know they had fled ? 

A. I do not personally know. That was what was always stated 
and never contradicted. 

Q. Do you mean that somebody was trying to arrest them, or that 
they went away from the Queen because they were nu willing to coop- 
erate with her in this movement? 

A. The general statement made was that they were intimidated ; 
that there were threats made in case they did not yield to the command 
of the Queen to assent to the constitution. 

Q. What sort of threats ? 

A. That they would be placed under arrest, and there was an opinion 
that the natives might use mob violence. 
Q. W T hose opinion? 

A. Thac was understood to be the fear of the ministers then. 

Q. Do you know of any of them having said so? 

A. I do not know. I should say, from their general demeanor that 
afternoon, they were very much perturbed. They appeared like men 
who were afraid. I went immediately down town. The news was just 
spreading that the crisis was taking place at the palace. Citizens came 
up to the Government building to see what was going on. 

Q. Do you mean by citizens Avhite people? 

A. Yes. I saw Mr. Cornwell, Mr. Peterson, and Mr. Colburn. I 
10518 27 



418 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



believe Mr. Parker remained at the palace. I returned to the Govern- 
ment building to watch the progress of events. I was there when the 
Queen's messenger. Col. Richardson, came over and commanded the 
ministers to go back and wait upon the Queen. 

Q What was the form of the command \ Do you know whether it 
was a command or an invitation? 

A. I called it a command because that is the term usually applied to 
the Queeu>s orders to her ministers. 

Q. It is an official phrase ! 

A. Yes. I stood at the front door of the Government building when 
Mr. Thurston stood there. He said: "This thing must not be 
repeated." He intimated — though I can not say what words he used — 
that it would continually be repeated under the present state of things. 
After some time we saw the society of the Hui Kalaiaina rile out from 
the palace. The leader threw out his hands to intimate that they had 
not obtained what they wanted. 

Q. What time in the day was this ! 

A. About 3 o'clock. 

Q. How many were there of that organization present? 
A. I should say about thirty in uniforms — in black with dress hats — 
carrying a flag at their head. 
Q. Was it a committee from that society ? 
A. I do not know how they were appointed. 

Q. That did not cover the number of that political organization in 
the islands ? 

A. It had been a large organization. It was first organized by Dan 
Lyons, who edited a paper a year or two previous. His main idea was 
to make public officers elective, but it had become entirely independent 
of his management and control. The size of the organization at that 
time I know nothing about. 

Q. Would you suppose there were more than thirty persons in the 
islands connected with it? 

A. I have no means of forming an opinion. I paid little attention 
to the society, thinking it amounted to nothing. They first formed in 
the front of the palace, until the Queen came out on the upper balcony 
and made a speech to them. 

Q. Did you hear the speech I 

A. I did not; I was too far off. I also saw at the same time a 
Hawaiian, who I was told was White, of Lahaina. come to the front steps 
and begin to speak in an excited manner. He was led back into the 
palace. 

Q. By whom? 

A. I think by Col. James Boyd. The soldiers then broke up and the 
audience gradually dispersed. There was great excitement among the 
foreign lookers on. I quietly went home myself.. 

Q. You were not at the meeting at Mr. Smith's house Saturday ? 

A. I was not. I met a prominent citizen Sunday noon. I said: "I 
believe annexation is the only thing to cure this." He said to me: "I 
believe a great many are now coming to feel that way." I had said two 
weeks before in a private conversation with Judge Judd that I believed 
annexation was the only cure for this. He shook his head. He said: 
" I do not know." About this same Sunday he acknowledged tome 
that I was right. 

Q. Who did? 

A. Judge Judd. It was about that time. I will not be sure whether 
it was Sunday or Monday. The Boston came into port on Saturday 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAUAN ISLANDS. 419 

morning from Hilo. Monday morning after reading the paper and 
noting the call for the two mass meetings in the afternoon, I said to 
my wife: "The situation is very serious indeed. It is more serious 
than it was in 1887. That with the arms and men at the disposal of 
the Queen they might use force to put down the other mass meeting 
or there might be a riot between the two elements outside of that." I 
also said — not knowing about any plans — that it would be wise for the 
Boston to land her troops to preserve order. 

I went dow n to my office. I heard of the manifesto of the Queen dis- 
avowing her conduct of Saturday. About half past 9 a messenger 
from Mr. Colburn's office came to our office with the orders that if 
any trouble ensued that the staff of the survey office should report to 
the station house for service. Our names were taken down. I went 
over to the minister's office. I simply said to him, "I am not in a state 
of health for active service." His reply was, "We shall expect a very 
good excuse* if yon are not there." I left him, saying that perhaps I 
should be there. I attended the mass meeting at the armory or skat- 
ing rink. It vras very crowded. I felt it was a very critical moment. 
It would seem as if the Government forces might at any time be 
sent to disperse the meeting. The speakers all carried the main idea 
that the community must not again be exposed to this continual dan- 
ger of revolution; that something must be done to pnt a stop to 
events w r hich would lead at any time to revolution. This state of 
things kept our families in a state of alarm, injured business, and could 
not be endured longer. Nothing was said about annexation. 

Q. Anything said about dethronement? 

A. Nothing, directly. The speeches are reported, and correctly, in 
the papers of the succeeding day. 

Q. So that was the spirit of the meeting? 
A. Dethronement? 
Q. Yes. 

A. It was not so stated. It was to denounce the Queen's action ; 
that steps must be taken to prevent any recurrence of that state of 
things. 1 

Q. What sort of steps were in the minds of the speakers and audi- 
ence? 

A. There was evidence of very intense feeling and determination. 
Q. To do what? 

A. The vote was to sustain the committee of safety. 
Q. In what ? 

A. In such steps as they might see fit to take. The meeting ad 
journed quietly and the history of the landing of the troops is well 
known. 

Q. Now I will ask you on another branch; if the matter of the sup 
port of the Provisional Government was left to the people who had the 
privilege of voting under the constitution of 1887 ou the question of 
sustaining the Provisional Government, what would be the resvdt 
under the Australian ballot system? 

A. I am inclined to think it would be against it. 

Q. How much? 

A. I can not say. I know there has been a growth of annexation fil- 
ing among the Hawaiian population. 

Q. I simply want to know, taking the test by popular vote, what 
would be the results ? 

A. So far as I could judge I should say it would be against tluun, 
judging from my general acquaintance with the population. 



420 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

I have carefully read through the foregoing and pronounce it an 
accurate report of iny interview with Mr. Blount. 

Curtis J. Lyons. 



No. 36. 

Statement of Curtis J. Lyons, 

HAWAIIAN LANDS. 

The entire area of the Hawaiian Islands was anciently divided up 
into dhupuaas or small districts, each of which had its individual dis- 
tinctive name. These divisions were either valleys, or strips of land 
between gulches, or strips with artificial boundaries, which were well 
conserved. 

The feudal system under which these were held is described in Prof. 
Alexander's Brief History of Land Titles, in President Dole's Histori- 
cal Paper on the Evolution of Land Titles, and in the accompanying 
series of papers by the writer of this, published in 1875 on Land 
Matters in Hawaii. 

In brief, the actual history of the transition from the feudal system 
to the fee simple system which took place in the period from 1840 to 1850 
may be stated as follows: It being premised that while the theory of 
the division of lands differed more or less from the actual practice, the 
ends attained were virtually the same. 

The chiefs, under Kamehameha III, were holding lands in fief, vary- 
ing in the number of those held by any individual chief from forty or 
more to one, according to rank or past service of the holder. The com- 
mon people were tenants of these chiefs, or else of the King when living 
on his private lands. 

Each chief made a division in writing with Kamehameha III as sov- 
ereign, in which the chief relinquished all right in about one-half of the 
lands held by himself and received from the sovereign a similar relin- 
quishment in toto of the said sovereign's claim on the remaining half. 
This transaction was entered on the opposite pages of the book called 
the mahele book (mahele meaning division), one page bearing the deed 
from the King to the chief of the half of the lands by name enumerated, 
and the opposite page the relinquishment, by the same chief, of all 
claim on the other half. 

The next step was the assignment by the King of much the larger 
portion of the half which remained in his hands to the Government or 
public domain. The third step was for the chiefs to also give up a 
small portion of their half to the same public domain. 

Tlras the property known as the Government lands became estab- 
lished, laud which has ever since been more or less in the market, and 
of which the choicest portions were by especial effort placed by sale at 
nominal price in the hands of native Hawaiians. 

The next step was for the chiefs to have their individual titles con- 
firmed by the land commission. It was a subsequent matter to obtain 
formal royal patents. 

The lands reserved by Kamehameha III, as above mentioned, with 
the choice lands which had been previously regarded as his own, were 
united in theory, and treated by himself and by Kamehameha IY as 
private lands. Kamehameha Y, and the Legislature cooperating with 
him, made them inalienable, and created the board of crown commis- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 421 



sioners to take charge of them. Thus they became national property, 
the income of which, however, belonged to the occupant of the throne, 
and has never been accounted for to the Legislative Assembly. These 
are now known as the crown lands. 

As an undercurrent to all these transactions, the small feudal- hold- 
ings of the common people who had been tenants of the King on his 
private lands, and of the chiefs on their lands, and of the Government 
on its lands were made fee simple titles by what is termed the Kuleana 
system under the authority of the same land commission that con- 
firmed the titles of the chiefs. The word Kuleana means primarily, " an 
interest in," and now 7 is the name of a small holding awarded as above. 
The word Uvant is used for all patents based on sales of Government 
land. 

The above is a brief resume of the essential points in reference to 
Hawaiian land matters as treated at length in the papers alluded to 
above. It is hoped that this succinct statement will aid in a study of 
the subject. 

Curtis J. Lyons. 

Honolulu, April 12, 1893. 



LAND MATTERS IN HAWAII. 

By C. J. Lyons. 
[Published in the Islander, Honolulu, 1875.] 

No. 1. 

The change from barbarism to civilization that has taken place on these islands 
lias iu no respects had more material importance than -as regards land matters. A 
more generally diffused understanding of some subjects connected with these mat- 
ters may tend to benefit the community, especially as it may enable some to compre- 
hend and grapple with certain difficiUties that are universally felt to exist, and 
which however seem to be beyond the combined skill and executive ability of any 
one individual to remove. 

The particular kind of civilization that took root on Hawaii was not of the kind 
that destroyed all that preceded it. It might have crushed out all ancient vested 
rights, ignored ancient subdivisions of land, and created a carte blanche upon 
which to begin de novo the marking out and mapping off of real estate; possibly 
endeavoring to introduce the monotonous rectangles of a United States public sur- 
vey among the valleys and ridges of this diversified country. 

Such a civilization would have treated the Hawaiian language as too paltry to put 
into print. Yet one is sometimes tempted to wish that not quite so much deference 
had been paid to the conservative side of the question. More of this hereafter. 

The ancient divisions of land will therefore be our first subject to attend to. The 
islands were, if the phrase may be allowed, tremendously peopled in many portions 
thereof. I can think of no word to express the swarming state of population 
that must have existed in localities. Even had Capt. Cooke made no estimate, the 
evidences of such population are unmistakable. In general principles there must 
have, been an inevitable diminution of the people with the advent of civilization, 
from the simple fact that the resources of the country would not support those same 
people so soon as their wants were increased. They were already industrious ; what 
more could they raise from the soil, or furnish any way, save as they pandered to 
vice, in return for the accouterments of a new civilization. These are pertinent 
reasonings; certainly so to those who moralize on the diminution of races, though 
to follow them out would be a digression from our present subject. 

Consequences of a long occupancy of this soil by a dense population, minute sub- 
division of land, and nomenclature thereof. Every piece of land had its name, as 
individual and characteristic as that of its cultivation. 

The unit of land, so to speak, seems to have been the ahupuaa. Its name is derived 
from the ahu or altar (literally pile, kuahu being the specific term for altar), 
which was erected at the point where the boundary of the land was intersected by 
the main road, alaloa, which circumferented each of the islands. Upon this altar at 



422 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



the annual progress of the akua makakiki (year god) was deposited the tax paid by 
the land whose bouudary it marked, and also an imngc of a hog (puaa) carved out 
of kukui wood and stained with red ochre. How long this was left on the altar I 
do not know, hut from this came the name (ahupuaa) of the pile of stones, which 
title was also given to the division of land marked thereby. Many a time have I set 
up compass on ancient landmarks of this sort, especially on Hawaii. One near Hono- 
lulu may still be seen on the north external slope of the crater of Salt Lake. This, 
besides marking the boundary of the Halawa and Moanalua, marked also the limits 
of the Kona and Ewa districts. Near by I picked up an ancient ulu maika, the roll- 
ing stone of the old bowling game of maika. The more common name of the altar on 
the island of Oahu was kaananiau. 

The ahupuaa ran from the sea to the mountain, theoretically. That is to say, the 
central idea of the Hawaiian division of land was emphatically central, or rather 
radial. Hawaiian life vibrated from uka, mountain, whence came wood, kapa for 
clothing, olona for fishline, ti-leaf for wrapping paper, ie for rattan lashing, wild 
birds for food, to the kai, sea, whence came ia, fish, and all connected therewith. 
Mauka and makai are therefore fundamental ideas to the native of an island. Land, 
as we shall see in a subsequent article, was divided accordingly. 

No. 2. 

In a previous article we have seen that the old Hawaiian system of dividing lands 
was preserved under the new system of titles; that in populous portions the sub- 
division was very minute, and that the main idea of the ahupuaa, or primary 
division, was to run a strip from the shore to the summit of the mountain, in order 
to give an equable share of all the different products of the soil and sea. 

The ahupuaa, however, was by no means any measure of area, as it varied in size 
from 100 to 100,000 acres, and on the almost worthless wastes of interior Hawaii 
attained to an even greater extent than this. Taking the above-mentioned island 
first in order, the common ahupuaa is found to be a strip say of 1,000 feet average width, 
and running from the seashore, not by any means to the top of the mountain, but to 
the zone of timber land that generally exists between the 1,700 feet and 5,000 feet 
line of elevation. The ordinary ahupuaa extends from half a mile to a mile into 
this belt. Then there are the larger ahupnaas, which are wider in the open country 
than the others, and on entering the woods expand laterally so as to cut off all the 
smaller ones, and extend toward the mountain till they emerge into the open interior 
country; not however to converge to a point at the tops of the respective moun- 
tains. Only a rare few reach those elevations, sweeping past theupjier ends of all 
the others, and by virtue of some privilege in bird-catching, or some analogous 
right, taking the whole mountain to themselves. 

Thus Mauna Loa is shared by three great lands, Kapapala and Kahuku from Kau, 
and Humuula from Hilo. Possibly Keauhou from Kona may yet be proved to have 
had a fourth share. The whole main body of Mauna Kea belongs to one land from 
Hamakua, viz: Kaohe, to whose owners belonged the sole privilege of capturing 
the jia'a, a mountain-inhabiting but sea-fishing bird. High up on its eastern flank, 
however, stretched the already mentioned land of Humuula, whose upper limits 
coincide with those of the mamane, a valuable mountain acacia, and which, starting 
from the shore near Laupahoehoe, extends across the upper ends of all other Hilo 
lands to the crater of Mokuaweoweo. 

These same lands, generally, had the more extended sea privileges. While the 
smaller ahupuaas had to content themselves with the immediate shore fishery, 
extending out not further than a man could touch bottom with his toes, the larger 
ones swept around outside of these, taking to themselves the main fisheries much in 
the same way as that in which the forests appropriated. Concerning the latter, it 
should here be remarked that it was by virtue of some valuable product of said 
forests that the extension of territory took place. For instance, out of a dozen 
lands only one possessed the right to Jcalai waa, hew out canoes from the koa forest. 
Another land embraced the wauke and olona grounds, the former for kapa, the latter 
for fish line. 

On East Maui, the division, in its general principles, was much the same as on 
Hawaii, save that the radial system was better adhered to. In fact, there is pointed 
out to this day, on the short spur projecting into the east side of Haleakahi crater, 
a rock called the "Pohaku oki aina," land-dividing rock, to which the larger lands 
came as a center. How many lands actually came up to this is not yet known. 

On West Maui the valleys were a very marked and natural mode of division. 
The question suggests itself as to how the isthmus would be appropriated. Some 
powerful chiefs of Wailuku and Waikapu seem not only to have taken the isthmus, 
but to have extended their domain well up the slope at the foot of Haleakala. So 
that there is the rare case of a long range of lands in Kula, East Maui, without any 
sea coast. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 423 



On Molokai and Lanai, there are exceptional eases of lands extending directly 
across, from sea to sea. 

On Oahu the ahupuaa seems to have been oftentimes quite extended. Waikiki, 
for instance, stretches from the west side of Makiki Valley away to the east side of 
Wailupe, or nearly to the east point of the island. Hononliuli covers some forty 
thousand acres on the east slope of the W aianae Mountains. Generally speaking, 
however, the valley idea predominates. Thus Nuuanu (with its branch Pauoa), 
Kalihi, Moanalua, Halawa, etc., are each the limits of single lands. So Waimanalo, 
Kailua, Kaneohe, Heeia, etc., are ahupuaas. The long, narrow strip so common on 
Hawaii is less frequent on this island, excepting in Ewa district. Singularly 
enough the ahupuaa of Waianse mounts the summit of the Kaala range and 
««cends into the table-lands between Ewa and Waialua, and sweeps on up to the 
summit of the Koolau Mountains. One would supj)ose that naturally that table- 
land would be divided between Ewa and Waialua. 

On Kauai, the writer is not familiar with the general divisions. Probably the 
interior of the island belongs to a few large lands, while narrow and rather "short • 
strips are quite common along the shore, interspersed with large or first-class 
ahupuaas. 

No. 3. 

The next subject that claims attention is that of the subdivision of the ahupuaa. 

The subdivision of the Ahupuaa were called ili. Some of the smallest ahupuaas 
were not subdivided at all, or at least seem not to have been, while the larger ones 
sometimes contained as many as thirty or forty ilis, each, of course, named with its 
own individual title aud carefully marked out as to boundary. The word is the 
same as that used to designate surface, and, in latter times, area. 

There were two features of the ili, referred to by the terms lele and ku, which are 
worthy of notice. The former is its desultory character, like unto that of the states 
of Germany. That is to say, the ili often consisted of several distinct sections of 
land — one, for instance, on the seashore, another on dry, open land, or kula, another 
in the regularly terraced and watered kalo patch or aina loi district, and another 
still in the forest, thus again carrying out the equable division system which we 
have seen in the ahupuaa. 

These separate pieces were called, tele, i. e., "jumps," and were most common on 
Oahu. Indeed I know of none on the is land of Hawaii. Some remarkable examples 
occur near this town. Punahou had anciently a lot on the beach near the Kakaako 
Salt Works ; then the large lot with the spring and kalo patches where is now the 
school, and again a forest patch on the steep sides of Manoa Valley. Kewalo mean- 
while had its seacoast adjoining Waikiki, its continuous kula on the plain, and one- 
half of Punchbowl Hill and its kalo land in Pauoa Valley. Kaakaukukui held 
Fisherman's Point and the present harbor of Honolulu; then kalo land near the 
present Kukui street, and also a large tract of forest at the head of Pouoa Valley. The 
kalo lands of Wailupe are in Pauoa Valley. In Kalihi and also in Ewa are ilis with 
from eight to ten different Jeles, a most prolific kind of land, and now furnishing a 
truly desultory job for a surveyor to map out. 

These different pieces were called variously, either by their own individual name, 
or by that of the whole ili, thus puzzling one sadly when attempting to obtain infor- 
mation with respect to them 

The second feature is referred to in the word ku, short for ili kupono. There were 
two kinds of ili; the ili of the ahupuaa, and the ili kupono. The ili of the ahupuaa 
was a subdivision for the convenience of the chief holding the ahupuaa; alii ai ahu- 
puaa. 

The konohikis of these divisions were only the agents of the said chief, all the reve- 
nues of the land included going to him, and the said land, in Hawaiian parlance, 
" belonging to the ahupuaa." 

The Hi kupono, on the contrary, was nearly independent. The transfer of the ahu- 
puaa to a new chief did not carry with it the transfer of the ili kupono contained 
within its limits. The chiefs, previously holding the ili kupono, continued to hold 
them, whatever the change in the ahupuaa chief, having their own koeles (chiefs' 
patches), worked by their retainers. There was, however, a slight tribute of work 
due to the ahupuaa chief; sometimes one or two days in a month, sometimes even 
less, or*©nly certain days in the year. The ilis which were nsed as places of refuges 
and those of the god Kaili, did not render even this tribute. Such were Kaahumanu', 
ilis in Waikiki. 

On the ili kupono, Waimea on Hawaiia furnishes an eminent example. Nine- 
tenths of this ahupuaa are taken up with the independent ilis of Puukapu and 
Waikoloa, to say nothing of half a dozen small ones of the same kind. Accordingly 
when a Waimea ahupuaa was declared in late years a crown land, it was necessary 
to declare Puukapu also a crown land, as^ though not included in Waimea. 



424 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Waikoloa was given by Kamehameha I to Isaac Davis, and it has remained in the 
Davis family ever since. When therefore the limits of Waimea wen- settled by the 
boundary commissioner, the Crown commissioners knew hardly more than they 
bad previously of where the Crown land was situated. How much labor and con- 
fusion this principle has brought about remains yet to be seen. 

Within theilis all large kalo patches seem to have had specific names, especially 
on Oahu, which was the most microcosmic of the Islands. The koeles, or chiefs 
patches, more particularly. KihapaVs, i. e., dry land patches, with their intervening 
ridges of small stones, or earth weeds, had also their appellation. These ridges of 
cultivation, often rows of sugar cane, too, were in cultivated sections, very frequently 
the boundaries of the ahupnaa, called iwi, bone— short for iwi leuamoo, backbone — 
and curving enough they are. Sometimes changed in andient times, amidst fierce 
battling between the clans each chief could summon from his land. 

The date of this division is fixed about twenty generations back in Hawaiian Tra- 
dition, the names of the chiefs establishing it being given. The moku or district 
was fixed at the same time, such as Kona, Kau, Puna, Hilo, Hamakua, and Kohala 
on Hawaii. On Maui are some smaller divisions than the moku, called Jcalatta, Laha- 
ina being one of these. Wailiku, Waikapu, Waiehu, and Waihee were independent, 
belonging to no moku. On the map it is necessary to form a new district, and call 
it Wailuku, Nawaieha being too cumbersome and ill-understood. Olaa on Hawaii, 
it is said to have been independent of Puna and Waimea of Kohala. Otherwise the 
district division was very exact and comprehensive. 

One other anomaly remains to be noted here. A large tract of forest land in Hama- 
kua, Hawaii, was once cut oft' from a number of ahupuaas for the use of the whole 
district, and is called Kamoku to this day, becoming at the time of the "rnahele,' 
which must come next in our way, Government laud. 

No. 4. 

We now come in regular course to a brief notice of the mahele. 

The mahele was a phenomenon in national history not often repeated. The 
mahele was, in one sense, a revolution. In another sense it was most eminently a 
conservative movement. 

To write a full history of this change would require more leisure, or. more corectly 
speaking, more time and strength than most persons in our community and in active 
life have at their own command. It will only be in place here to indicate its main 
features. I am very well aware that there may be widely different views on this 
subject among those of the legal profession, and those put forth here may be called 
decidedly unprofessional. It may be suggested, however, that occasionally the 
unprofessional opinion has the advantage. This is often the case with respect to 
theological matters, sometimes decidedly so in medical matters, and the common 
sense of honest jurymen frequently, cuts at once through the entanglements of legal 
questions on both sides to the desired point of equity and justice to both sides. 

The mahele was simply an endeavor on the part of the majority of the Hawaiian 
chiefs, and especially on the part of Kamehameha III, to secure to all parties what, on 
the ordinary principles of acquiring property, seemed to belong to them. It was 
contemporary with the organization of the department of the Hawaiian Government 
in 1845- ; 46. 

The theory which was adopted in effect was this, that the King, the chiefs, and 
the common people held each undivided shares, so to say, in the whole landed estate. 
Whatever the legal deduction from the status under the former feudal system might 
be, the fact in equity was acknowledged that whoever had a share in making the 
land valuable held an interest in that land. Legally speaking, the title of the 
whole was in the King. The King who conquered the whole, viz, Kamehameha I, 
had partitioned the lands among his warrior chiefs, retaining a certain revenue from 
them, in default of payment of which the land was forfeited. These chiefs did the 
same to those below them. 

Kamehameha III for the common good waived his title to the whole, under con- 
ditions — conditions that those under the chiefs should be treated in like manner, 
and, moreover, that a certain portion, one-third, should be given to a common landed 
estate, called Government lands, the proceeds of which were to go to the public 
treasury, and which should furnish that facility for the acquirement of real estate 
in fee simple which is so necessary for the growth of a community. • 

In other words, the Hawaiian nation agreed to divide as individuals their as yet 
undivided inheritance, the King taking a share proportioned to the general idea of 
the dignity of his position. (It should be stated that the word mahele signifies 
division.) It was moreover agreed that there was to be a portion devoted to the 
general good in two ways, viz, by rendering it obtainable to those who desired land 
and by using the proceeds for the benefit of the public treasury. It will be seen 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 425 



that there was a double mahele — first of all amongst themselves, and second, of 
each with the general treasury. 

This last was the trying point with the chiefs. It required no little effort to bring 
about its accomplishment, and no little self-denial and resolution on the part of 
those who thus gave up what they regarded as their lands. The scenes in the 
meeting of the council for this purpose have been described by eyewitnesses as 
thrillingly interesting. Almost everyone of those who took part in this peaceful 
but patriotic revolution has gone from the presence, we hope not from the remem- 
brance, of this community. Among the ranks of these noble dead are Kamehameha 
III, and Kekuanaoa, Paki, Kekauonohi, John Ii, who was most active in bringing 
about the change, and a host of lesser chiefs. Messrs. Richards, Judd, Ricord, and 
afterwards Lee, were the leading spirits in inducing the chiefs to see the benefits 
of the new policy and system. 

There were two great sacrifices made by the chiefs. The division with the Gov- 
ernment we have noticed. Far be it from anyone to misappropriate these Govern- 
ment lands, thus conscientiously given up by the old Hawaiian chiefs for the 
national good. The other sacrifice was that of the kuleana, or land of the small 
tenant. These small tenants were permitted to acquire a full title to the lands 
which they had been improving for their own use. In the true view of the case, 
this was perfectly a measure of justice, for it was the labor of these people and 
of their ancestors that had made the land what it was. This subject will lead us to 
consider the land commission. 

No. 5. 

The lands having been divided, as we have seen in the last article, it became 
necessary in order to establish the real estate business of the Kingdom on a practical 
basis to give some formal evidence of title sanctioned by the law of the land. The 
mahele was an anomaly. The land commission, appointed to carry out the iirin- 
ciples of the mahele, was another. Both were eminently practical and just in 
their idea. 

Five gentlemen, John Ricord, William Richards, Z. Kaauwai, James Young 
Kanhehoa and John Ii, were appointed by the King in February, 1846, to hear testi- 
mony upon the claims of individuals, and to issue awards to the claimants for the 
land claimed by metes and bounds. These commissioners drew up a careful state- 
ment of principles to guide their conduct in making the awards. 

This statement was approved by act of Legislature and made law. It was further 
ordained that no claim should be valid unless approved by them, and unless pre- 
sented before a certain time. The only appeal was to the supreme court. The com- 
missioners took the oath of office and held their first meeting for regular business in 
March, 1846. The first claim upon and award signed was to James Voss, on the 
lot at the south corner of Hotel and Alakea streets. The taking of testimony was 
an herculean task, when we consider that the number of claimants were over 10,000. 
It was found that the taking of testimony, the surveying of boundaries, and the 
making final award would each have to be separate stages of work. Accordingly, 
while the first volume of land commission records contain leugthy masses of testi- 
mony attached to each award, in the second volume awards only are given, the 
testimony being thereafter by itself in another series of separate volumes. The 
commissioners worked with most commendable energy, going to every part of the 
islands to meet the people and prepare for awarding the kuleanas. 

Kuleana means, originally, a property or business interest in anything. The com- 
mon people were in former times assigned certain portions of the chief's lands, to 
occupy at the will of the chief. Generally speaking, there was a good degree of 
permanence in this occupancy, provided that service was duly paid to the superior. 
In 1839 a law was promulgated that no one should be deprived of his land without 
due cause, which law was a preliminary step to the subsequent one of giving to all 
those common people who would come forward, present their claim, their testimony, 
and pay the expenses of settling the whole matter a fee simple title in their improved 
lands. In the town of Honolulu all lots were to be subjeet to a commutation fee of 
one-fourth of their unimproved value to the Government. Elsewhere the award 
was in fee simple, without commutation. These awarded claims came to be known 
by the term " kuleana." 

After Hie testimony in regard to their existence was taken the next step was to 
scatter a horde of surveyors all over the Kingdom, with memoranda of claims, to 
survey each separate one by itself, and send in the survey to the office, generally on 
a sheet of foolscap paper. At the office they were copied in huge, un wieldly volumes — 
volumes, however, ten in number, of infinite value to the real-estate interests of 
this little Kingdom. Of the surveys, more hereafter. They were generally paid for 
by the piece, at the cheap rate of $2 to $3 per kuleana. The total expenses for the 
land commission expenses were all borne by the claimants, and amounted to from 
$6 to $12 to each kuleana. Cheap enough; yet the poor natives were often a long 



426 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



time in collecting the amount to pay over to the agent who distributed the papers 
containing award. 

Intact, it seemed all like a dream to the common people, so long serfs under masters. 
All sorts of reports would spread through the country to the effect that the whole 
thing would be knocked in the head; that such and such lands were to have no 
kuleanas taken out of them, etc. 

Then there was a vast deal of haphazard about the matter. In kalo patch 
^land it was comparatively easy to determine where and where not the kuleana 
should extend, though many a contest between the claimant and konohiki chief's 
man took place even there. It was impossible for the commissioners to go upon 
the ground, so that responsibility in a large measure depended on the surveyor. In 
dry or kula land, where the soil has to remain fallow for years between crops, it. 
was difficult to decide what akuleana should contain, and, as we shall see, there was 
much variety of practice- 
No. 6. 

Mention was made in the last number of the haphazard or lack of unform rule in 
establishing the boundaries and extent of kuleanas. The best illustration of this 
may be derived from an example. Three surveyors were sent to Hawaii to as many 
different districts to measure and report kuleanas. Directions, "to include what 
the claimant has cultivated and improved." Surveyor No. 1, a stranger to the 
country, found the people cultivating on the kula land, say, two or three acres of 
upland kalo. Not taking into account the fact, alluded to in our last number, that 
it was necessary for the land to lie fallow for two or three years before another crop 
of kalo could be produced from it, he surveyed merely the amount under actual cul- 
tivation. The kuleanas were awarded accordingly, the poor people having no one 
to take their part, and as a consequence in many cases abandoning their newly- 
acquired property as utterly insufficient for their needs. 

No. 2, a native Hawaiian, was assigned to a district where the resident American 
missionary was one who took an active interest in the new order of things, and who 
believed — and not without some reason — that the people had the main right to the 
land anyway, on general principles. The consequence of this was that surveys 
were sent in from 15 to 30 and even 40 acres iu extent, and were awarded. 

Surveyor No. 3, meanwhile, after an arduous campaign among the kalo patches, 
with an ever- watchful konohiki to contest his progress, and to whom the reply to 
appeals for advice to the land commissioners was sent "Do the best you can," came 
out into the kula lands of his district. Multiplying the amount under actual culti- 
vation by the number of seasons in which it would have to lie fallow, the estimate 
was made of from 6 to 12 acres as the ordinary run of upland kuleanas, and surveys 
were sent in accordingly. Reports of what was going on in the neighboring dis- 
tricts soon came in and, rather puzzled thereby, our man lay on his oars for a few 
weeks to see what would turn up. Finding that his surveys, too, were approved of 
he went on through the district on his own principles. 

In defense of the above inconsistency the plea may be urged that the commis- 
sioners had such a mountain of business to dispose of that " anyway to get through" 
might well be their motto. To resurvey in all these cases was next to impossible, 
also to obtain full information. Then, while there lived a King who thus favored 
his subjects, it was expedient to make all speed possible lest a change might intro- 
duce worse confusion. 

Another inconsistency was in the awarding of titles below high-water mark and 
on reefs in some instances and not in others. The immediate vicinity of Honolulu 
Harbor as compared with Pearl River and Kaneohe Bay furnishes a notable instance 
of this. 

After the awards of the kuleanas came the awards to the lesser chiefs and to for- 
eigners to whom lands had been given of the ilis which we have described above. 
They were generally though not uniformly awarded by their external boundaries, 
expressly stating in the award and in the patent based thereupon the-excepting of all 
kuleanas contained therein. 

The ahupuaas were awarded to the chiefs to whom they belonged in a similar man- 
ner, the exception including the ilis awarded as above, and also such ilis as by the 
statute law were declared on the basis of the mahele, as we have previously seen to 
be either crown or Government lands. Of course, when the mahele was made the 
division took place; the ahupuaa to one chief, or to the crown or Government, as 
the case might be, and the ili kupono, described in a previous number, to other 
chiefs, or the crown or Government, as the case might be. The crown and Govern- 
ment lands were expressly set forth by name in the statute at the same time that 
the land commission was created. 

It is this existence of titles within titles un'separated one from another by especial survey 
that creates the unmitigated state of confusion that now exists on these islands. It 
might as well be confessed and made public that adequate steps may be taken if 



EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER OT THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 427 



possible to clear up the confusion, heightened as it is tenfold by the fact that all 
the kuleanas are recorded each by its own individual configuration and extent with 
no general map of any district. In the prospectus, so to call it, of the land com- 
mission, it was declared necessary to know the "configuration and extent of the 
several claims." The very important item of location Avas omitted. It was prob- 
ably impossible to have carried out any general system of measurement which would 
have secured this, when we take into account the imperfect instruments employed 
by most who were employed in this really national work. 

Another example from actual experience may come in here, perhaps to advantage. 
In Kalihi, Oaku, is an Hi of Government land. A large part of it was taken up, as 
usual with the kuleanas of the people resident thereon. The remainder was in all 
conceivable shapes, mixed in the interstices of the kuleanas, and including, how- 
ever, some very valuable land. For some years the sovereigns of the country 
diverted this land to their own use. When, afterwards, it was deemed advisable 
to use or dispose of the land to the benefit of the Government, a survey was neces- 
sary to find where the Government land was situated. To this end every single 
kuleana lot, to the number of fifty or thereabouts, had to be resurveyed and located, 
errors, inaccuracies, and magnetic variation all to bo taken into account, and their 
descriptions made out of what remained, to agree with the adjoining kuleanas, 
the whole involving about two months of labor. The resultant remainder of gov- 
ernment lots of land were worth somewhere near $1,500. More of this hereafter. 

No. 7. 

To sit in judgment on the past is not always advisable. It is easy, in the light of 
subsequent events, to perceive what would have been the wiser course. But it is 
not always easy to put ourselves in the places of our predecessors; to realize what 
difficulties may have beset them and what obstacles may have prevented the carry- 
ing out of their own conceptions of what should have been done. 

This remark applies to the work of the land commission. The following imper- 
fections in their work are very noticeable : 

First. That already noticed, including titles within titles, kuleanas within ilis, 
ilis within ahupuaas, and so on, without distinct specification of what was expected 
within. It has frequently occurred that persons have purchased estate on the basis 
of the acreage of the whole, and then found, to their dismay, that one-fourth or 
even one-half of the area specified was taken up in kuleanas, tides in fact just as 
good as that of the larger estate around them. This has been a ; tanding grievance 
with purchasers in this Kingdom, and has tended to bring the kuleana system into 
disfavor. 

Second. The land commission ought to have been continued till all the land had 
been properly apportioned and award passed thereon by the commissioners, includ- 
ing in these awards also the crown and Government lands. The object aimed at, 
viz: the settling, for once at least, of titles, would then have been gained. The 
omission of the crown and Government lands has created uncertainly ail over the 
group as to boundaries even to this day. The almost unlimited powers of the com- 
missioners should have been used to put matters in a practical and accessible shape. 

Third. The number of steps requisite to procure a full title has been too great. 
First the mahele, then the award, then the royal patent. Now, in the town of 
Honolulu, we will say, A and B have adjacent lots. A procures his award, and 
immediately goes on, pays the Government commutation, and receives a royal 
patent. B merely contents himself with the land commission award, leaving the 
future to look out for the payment of commutation. A and B both sell to C. C 
cuts up his property into small lots and sells. Now in some or other of these lots 
there will be at the same time, land commuted for, and land as yet uncommuted for. 
D, who has purchased one of these heterogeneous titles, wishes a full title, and is 
obliged to hire surveyors, lawyers, and what-not to find the imaginary line in his 
property, dividing the patented portion from the unpatented, describe the unpatented 
portion, and take out his "E. P." for the same in the name of the original awardee, 
dead, say twenty years ago. It would seem as if this threat of a government one- 
fourth ought to have been disposed of at the start. 

Fourth. While the surveys Avere carefully recorded and indexed, there was an un- 
accountable lack of uniformity in the methods followed in making them. It would 
seem as though a person having the practical knowledge possessed by the late 
Hon. W. L. Lee, for so many years president of the commission, would have issued 
certain uniform rules to the persons employed. Instead thereof, we have every pos- 
sible method of measurement adopted, every conceivable scale employed, meridians 
pointing everywhere, non-marking of corners; in short, everything left to the sweet 
will of The man who was hired at from $2 to $3 per kuleana to do the measurement. 
Nor was one district assigned to one man. No less than a dozen tried their hands 
at waikiki, no one being required to guide himself by the notes of another. Of course 



428 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



overlaps and inlerlayers are the most common things imaginable. It has been thr> 
practice heretofore to regard the person holding the earlier award to take prece- 
dence in the case of an overlap and the one holding possession in the case of an in- 
terlay er. Some douhts in high quarters have been expressed, however, on this 
matter. 

As we have said above, the real reason for all this looseness lies in the fact that 
there was little money to pay out and little time to wait for the work. It may be 
added that there was not then a single thoroughly competent land surveyor on the 
ground. The grounds for this assertion may be stated hereafter. Civil engineers 
there were, and amateur surveyors, but no thoroughly competent land surveyor. 

To hasten the " quieting of titles" it was enacted by the Legislature that all claims 
not presented before a certain date should revert to the Government. This date was 
postponed several times. The land commission itself was driven to the policy of 
awarding titles by ancient boundaries, without survey — that is to say, simply by the 
name of the ahupuaa or ili, leaving the owners to fix the boundaries as best they 
could. Iu that way it was enabled to close its labors at the time prescribed by 
statute, viz, on the 31st of March, 1855. The receiving of evidence was finally closed 
on the 30th of December previous. 

Even then an act had to be passed in 1862 "for the relief of certain Konohikis," 
enabling some such who had received land at the time of the mahele to receive an 
award from the interior department for the same, up to a certain date, beyond which 
the land, in una warded, was to revert to the Government. 

The question now comes up: Will these lands thus unawarded now be claimed by 
the Government? And, moreover, will similar lots in town be thus claimed? The 
view of the case taken at the time was this: " For the good of the community, 
land owners must be compelled to go through certain forms of law, failing in which 
the lands are forfeit." Was or was not this, in the circumstances, a constitutional 
act? 

No. 8. 

The land in the Hawaiian Islands was considered at the time of the mahele as 
belonging to the nation. It was divided off according to principles deemed equita- 
ble and titles were given, emanating really from the Government, representing the 
nation, by the King as the executive power. This, I think, is the true theory of the 
then uew departure in land matters. The power to whom were given the Crown 
lands was not the power that gave legality to the new titles. The Crown lands 
were set aside for the private emolument of the King. The Government lands were 
for the benefit of the whole, for the parties as a whole, that divided the land. 

When, therefore, the rule was made, or law passed, that lauds not awarded should 
vest in the Government, it would seem to have been perfectly in the power of those 
making the law so to enact. It hardly seems proper, therefore, at the present day 
to assume that such lands should revert to the Crown as "Crown lands.'* They 
should revert to the Crown as the representative of the Government, not for the 
private use of the King, but for that which the King represents in his official 
capacity. 

Where parties have been a long time in actual occupation of such lands, it would 
seem as if some liberal terms might be adopted which would facilitate the obtaining 
of a title, without waiving the right of the Government, agaiust which the statute 
of limitations, i. e., of twenty years' occupation, does not hold. 

The government lands about the year 1850 were put into the market throughout 
the islands. Previous sales had been made in a few localities, especially in Maka- 
wao and Manoa Valley. Agents were appointed in the different districts to receive 
applications, to attend to the surveys, and to report; also to collect the money for 
the land and forward to the interior office. The same desultory system of survey- 
ing was followed as in the case of kuleanas. Probably, between the years 1850 and 
1860, nine-tenths of the available government land was taken up. The agents were, 
some of them, the American missionaries, who considered it not inconsistent with 
their position to assist the people in obtaining lands in advance of mere specula- 
tors. A commission was allowed; in at least one case it was declined, all service 
being rendered gratis. 

After all this selling of land the Government were perfectly in the dark as to 
what remained. A lull in the business took place, and when in after years some of 
the remnants were applied for, it was impossible to proceed with any confidence in 
disposing of them. In addition to this, a new policy came in, with another adminis- 
tration, of refusing to sell land, partly from the revival of the ancient theory that 
the King was the Government; partly from a feeling that a fixed revenue might be 
derived from the remainder; partly from the cropping out of the ever-prevalent 
dislike of seeing lands go into the hands of foreigners; and partly from the diffi- 
culty of proceeding intelligently to work. 

For instance (and this is from actual experience), a tract of, say, 10 acres, in Palolo 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 429 



Valley remained to the Government. It lies at the foot of the steep valley side, and 
may or may not extend up that side or pali to its summit. The land above was 
awarded by survey, and to find how far down the face of the mountain it may extend 
it is necessary to run all the old lines of that upper land ; probably two or three days 
of hard work would be none too much to do this in a reliable manner. In fact, one 
can be sure of nothing in such cases without surveying all the adjoining lands. A 
perfect incubus this has been on the disposal of the remaining government lands. 

It was this state of things, as much as anything else, that led the late minister of 
interior, Dr. P. W. Hutchison, to institute the Government survey. A general 
survey seemed the only possible way to get at the facts of the case. It would be 
perfectly impossible to-day for the Government to state definitely what land it pos- 
sessed in any one district. 

Add to this the need of general maps for business purposes, for assessment of taxes, 
for any discussion of schemes for the benefit of the country, for searching of records, 
for the information of courts of law, of strangers, especially of scientific men, to 
say nothing of navigators, and one sees abundant reason why a general survey 
should be made. 

Moreover, the Government failed in one important part of its duty, namely, in 
locating its own grants and awards. It is but fair that it should undertake that 
work as far as is practically useful and is possible without too great expense. 

Another demand for general maps lies in the fact that while a person may in a 
few years become a walking encyclopedia of information respecting localities and 
titles, etc., in a district, he is liable to leave at any time, when all his stores of 
knowledge become annihilated in a moment, no record thereof being left for the 
benefit of his successor. 

There is now remaining to be noticed the "boundary commission" business. As 
was stated before, a large number of ahupuaas and ilis were awarded by name only. 
The land commission having ceased to exist, it became necessary to provide some 
means of legalizing the lines of boundary between awarded lands wherever they 
had not been awarded by survey. This and nothing else is the business of the 
boundary commission. It is not concerned with boundary disputes as such. It is 
only when the locality of an award, and in a very few case's of a royal patent, has 
nothing but the ancient traditions and testimony founded thereon to determine it 
that the commissioner is called upon by the owner to issue a "certificate" defining 
it, " either by survey, by natural topographical features, or by permanent boundary 
marks." It will be seen that a description by means of ancient names of locali- 
ties — "ivahi pana" — is not in the limits of the statute. 

The act for the appointment of boundary commissioners was passed in 1862. At 
first there were two for each gubernatorial district, the police or district justice 
in each place acting as umpire in case they disagreed. This, as might be expected, 
was a failure, and subsequently the late G. M. Robertson, of the supreme bench, 
became sole commissioner for the group. In 1868 the law was modified, since which 
time there have been four commissioners, one in each main district. Their work has 
progressed very slowly owing to various causes. 

It is a matter of regret that there has been so little uniformity in their methods of 
procedure. Of a large number of lands thus defined no maps whatever have been 
filed in the interior department. Complaints often arise that sufficient notice is not 
given to parties concerned residing, as they oftentimes do, at a distance. The best 
way of procedure would seem to be this: Maps of the lands in question, prepared 
from good surveys by persons approved at the interior office, and containing such 
full information as to be intelligible to all concerned, should be on file in some public 
office, say for ninety days previous to the decision, and due notice given thereof in 
order that all parties may. consider the matter at their leisure. 

A better organized land office is very much needed. The general clerk of the 
interior officehas too great a diversity of business to give due attention to it. The 
second clerk is mainly occupied in making out royal patents on awards and furnishing 
copies of documents. The surveyor-general has the topographical survey on his 
hands, while his assistants are bandied about from one kind, of job to another, the 
whole groaning under the weight of the entanglement of old and new that has been 
previously pointed out in these papers. 

The object aimed at should be that the Government should know the location of 
its own patents for land, and be able to furnish information concerning the same. 
It should know, too, what is left unpatented, and it was more for this object than 
any other that the then minister of interior, F. W. Hutchison, instituted the Gov- 
ernment survey in 1870. 



430 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 37. 

Statement of E. G. Macfarlane. 

Honolulu, May 3, 1893. 

My Dear Mr. Blount : 

I band you herewith the statement you desired me to make as to the 
causes leading up to the dismissal of the several cabinets of the last 
Legislature. In this statement I have confined myself entirely to the 
bare facts you ask for, without attempting to introduce any of theargu 
ments brought out in the debates. I have eopies of all the proceedings 
in the Legislature, if you should want to read them at any time, and I 
hope to have another opportunity before your departure to talk over 
Hawaiian affairs with you. 

I leave for Hawaii to-day to attend to some important matters in 
connection with the Volcano House Company, returning on Wednes- 
day of next week. All of the papers in connection with the lottery 
petitions, will be in proper shape upon my return. I am only waiting 
for the clerk of the Legislature to make his affidavits. 

In haste, 

Very respectfully, 

E. C. Macfarlane. 



Honolulu, May 6, 1893. 

Hon. James H. Blount, 

United States Commissioner, etc., Honolulu: 
Sir: Shortly after the commencement of the last session of the 
Legislature, it was an open secret that the Volney-Ashford-Wilcox 
party were planning a revolutionary movement, which had the support 
of the annexationist element, and that the latter element had the sym- 
pathy of the United States minister. 1 was firmly of the opinion that 
such a conspiracy was on foot and that it had the sympathy of Mr. 
Stevens, and a speech made by him on Decoration Day afforded me an 
opportunity to bring the matter before the assembly in the following 
inquiry: 

Sir : I am constrained to ask Her Majesty's constitutional advisors whether they 
intend taking any steps to rebuke the unwarrantable action of the United States 
minister on a recent public occasion — an action which could only be intended to 
interfere with and obstruct the administration. 

This was replied to by the minister of foreign affairs as follows : 

Hon. J. S. Walker, 

President of the Legislature : 
Sir : In answer to the question propounded by the honorable noble for Honolulu, 
E. C. Macfarlane, I would say, that Her Majesty's Government has given the matter 
careful consideration and has already taken action in the premises. 

The following day I addressed the house upon a question of priv- 
ilege, as follows : 

Mr. President: My attention has been called to an editorial in a morning paper 
criticising my question asked yesterday of his excellency the minister of foreign 
aifairs. 

I do not intend to be placed in a false position by the Advertiser, hence the priv- 
ilege of which I avail myself. Let it be understood that I yield to no one in 
admiration of the great Republic in respect for its generous, liberty-loving people; 
neither do I fail to appreciate the generosity covered by our treaty of reciprocity. 
In a sense, the American minister represents that Republic and its people, but it is 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 431 



only when he conducts himself within the lines laid down for diplomatic repre- 
sentatives. 

I maintain that if this Government and people desire to retain the respect of the 
governments and peoples of the world they must he self-respecting and must resent 
all interferences with our affairs, when conducted with a proper regard for other 
nations, by foreign representatives. I have said that the American minister repre- 
sents the American people, hut I must again qualify this assertion hy saying that he 
"best does so when he refuses to interfere in our domestic affairs at the instance of a 
faction in this community, whose organ is the Advertiser, whose leaders are ex-min- 
isters of Hawaii, who, like the followers of Moses, are longing for the flesh pots of 
Egypt, and whose purpose seems to he to rule or ruin. Against this faction every 
friend of the Hawaiian people must stand arrayed. 

The inquiry by the minister of foreign affairs went so far as to call forth 
from Mr. Stevens a disclaimer of any intention to interfere with our 
domestic affairs. The matter was discussed with the Hawaiian mem- 
bers of the house in caucus, and they were made to believe that unless 
the objectionable matter was expunged it would embroil the country 
in complications with the United States, which would likely lose them 
the independence of their country. 

Of this action in caucus I was informed by several of the Hawaiian 
members, and the following day Eepresentative Kamauoha introduced 
a resolution to expunge from the records of the assembly all references 
to the matter, which resolution was carried. 

In accordance with an understanding with the leaders of the Eeform 
party, the conservative element in the National Reform party joined with 
the former and voted out the Parker- Widemann cabinet. The want 
of decision on the part of that Cabinet in dealing with the Horner 
banking act (which proposed an unlimited, issue of irredeemable pajjer 
money) was the principal reason for desiring the change. The unac- 
countable failure of that ministry to act vigorously and promptly in 
this matter created a strong opposition to the members throughout the 
whole business community. 

On Saturday, September 3, 1892, the leaders of the Reform party 
called a caucus of the members of the assembly and passed the fol- 
lowing resolution:' 

Be it resolved, That whereas a resolution of want of confidence in the cabinet was 
passed hy the Legislature on August 30 last, such resolution being passed by a vote 
of 31 to 10 ; and 

Whereas, by reason of the adoption of such resolution, the constitutional necessity 
has arisen for selecting a new cabinet; 

Now, therefore, we, members of the Legislature, feeling this to he a fit occasion to 
more firmly establish the constitutional principles upon which our system of gov- 
ernment is based, do hereby, regardless of previous party affiliations, declare that, 
under the principles of responsible representative government established in this 
Kingdom, Her Majesty should summon a leading member of the Legislature who 
voted in favor of such resolution of want of confidence, to form the new cabinet, 
thereby recognizing the constitutional principle that the cabinet should possess the 
support and confidence of, and represent the majority of, the Legislature, the elected 
representatives of the people ; 

A?id resolved f urther, That we do hereby pledge ourselves to govern our future 
action, as members of this Legislature, in support of this constitutional principle. 

This resolution was sent to Her Majesty and called forth the follow- 
ing reply : 

Iolani Palace, September 7, 1892. 
Hons. Alexander Young, J. N. S. Williams, and Wm. O. Smith: 

Gfntlemen: As the hearer of a resolution passed upon by certain members of the 
Legislature, Her Majesty was pleased to grant you an audience and graciously prom- 
ised to reply to the subject-matter of the resolution. I am now directed to say tbat 
Her Majesty is pleased to note the desire on the part of the gentlemen whom you 
represent "to more firmly establish the constitutional principle upon which our sys- 
tem of government is based, recognizing the principle that the cabinet should pos- 



432 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



sess the support and confidence of, and represent the majority of, the Legislature, the 
elected representatives of the people." 

The opinion is expressed that Her Majesty should summon a leading member of the 
Legislature who voted in favor of a resolution of want of confidence to form a new 
cabinet. 

Sincerely desiring to meet the wishes of the representatives of h<-r subjects, it has 
pleased Her Majesty to summon the Hon. A. P. Peterson to assist in the formation of 
a cabinet. 

Her Majesty trusts that the acceptance of the suggestion to call a member of the 
majority of the Legislature to form a cabinet will bring about the result sought for. 

Her Majesty also'desires to express her appreciation of the courtesies received at 
the hands of the gentlemen of the committee. 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, yours respectfully, 

James W. Robertson, 
Her Majesty's Chamberlain. 

Mr. Peterson endeavored in every way to meet the wishes of the cau- 
cus in the formation of a cabinet, but the reform faction were irrecon- 
cilable, and would not agree to anything that he suggested. The res- 
olution above quoted is misleading. I will not say designedly, for the 
contention was persistently made in caucus by Mr. Thurston, the trainer 
of the resolution, that upon the defeat of a ministry, not only should 
Her Majesty send for a leading member of the victorious opposition, 
but that the opposition should select a cabinet, and send their nomina- 
tions to the Queen for her acceptance, insisting that she should recog- 
nize this course as a constitutional principle* 

I and a few others objected to the establishment of such a precedent, 
urg ingthat under the constitution the Queen had the right to name 
her cabinet, which could only be removed by a want-of-confidence vote 
of the majority of all the elective members of the Legislature. See 
article 41 of the constitution, which reads : 

The cabinet shall consist of the minister of foreign affairs, the minister of the 
interior, the minister of finance, and the attorney-general, and they shall be His 
Majesty's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; and they shall be 
ex officio members of His Majesty's privy council of state. They shall he appointed and 
commissioned by the King and shall be removed by him only uponH vote of want of con- 
fidence passed by a majority of all the elective members of the Legislature, or upon con- 
viction of felony, and' shail be subject to impeachment. No act of the Kin# shall 
have any effect unless it be countersigned by a member of the cabinet, who by that 
signature makes himself responsible. 

I see no good reason for departing from the meaning of this clause 
of the constitution so plainly expressed, and there was at least one 
good reason for doing so — the possibility of a majority of the Legislature 
which contained no material from which to form a cabinet outvoting 
that part of the Legislature from which a cabinet would naturally be 
selected. And again, it implied that Her Majesty could not go outside 
of the house to select her ministers. I consider it a decided advantage 
in the community that the Sovereign should have the privilege of select- 
ing his or her advisers from the whole country. 

The meaning of the constitution is plainly that it is the Queen's 
prerogative to appoint a cabinet, and that of the Legislature to dismiss 
it — not by any scratch vote, but by a majority of all the elective mem- 
bers. 

Over a week passed without arriving at any settlement in the matter 
of forming a cabinet, during all of which time Mr. Peterson and myself 
met the members in caucus, from time to time, without reaching any 
result. 

Mr. Peterson failing to form a cabinet, Her Majesty called upon me> 
on a Saturday, to do so, saying to me that a ministry must be formed 
to meet the house on the Monday morning following, as the tension 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 433 



upon the community was becoming too great. It would have given 
me satisfaction could I have arranged a cabinet to satisfy a majority of 
the caucus, but in the limited time given me it Avas impossible to do so, 
it being evident that Mr. Thurston and his friends did not intend to 
permit the house to be prorogued without having a ministry selected 
from their faction. Accordingly I formed a cabinet which I thought 
would be acceptable to a majority of the assembly and to the community. 

Mr. Thurston and his friends at once attacked the cabinet and imme- 
diately brought in a resolution of want of confidence,which failed to carry. 
In the meantime an election was called to fill the seats made vacant by 
the resignations (on taking cabinet positions) of Mr. Paul Neumann and 
myself as nobles for the island of Oahu. The clear-cut issue in this elec- 
tion was to indorse or not to indorse the ministry. The result of the 
election was the return of Messrs. Maile and Hopkins, who went before 
their constituencies as supporters of the ministry, and who were elected 
by an overwhelmin g majority — the cabinet thereby receiving the indorse- 
ment of a large majorit3 T of the electors for nobles of the island of Oahu. 

No better expression of approval could be asked for by members of a 
representative government than that thus accorded to our cabinet, 
immediately following the defeat of a no-confidence resolution in the 
house. 

This expression of confidence at the polls was the more emphatic, 
coming from the electors of the island of Oahu, who are accorded nine 
noble representatives out of the twenty-four, in deference to their 
property-and-income qualification, and might have been expected to 
lessen the virulence of the opposition. 

Despite this verdict of the noble voters for the island of Oahu, 
which certainly represents the wealth and intelligence of the Kingdom, 
the unreconciled minority persistently pursued their tactics to force out 
the ministry. 

As minister of finance, I had arranged with the two local banks for 
the protection of the depositors in the Postal Savings Bank, and on 
October 12 I informed the assembly that on the following Monday I 
would present the appropriation bill, outlining the financial policy of 
the ministry, and at the same time bringing forward additional reve- 
nue measures. 

On the Monday morning, October 14, before any opportunity had 
been given to introduce the promised bills, a vote of want of confi- 
dence was introduced. Following is a copy of the resolution which 
was introduced by Eepresentative Waipuilani : 

Whereas the present cabinet has not announced or given any intimation or evi- 
dence of any financial policy which will extricate the country from its present dan- 
gerous financial situation; and 

Whereas it is essential to the commercial progress of the country that more favor- 
able treaty relations with the United States be obtained, whereby our products can 
obtain a free market in that country ; and 

Whereas the present cabinet has shown no disposition to favor any such policy, 
and the present head of the cabinet has displayed such conspicuous hostility toward 
the representative of that country in this Kingdom, and the general tone of tbe 
administration has been and is one of opposition and hostility to the United States of 
America and American interests, thereby rendering it improbable that any changes 
in our treaty relations favorable to Hawaii can be negotiated by this cabinet ; an 1 

Whereas the cabinet has given no evidence of any intention to attempt to remedy 
existing scandals in the police department, and have otherwise failed to evince any 
ability to successfully guide the nation through the difficulties and dangers sur- 
rounding it : Therefore, be it 

Resolved, That the Legislature hereby expresses its want of confidence in the 
present cabinet. 

10518 28 



434 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The debate on this resolution was almost altogether taken op with 
the attitude of the cabinet towards the American minister, who bad a 
grievance against the Bulletin newspaper fur publishing reflections on 
his not sending out the Boston in search of a missing American boat's 
crew. Mr. Stevens seemed to think that the cabinet controlled the 
Bulletin — which it did not — and a rather lengthy correspondence took 
place between him and the foreign office on the subject, which ended 
in the attorney-general's entering a suit for libel against the paper, 
after the editor's refusal to publish an apology dictated by the Ameri- 
can minister. 

During the debate I was anxious to have this correspondence read, 
which would have shown that we had tried to meet Mr. Stevens's wishes 
iu every way, but the house would not allow the correspondence to be 
read. I regret that I can not here reproduce the letters, which would 
show a conspicuous absence of the hostility dilated on in the resolu- 
tion. 

I have already said that I was prepared with a financial statement; 
as to the other count in the indictment — alleging scandals in the police 
department — this resolved itself into a demand for the dismissal of the 
marshal; but, though much was said, nothing was proved against him. 
When the reform cabinet took office, the members of it seemed to 
forget how very scandalous the marshal was, for they retained him in 
office during the whole term of their incumbency. 

On Tuesday, November 1, the Cornwell-Xawashi cabinet took office 
and was voted out the same day, no opportunity being afforded to out- 
line a policy. 

On Friday, November 4, Her Majesty called upon Cecil Brown to 
form a cabinet, Mr. Brown not being at the time a member of the 
assembly. This fact, however, did not call forth from Mr. Thurston 
and his friends any protest, as it was well understood that he (Mr 
Brown) would form a ministry that would be acceptable to the reform 
party; the " constitutional principle" which Mr. Thurston and his 
friends had contended for being easily forgotten when occasion 
required. They continued in office simply because they allowed the 
assembly to do as they pleased with the appropriation bill, the result 
being that the grand total of the budget alarmed the assembly and 
produced disaffection, leading up to a vote of want of confidence. The 
vote, however, failed to carry, but a second attempt was made soon 
after, and the cabinet was voted out on the 11th of January, 1893. 
Two days later the Parker-Col burn cabinet took office, and the house 
was prorogued the following day. 

During the time I had a portfolio frequent conferences with Her 
Majesty satisfied me that she was anxious to promote legislation and 
to keep down expenses of government, going so far as to suggest to 
me that the first reduction in the appropriation bill should be made in 
her privy purse and royal state. 

Iu reference to the lottery bill, about which so much has been said 
derogatory to the Queen, it should be said that Her Majesty was quite 
willing to see it fail; but a majority of the members of the Legislature 
had been worked upon by individuals who had circulated petitions 
favoring the establishment of a lottery, and the bill having passed, 
Her Majesty declined to exercise her prerogative in vetoing the bill, 
a prerogative which she refused to avail herself of, excepting upon the 
advice of her constitutional advisers. 

In this connection I should say that the lottery bill was, during my 
brief ministry, in the hands of a committee and did not come up at 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 435 



all for discussion. My colleagues and myself were, However, a unit 
against it, and in negotiating financial assistance for the Government 
I distinctly said so, both to Mr. Damon and Mr. Irwin, the representa- 
tives of the local banks. 

In the matter of the opium bill, there was a division of sentiment on 
the part of the Brown- Wilcox cabinet (reform), two ministers voting 
for aud two against the measure, it being a question upon whicli there 
might be an honest difference of opinion, the opinion being held by a 
large portion of the community that prohibition did not prohibit. 

What followed the prorogation of the Assembly it is not my purpose 
to touch upon. 

I have the honor to remain, sir, your most obedient servant, 

E. C. Macfarlane. 



No. 38. 

Interview ivith George Mundon, of Kealia, Wednesday, April 19. 1SV3. 

Mr. Blount. Do you work for Mr. Blaisdell? 
A. I am hauling wood for him. 
Q. Do you belong to the Annexation Club. 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Are you for annexation ? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Are you for annexation if your people are not allowed free suf- 
frage? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Are a majority of the native population that way ? 
A. No, sir. 

Q. They are opposed to annexation unless they are assured they 
have the right to vote? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Then, is that the case of those in your club? 
A. Yes, sir; that is the case as long as they get their franchise. 
Q. Well, outside of the club, are a majority of the natives for or 
against the Queen, if they had their choice? 
A. I can not say. 

Q. Do not you mingle with them? 

A. Well, before the overthrow of the Government the majority were 
against the Queen's action. 
Q. About the new constitution? 

A. No, not particularly the new constitution, but the way she carried 
on. 

Q. Did they want her dethroned? 

A. I can not say they wanted her dethroned, but they were talking 
against her political actions. 
Q. You were not here during the revolution? 
A. No, sir. 

Q. Did you know anything of the sort was likely to take place ? 

A. I did not think it was going to take place as soon, but I thought 
it would take place. 

Q. What made you think it would take place? 

A. In regard to the way the Government was carried on. It was 
against the wishes of the people. 

Q, What people? 



436 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. Hawaiian people and whites. There was a good deal said about 
it. She would appoint her favorites to office — her cabinet officers. 
Q. What time was this? 

A. I am talking about the time the last legislature was sitting. 
She would appoint ministers — that is her cabinet — the legislature 
would vote them out, and she would take a part of them back again. 
I think we had four or five changes in that way. That was talked 
about greatly. It was against the wishes of the people — and one par- 
ticular point I want to say — it was against my wishes and a majority 
af the Hawaiians, the retaining of our marshal, Charlie Wilson. He 
was always in office. We thought he was an incompetent man. The 
Wilcox cabinet was approved by all of us. We thought it was a good 
cabinet. Through some bribery they were voted out. 

Q. Were you here? 

A. No, sir ; but I take and read the papers. 

Q. Was it from the newspapers you heard there was bribery? 

A. I heard it from friends. W r e knew our representatives were not 
very good men — men of no standing — and especially one named Akina. 
He is half Chinese. He is a lawyer. He came up here with a salary 
of $250. He had a family to support. He was up here six or seven 
months. We knew he could not live on $250, and on his return he 
must have brought down $300 or $400 worth of furniture. 

Q. Any more persons you think were bribed? 

A. I can not say positively that he was bribed ; but there was one of 
our natives, Paul Kanaa — I won't say he was bribed, but he voted 
against the party he went for. 

Q. Hid the Reform party elect him? 

A. Yes, sir. He even voted out the Wilcox cabinet. 

Q. Did he help to vote out any other cabinet before that? 

A. I can not say, but I think that he did. Eumors were sent out to 
Kealia that the United States would send out a Commissioner ; that the 
United States flag was going to be taken down and the Commissioner 
was going to put back the Queen. They felt sorry for the Queen and 
wanted her put back — some of them, not all — some of the ignorant 
people. Down where we live they are not all well posted. 

Q. Are they mostly ignorant? 

A. I can not say they are ignorant. They can all read and write. 
Q. Do they generally speak English or native? 
A. Native; but some of them understand English and speak very 
well? 

Q. How are they generally occupied? 

A. They plant taro; some work on plantations — bullock drivers and 
so on. 

Q. Do they, make their own living generally; they do not beg or 
live at public expense? 

A. No. sir; they all earn their own living. 

Q. Is it generally true of the native population that they do not beg 
nor steal but make their own living? 

A. Yes, sir; they all make their own living. We have no stealing. 
It is a very rare case to have a native up for larceny. 

Q. Who generally commits larceny? 

A. The Chinese. 

Q. How about the Portuguese ? 

A. The Portuguese are very seldom brought before the court. I do 
not think we have Portuguese brought before the court once in a year. 
Q. How about the Japanese ? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 437 
A. Well, very seldom. 

Q. Do they (the Chinese) intermarry with your people some? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Is that generally agreeable to the native population ? 

A. No, sir ; it is against the wishes of the native population.. 

Q. Is there much of it done ? 

A. Well, yes; they manage to get some of the young girls by bribit g 
the parents with money. 
Q. To pay for the girls ? 

A. They do not exactly pay right out, but by giving presents to the 
parents and girls. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate 
report of my interview with Mr. Blount. 

Geo. Mundon. 

Honolulu, April 19, 1893. 



m. 39. 

Interview with Samuel Parker. Honolulu, Thursday afternoon. April 6, 

1893. 

Mr. Blount. Mr. Parker, you are a Royalist, I suppose? 
Mr. Parker. I am. 

Mr. Blount. Will you be kind enough to give me your views of the 
causes which led up to the establishment of the present Government? 

Mr. Parker. My honest opinion is this: I think it never would 
have taken place if the Reform ministry had not been put out. When 
the Wilcox ministry went in the Reform party controlled the Govern- 
ment. I mean by this what they called the Reform ministers. The 
cabinet council consisted of four ministers and the sovereign — the 
Queen, That is my reason for saying when that ministry went in that 
that meant the Government. 

Mr. Blount. In other words the action of the Queen was controlled 
by the ministry? 

Mr. Parker. Yes; by the ministry. 

Mr. Blount. Now, why did the removal of the Reform ministry lead 
to the deposition of the Queen as you understand it ? 

Mr. Parker. The four ministers that came in were not Reform min- 
isters, but were what might be called a fair ministry, being comprised 
of two Hawaiians and two Americans. There was the opium bill and 
the lottery bill — both helped the downfall. They were passed through 
the house during the Wilcox ministry, which was called the Reform 
administration. This opium bill and lottery bill had passed the Legis- 
lature. When we went in Ave advised the Queen to sign the opium 
bill and the lottery bill. The Queen signed it, and it was counter- 
signed by the minister of the interior, and became a law. 

Mr. Blount. What were the reasons for passing the lottery bill I 

Mr. Parker. The same reasons that there were for passing the 
opium bill. There was a money franchise of $500,000 to be paid the 
Government every year. Out of that $500,000 certain amounts were 
to be given to different public institutions. It was to be divided up 
into parts — to the leper hospital so much; I do not remember the 
sum. A proportion was for a telegraphic cable between the United 



438 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLAISDS. 



States and the Islands. It was to "be divided up in that way. We 
thought it would be a benefit to the country. 

Mr. Blount. In the way of revenue for the purposes to which it 
was to be appropriated? 

Mr. Parker. Yes; it was in the bill. Out of the 6500,000 there 
must be so much to this institution and so much to that; so much for 
a railroad, etc. I do not remember the sums. 

Mr. Blount. Who was this franchise voted to? 

Mr. Parker. It was given to four or live men — people living on 
these Islands. The franchise was in their name. It was reported to 
us that it would go to the Louisiana Lottery people, but that was not 
known in the franchise. It was the supposition it was to go to the 
Louisiana Lottery people, or to some syndicate in the United States. 

Mr. Blount. What were the reasons for the opium bill "? 

Mr. Parker. The opium bill was for giving a revenue. Now, as 
there is no license, there is a certain amount of opium being smuggled 
into the Islands. We do not have force to protect our shores. We 
have no revenue cutters as you have in California, and we thought that 
as opium was coming into the country all the time, it would be better 
for the Government to derive some benefit from it; to have the license 
put up at public auction and sold to the highest bidder. It would be 
estimated at from $100,000 to 8200,000 a year. It was discussed thor- 
oughly by the Legislature and carried by a big majority. The Reform 
ministry was divided on that — two in favor and two against it. It 
passed the house by a big majority. 

Mr. Blount. Is it your opinion that this movement would have 
occurred if there had been no effort to proclaim a new constitution? 

Mr. Parker. I think it would. 

Mr. Blount. Why do you think so? 

Mr. Parker. A majority of the capitalists of the town had no confi- 
dence in our ministry. I think it would have come about any way. 
Mr. Blount. Come about soon? 

Mr. Parker. It would have come about, because even when this 
attempt of promulgationof the new constitution was made, we were told 
that they would support us for what we had done — for holding out 
against the Queen in requesting us to sign the new constitution. This 
was said to us at that time — at the time when the Queen was asking us 
to sign it. During the day they had a meeting of the citizens. I mean 
such men as Thurston, Hart well, and leaders of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment. They told us they would back us up. They admired us for 
our pluck in holding out against the Queen's wish. 

Mr. Blount. Would this imply a disposition to take action towards 
dethronement"? 

Mr. Parker. I think it came from the McKinley bill — the first action 
was on account of the McKinley bill. 
Mr. Blount. What do you mean by action ? 

Mr. Parker. They said that unless something is done — closer rela- 
tions with the United States — we are bankrupt. That was long before 
the Legislature came in session. When I first went into the cabinet. 

Mr. Blount. Who do you mean said this ? 

Mr. Parker. A majority of the sugar men. Those now at the head 
of the Provisional Government — capitalists and planters. They said 
that something must be done to get closer relations with the United 
States to hold us up ; with sugar down to #45 and $50 a ton, something 
ought to be done; a commercial treat}' or something ought to be negoti- 
ated with the American people. 



RETORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 439 



Mr. Blount. The question of annexation was not presented then, 
was it? 

Mr. Parker. jSTo; the question was how could we get any commer- 
cial treaty with the McKinley bill in force. That was the talk of a 
commercial treaty with the United States to benefit these islands. 

First the opium bill; then came the lottery : then came the promulga- 
tion of the new constitution. That, perhaps, hurried matters. I was 
the trusted party on one side, and it was never broached to me in that 
way. I suppose those causes brought it about. You see our Queen 
had already issued a .proclamation, countersigned by our ministry, that 
she would never do anything. 

Mr. Blount. Of what sort ? 

Mr. Parker. Of bringing about a new constitution. This was on 
Saturday or Sunday morning. 
Mr. Parker here presented this memorandum of Mr. Peterson : 

On Sunday evening, January 15, 1893, at 6 : 30 o'clock, Mr. L. A. Thurston came to 
my house in company with J. F. Holburn, minister of the interior. He said he 
wished to hare a talk with me, He said the committee on safety had had a meet- 
ing- the night before and had come to the conclusion that things could not go on as 
atpresent, and that the committee had decided that the Queen should be dethroned 
and a provisional government established. He said that Mr. Stevens would land 
his troops and support the movement, if a proclamation to that effect was issued 
from any building in town. He then asked Mr. Colbert and me if we would, with- 
out consulting with our colleagues, take control of the situation, and in our own 
names ask the American minister to assist in carrying out their proclamation. We 
declined, 

Mr. Parker. In the memorandum of the meeting I omitted the 
statement he (Mr. Colbourn) made about "Parker being a treacherous 
liar, etc." Did not want to think we were trying to take advantage. 
I told them not to put that in the memorandum. 

Mr. Blount. Was there any movement, any effort on the part of 
the Queen or her ministers or friends to induce Mr. Stevens to take 
action in the interest of her Government ? 

Mr. Parker. Yes; Mr. Peterson and myself called on Mr. Stevens. 
As to what occurred in this connection this memorandum discloses : 

On Sunday evening, January 15, at half past 7 o'clock, Mr. Samuel Parker, Her Maj- 
esty's minister of foreign affairs, and myself, as attorney-general, called upon J. L. 
Stevens, American minister, at his residence, to talk over the situation and to obtain, 
if possible, from Mr. Stevens the stand he, on behalf of his Government, would take 
in the event of an armed insurrection against the Queen's Government, at the same 
time informing him that Her Majesty's Government were perfectly capable of deal- 
ing with the situation. Mr. Stevens stated that he desired to protect the Govern- 
ment, and advised Her Majesty's Government not to resign, but said, in answer to a 
direct question put to him by me, that in case the Government called upon him for 
assistance he did not see how he could assist them as long as C. E. Wilson remained 
marshal of the Kingdom, terming Mr. Wilson a scoundrel. 

The only reason given by Mr, Stevens for this position taken by him was that Mr. 
Wilson had caused the arrest of his (Mr. Stevens's) Chinese coachman for carrying 
concealed weapons, although Mr. Stevens stated that he had other matters against 
Mr. Wilson which he did not state. After which Mr. Parker and myself left. 

On Tuesday afternoon, January 17, at 2 o'clock, Mr. Parker and myself again 
called upon Mr. Stevens at his residence in Xuuanu Valley to learn if possible the 
truth of the statements made publicly by the leading members of the so-called com- 
mittee of safety to the effect that Mr. Stevens had promised that if a proclamation 
declaring a provisional government was issued he (Mr. Stevens), on behalf of his Gov- 
ernment, would immediately recognize such Government and support ir with the 
United States forces at his command. 1 asked Mr. Stevens what action would be 
taken by him (Mr. Stevens) in case the insurgents attacked Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment and the Government- called upon him for assistance. 

Mr. Stevens replied that in that case he could not come to the assistance of the 
Government. I then asked Mr. STc-\ens what his action would be in case Her Majes- 
ty's Government should treat the insurgents as rebels and attack them and arrest 
them. Mr. Stevens replied that in that case he should feel it his duty to interfere 



440 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



with the force at his command. Mr. Stevens further said thnt he had made up his 
mind that if any number of what he considered responsible citizens should ask hi* 
assistance in establishing a provisional government he should grant that assistance 
and should recognize them as such and support them. Mr. Stevens, during this con- 
versation, was lying on a sofa in his private office and spoke with difficulty, as if in 
a weak and exhausted state. At 2:30 o'clock Mr. Parker and I left Mr. Stevens and 
proceeded to the station house, the headquarters of Her Majesty's cabinet and Gov- 
ernment. 

A. P. Petei:sox. 

Mr. Parker. At 5 o'clock Monday the troops were lauded. When 
I found out they were on shore I went up to the club and found the 
governor. 

Mr. Blount. Who was the governor? 

Mr. Parker. Mr. Cleghorn. There was a little complication in our 
military law. We were really both at the head of the military. 
Mr. Blount. You were secretary of state ? 

Mr. Parker, I was secretary of the foreign office — what we called 
minister of foreign affairs. I was responsible for all money paid out to 
the military, but the governor was supposed to be commander in chief. 
Our military laws are complicated in that way. 

Mr. Blount. You went up to protest against the landing of the troops 
to Mr. Stevens. What did Mr. Stevens say? 

Mr. Parker. I said: "What does this all mean?" He said: "I 
gave orders." 

Mr. Blount. The next thing was your formal protest, and that you 
will hand us. 

Mr. Parker. I do not know whether I can do it. 
Mr. Blount. What was the substance of it? 

Mr. Parker. The substance was that he ought to have notified us 
in accordance with international law. Hastings wrote it. I got the 
governor to make a protest, too, so that he could not say he got author- 
ity. This was on Monday evening. 

Mr. Blount. What day was the Provisional Government proclaimed ? 

Mr. Parker. On Tuesday. 

Mr. Blount. At what hour. 

Mr. Parker. About 4 o'clock, I think. 

Mr. Blount. When that was done, what action was taken by the 
Queen — when the troops were landed? 

Mr. Parker. The troops were landed on Monday and the protest 
was made on Tuesdaj", and ou Tuesday I had a meeting of the Diplo- 
matic Corps. I invited them to come. There was Mr. Woodhouse, the 
British minister; Mr. Carnavara, the Portuguese minister; Mr. Viz- 
avona, the French minister, and Mr. Fugii, the Japanese minister, 
present. We asked their advice on the subject. The advice from 
them was to offer no resistance. Mr. Stevens did not come. He sent 
word that he was not well enough. 

Mr. Blount. Was that after the proclamation? 

Mr. Parker. T$o ; before. 

Mr. Blount. In this consultation it was assumed that the Provi- 
sional Government would be proclaimed and you were advised to offer 
no resistance. 

Mr. Parker. I think that was it. We had heard there was going 
to be trouble. 

Mr. Blount. You said the Diplomatic Corps advised no resistance. 

Mr. Parker. Yes; not to have any bloodshed, because they all knew 
we had a big force. We had seen Mr. Stevens before. Mr. Stevens 
had told us that they would not assist us. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 441 

Mr. Blount. Did he say who he would assist? 

Mr. Parker. I think that will appear in our memorandum. He con- 
sidered the committee of safety represented the capitalists — represented 
the people — the responsible people. 

Mr. Blount. Does that appear in your paper ? 

Mr. Parker. I think so. 

Mr. Blount. Won't you please state the circumstances attending 
the conference between the cabinet and the Queen about signing the 
new constitution 1 ? 

, Mr. Parker. Before the Legislature met that Saturday morning we 
were asked to come there and meet her, in the first part of the day. 

Mr. Blount. You had met her in the morning? 

Mr. Parker. ISTo; this was the day when the Legislature was pro- 
rogued. In the morning she asked us to come there to talk about this 
situation. I arrived there first, but my colleagues were late. I 
waited for them. Nine o'clock or ten, I do not remember exactly, was 
the hour for the Legislature to meet at Legislature Hall. When my 
colleagues arrived we had to go right out without having a meeting. 
In the meantime she had stated that she wanted us to come there in 
order to sign the new constitution. I said: "Your Majesty, we have 
not seen the new constitution." It will be time enough, she said, when 
you come here. I will show it to you and your colleagues. She asked 
me to be there soon after the prorogation of the Legislature. Just 
then my colleagues came up to the palace. I said: "Your Majesty, we 
have no time. We have to be at the Legislature now." 1 told my 
colleagues we had to go right over to the hall. We left her. 

On the way, I told them that the Queen was requesting us to be 
there at such and such a time for the promulgation of the new consti- 
tution; I said I had not seen it and that I had told her we could not 
do anything until we first read it. That was what I told my col- 
leagues. After the Legislature was prorogued someone said to me 
that the diplomatic corps would like to meet the cabinet before they 
went over. Of course, I did not know what was up. It seemed that 
a rumor had got down town that the Queen was going to promulgate 
a new constitution. Bumors got out, and the diplomatic corps 
wanted to ask me if it was so. I said it was a fact. I had not seen 
the constitution, but the Queen had requested me to be there with my 
colleagues. I told them I had not seen the constitution and had no 
idea what kind of document it was. We all assured them that we 
would not consent to sign the constitution and then we went over to 
the palace. 

We went into the blue room. She said " I sent for you gentlemen; 
I was requested by my people to promulgate a new constitution. I 
want you gentlemen to sign it or to consent to it." They all looked to 
me. I said: "Your Majesty, we have not read the constitution, but 
before we read it, you must know it is a revolutionary act. It can not 
be done." She said: "Bead it,- see what it is." On that point we 
said, after we had read it: "We advise you to give it up — not to think 
any more about it." By that time she got pretty well excited, and 
some of my colleagues said: "If you insist upon it, we will resign." I 
said: "Now, gentlemen, if you will walk out into the next room, I 
will have a few words with her Majesty." They went out. I talked 
to her, but of course she said that it was her people's wish, and so 
many thousand signatures had been sent in. She said: "I have 
thought over the matter carefully, and think that I ought to give them 
a new constitution." 



442 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

I told lier I would not and my colleagues would not ag'ee to it. 
There were a good many words passed between us. She said: " WJiy 
don't you resign." I said I would not resign unless it was according to 
law. When I got down to Government house there was Mr. Thurston, 
Mr. Hartwell, and Mr. Smith, the attorney-general there, and a great 
many others for consultation in regard to this. They all complimented 
us; said they would give us all assistance, etc. I told my colleagues 
they might as well go over with me. They went over and persuaded 
her (the Queen) to give it up. 

Mr. Blount. Was this Monday? 

Mr. Parker. This was Saturday. 

Mr. Blount. She agreed to give it up that night? 

Mr. Parker. Yes ; that day. I do not know exactly the words she 
used. On Sunday we called on some influential people around town, 
Mr. Damon, vice-president of the Provisional Government, and half a 
dozen other prominent men. We knew they were friends of the Queen 
and friends of the people, and they thought if the Queen would come 
with some proclamation of some kind and assure the people that she 
would give up all idea of the promulgation of a new constitution that, 
they thought the people would be satisfied. That was on Sunday after- 
noon. Some thought we ought to have the committee of thirteen 
arrested, but I thought it was not necessary. 

On Sunday night we prepared a document for her to sign, and Mon- 
day morning I went there about half past 8. She was at break- 
fast. I showed her this document. I said I wanted her to sign: the 
cabinet advised her to sign the proclamation, and I would have it 
brought up. I had had it set up at the printing office, so that it would 
be ready to be struck off by thousands. The copy was made out at my 
office. She signed it and it was given out to the public and a copy sent 
to the diplomatic corps. A little later on they thought that we ought 
to have sent a special one to the diplomatic corps. So we got up another 
in a little different wording and sent them to the diplomatic corps 
addressed to them. 

Mr. Blount. When was the Provisional Government determined on "l 

Mr. Parker. I do not think it was given out to the public. There 
was nothing spoken of in public about the Provisional Government. 
That was kept secret. They had a meeting on Saturday night. We 
got hold of it that they were talking about this dethronement, and on 
Sunday it was substantiated. I for one have talked to the people and 
have also advised the Queen not to make any demonstrations whatever 
against the Provisional Government, as it was understood that it was 
only to be a temporary government until the matter was settled by the 
United States. If it was permanent I do not think it will work. 

Mr. Blount. Why? 

Mr. Parker. The head is all right, but it does not go to prove that 
what they do will be heeded by him. Now, the parties that consist of 
that Provisional Government outside of Damon, Dole, and Allen, and 
one or two others, are not men of standing, men of such stamp as would 
not carry weight in any country. That is the kind of men who are 
making our laws. I do not think the representative men here would 
want to live under such a government, with such men at the helm, if 
it was permanent. I was a member of the board of health. I would 
not take the oath to support this Provisional Government. I was min- 
ister under the Queen. I was using all my influence among my peo- 
ple to keep quiet, to keep the peace, and to assist all we can in keeping 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 443 

everything quiet until it is settled for annexation, protectorate, or 
whatever the case may be. 

Mr. Blount. What is the feeling of the majority of the people here? 

Mr. Parkee. Among the Hawaiians it is for the restoration of the 
Queen. That is my own feeling, and I think I speak for the people, too. 

Mr. Blount. You have a table of the registered native voters for 
1890. What is the total vote there ! 

Mr. Paekee. About 0,000 votets in all. Out of that I will say if it 
was secured — a valid vote — out of 9,000 there would be 8,000 in favor 
*>f restoration. 

Mr. Blount. Native population? 

Mr. Paekee. Yes. 

Mr. Blount. How would you class all other voters besides those 
you have named? 

Mr. Paekee. Foreign voters. I think they would be divided. I 
would not want to express my opinion. The majority would be for 
annexation. That is my opinion — among foreign voters. 

Mr. Blount. What would be your opinion as to the majority, if the 
13,000 votes were all polled; how many of them would be for royalty, 
and how many against? 

Mr. Paekee. I say in regard to royalty — I suppose out of 13,000, I 
would put it 10,000 for restoration. 

Mr. Blount. Suppose you take a little time and make some figures. 

Mr. Parker, There are 9,000 native voters. When I speak of 
natives I know, but when I talk of foreigners I am at a loss. I know 
most are for annexation, except perhaps a few English and other 
nationalities. The Englishmen are naturally prejudiced. I can 
speak for Hawaiians, but would not want to give my opinion on for- 
eigners. I would put it, out of 9,551 native voters 8,500 would be in 
favor of it (royalty) and 1,000 against it, among Hawaiians. One-fourth 
of the foreigners would be for the restoration of the Queen, I think, 
but it might not be as much as that. 

Mr. Blount. You wanted to qualify a while ago in what you said 
about the restoration of the Queen. 

Mr. Parker. The restoration of the Queen under an American pro- 
tectorate would be a more stable government than the old regime. 
There is a feeling that unless we are under some country like the 
United States it would be the same old revolutionary trouble coming 
up all the time. I do not think it would be a very stable government. 
There is a certain class of people here — a certain class like the Ger- 
mans and Portuguese. They say, u Give us a revolution and it will give 
us something to do — give us a dollar and a half or two dollars a day." 
1 understand the Provisional Government is paying $10 a month and 
found. That class of people would sooner have a revolution night in 
and night out. So that I say I do not think it will ever be a stable gov- 
ernment unless we are under a protectorate. If we are under a pro- 
tectorate I say let it be the United States. I do not say this because 
you are the American Commissioner. 

Mr. Blount. Your idea is that a majority of the people are for the 
Queen, but that if the Queen were reinstated she would not be able to 
maintain permanent order here without the sanction of her authority 
by a protectorate, say, of the United States? 

Mr. Parker. That is what T think. I have not talked with the 
Queen on the subject ; that would be my advice to her. I would not 
accept the same position I had before the revolution unless there was a 
protectorate. If she said: U I want you to be in the same position you 



444 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



held before IMs revolution took place — minister of foreign affairs," f 
would say, "no; unless you have it under a protectorate." It is no use 
looking to England, Japan, France, or Germany. All our benefits are 
derived from the United States. 

* Mr. Blount. What is the feeling of your people on tbe question of 
their right of suffrage '-. 

Mr. Parker. The right of suffrage means of course a great deal r<. 
the Hawaiian people. If they were admitted as the District of ( 'o- 
lumbia, which has no vote, the natives would not like it. It would be 
an eyesore to them. They want suffrage. 

Mr. Blount. Is there any apprehension in their minds about the 
question of suffrage? 

Mr. Parker. Yes; they are very well posted on that. 

Mr. Blount. Is there any apprehension that the friends of the Pro- 
visional Government contemplate any deprivation of the right of 
suffrage? 

Mr. Parker. Yes; it was given out that the natives could not be 
trusted and it was out in native papers just as quick as it was in other 
papers. There was a howl when they heard that; when young men, 
nursed by Hawaiian women, as they said, would ever live to work 
against the interests of Hawaiian people. I said to the people that 
we could not expect to be under a monarchical government all the 
time; a change is bound to come some day. Every day this thing 
becomes more apparent. The native race is decreasing every year. 

Mr. Blount. Would you please state the cause of that \ 

Mr. Parker. That has been brought up in the legislature year after 
year, and all the conclusions we could come to was that we are like all 
dark races — that they go out when the white man comes in. It is a 
problem why we should die out. I have eight children, and many 
others have as many. If all other Kanakas should have two children 
each we should increase very much. I can not account for the decrease. 

Mr. Blount. Is it a fact that they do not have so many children as 
other people here? 

Mr. Parker. Oh no; I can show you a dozen of my stamp. I have 
eight children, another five, and so on. I am seven -eighths native; my 
wife is seven-eighths. That is nearly all Hawaiian, with little foreign 
blood in it. 

Mr. Blount. Children are born, but not raised? 

Mr. Parker. Yes ; they are careless. It is a customary thing for 
Hawaiian women to give birth to a child this morning and then ride 
out horseback in the afternoon. The better class, though, go under 
proper treatment. I have been married twenty-one years. With our 
first child my wife was in bed nine days. My aunt said, why should 
she lie in bed so long? When she gave birth to her first child she was 
out the next day. 

The Hawaiian s are good breeders, but they are careless. When the 
children get fevers they give them cold baths. When the smallpox 
was here, about 1881, some 400 or 500 natives died. Other nation- 
alities very few. Natives will sit in draft or jump into a bath if they 
are fevered. They are very careless in that way. 

Mr. Blount. You said awhile ago that the native vote, as expressed 
in secret ballot, would not show the same opinion as if they were asked 
to sign a petition. 

Mr. Parker. It would never be the same. 

Mr. Blount. Why? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 445 



Mr. Parker. You. take the plantations. Every plantation lias more 
or less men under them. They look np to the owner of an estate as to 
a little king, or as their guardian, and they would sign any petition 
that he wanted them to do. Mr. Spreckles has 300 native laborers. 
They would all favor the side he did. Mr. Eentre was in favor of 
restoring the Queen. Everyone of the people on his plantation signed 
a petition for restoration. They worshiped him. If I was for annex- 
ation, every one of the people in my employ would sign it. All laborers 
would do exactly as the overseers wanted. They say the Queen is our 
Queen. But supposing they had to do it in secret ballot ; they would 
say, we want restoration. The Wilder Steamship Company, rank annex- 
ationists, employ natives. They could intimidate these natives. If you 
gave them a secret ballot they would vote as they felt. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and find it to be a correct report 
of my interview with Col. Blount. 

After the trooi>s were landed I met Mr. Thurston, and laughing at 
me, he said, "Who ordered those troops ashore ?" 1 replied. " I don't 
know. I suppose your committee of safety had it done." 

My impression was that they were landed in the interest of the 
movement of the committee of safety. 

Samuel Parker. 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 15, 1893, 



T$o. 40. 

Statement of the Hawaiian Patriotic League, 

His Excellency Grover Cleveland, 

President of the United States of America : 
Sir: The undersigned are the officers and executive committee of 
the Hui Hawaiian Aloha Aina (Hawaiian Patriotic League), a political 
association, with branches in every district of the Kingdom, repre- 
senting, together with a large following of foreigners, over 7,500 native- 
born Hawaiian qualified voters throughout the islands (out of a total 
of 13,000 electors), and to which is annexed a woman's branch of over 
11,000 members. 

This league was formed for the purpose of uniting the efforts of all 
who love this country as an independent commonwealth, and of insur- 
ing by all legitimate methods the perpetuation of the autonomy of the 
Hawaiian Kingdom and the restoration of its legitimate sovereign, 
Queen Liliuokalani, who was ruthlessly and wantonly deposed by a mob 
of foreign filibusters, abetted by the United States minister resident 
and shielded by the United States forces, which were by him landed 
on their behalf, in violation of all international laws. 

The Queen, though having ample force to quell the insurgents, 
yielded her throne, not to them, but "to the superior forces of the 
United States," in order to avoid useless bloodshed. She then appealed 
to the Government of the great Bepublic for justice and redress, and 
she carefully instructed her people to quietly submit to the rule of the 
usurping Proi isional Government pending the result of her appeal. 



446 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Our patriotic league, following the Sovereign's intentions, has also 
repeatedly warned its members to keep the peace, under every prov- 
ocation, and await with patience the judgment of the United States 
Government; and while we can boast of having up to the present time 
successfully subdued every popular tendency for agitation or armed 
resistance, we must also proclaim, to the credit of the Hawaiian peo- 
ple, that they have behaved with a discipline, a decorum, and a for- 
bearance which we believe no other nation on earth would nave shown 
under similar circumstances, that of a country not conquered, but con- 
fiscated by a faction of aliens. 

But it is now already several months that the Provisional Govern- 
ment have assumed the reins and instated, under the protection of the 
American flag, a true pretorian tyranny, without any regard for pop- 
ular rights and wishes or for constitutional principles. And the peo- 
ple's patience is wearing out, looking anxiously for a solution from the 
United States Government (hitherto our great friend and constant 
protector) and expecting by every incoming mail some action, no sign 
of which is yet forthcoming. 

In the mean while the situation here is growing highly unsatisfac- 
tory — every day worse — and loud complaints are heard from all sides. 
The Provisional Government have succeeded in making themselves 
unpopular even with their adherents, and their rule is becoming daily 
more odious to the natives, who are not even granted the shadow of a 
representation in their councils. The Hawaiian s generally are being 
dismissed from public service to make room for hungry foreigners, 
adherents of the Provisional Government; and, as if to incite a revolt, 
the native feelings have been purposely aggravated by the desecration 
of the royal palace and by numerous other instances of petty despo- 
tism, which can not fail to be galling to the real citizens of this country. 
In their administration they are exceeding all the possible rights of a 
provisional government in repealing statutes made by the lawful rep- 
resentative Legislature and enacting an interminable string of new 
laws, some of which are simply useless or childish though vexatious, 
others really obnoxious. In their financial policy the Provisional 
Government compromise the future to meet the present extravagant 
wants, hoping that u Uncle Sam will pay the bills." 

All public works and improvements are virtually at a standstill, 
whilst they are squandering the public funds in the maintenance of a 
mercenary soldiery, recruited from runaway sailors, escaped criminals 
from other countries, or other bad characters from the slums of San 
Francisco, who are extravagantly paid and live luxuriously at the 
expense of the honest taxpayer. And the money thus wasted could 
be used to much better advantage at the present time by furnishing 
useful work to the deserving and suffering laboring classes. 

All these and other substantial grounds for the general discontent 
make it an uncontrovertible fact that the Provisional Government are 
incapable of maintaining themselves in power except through the 
help and propping up of the United States Government. Left.to their 
own resources they would not be saved, even by their large force of 
alien mercenaries, who are their only supporters, but who remain so 
prudently, cautiously, intrenched in the royal palace, trembling every 
night for fear of some attack, the idea even of which has never yet 
been entertained by the royalists. 

But the obvious and utter weakness and unpopularity of our self- 
assumed administration have thrown a general veil of uncertainty and 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 447 

■s 

uneasiness on the whole country, whereby all transactions are para- 
lyzed and the value of real estate reduced to naught, even the Gov- 
ernment bonds, which have always been above par, having lost nearly 
10 per cent. Every kind of business has become seriously depressed, 
the working classes are suffering for want of work, and the wheels of 
progress and industry are stopped, threatening stagnation and dis- 
aster, whereby all classes are becoming impatient, the natives chafing 
under the insults of the Provisional Government and beginning to talk 
of revolt, and the foreign element of our league beginning to press for 
relief from a situation which has evoked many bitter enmities. 

To render the matter still more serious the time is waxing near when 
the taxes are becoming due, and there is a general disposition to refuse 
to pay any money to the present government until things are settled 
by the United States' decision. Of course a general* refusal of taxes 
would precipitate serious complications; but, as the situation is now, 
already it is only through the greatest vigilance that the patriotic 
league manages to repress the feelings of its members. And if the 
present condition continues a while longer the result may be an out- 
burst that the patriotic league, hitherto the leading influence of the 
country, will be unable to prevent, and lives and property may be 
jeopardized. 

Truly, therefore, may it be said that the situation is growing intoler- 
able and delay unbearable j and there will be, there can be, no relief 
until the United States Government has determined our future, and 
thereby a permanent legal government has been put in power here. 

Under the circumstances, which the public press openly and justly 
qualifies as "disastrous and deplorable," we, the undersigned, are 
moved, in answer fco our league's wish, to take the liberty of address- 
ing your excellency, through your accredited minister here, Hon. J. H. 
Blount, and of respectfully saying that since the fate of our little 
kingdom and its inhabitants is in your hands, we do humbly pray 
that a speedy solution may be reached to avoid impending calamities, 
and so that we may once more enjoy the blessings of peace, prosperity, 
and a proper government. 

That the natives have as yet been quiet, apparently apathetic, must 
not be construed as meaning that they are gradually accepting the 
new order of things, by which they are deprived of all their rights in 
their own country. They are simply waiting, in their simple faith in 
the generosity and honor of the most liberal and honorable Govern- 
ment of the w r orld; and they expect justice, id est, restoration of their 
legitimate sovereign. And the American Government must now be 
sufficiently well informed of the enormous injustice committed against 
this defenseless and peaceful nation, so that it seems to us that little 
or no doubt can yet be entertained by any impartial mind as to what 
ought to be the proper course for dealing with the "fails accomplish 
here, and no doubt as to the true royalist sentiments of the large 
majority of our people. 

But ©wing, as we represent, to the gathering storm, all good citi- 
zens are anxious that no more delay than actually unavoidable should 
now occur in the settling of this matter; and, therefore, if it is consid- 
ered by your Government necessary for the question to be referred to 
Congress, we do respectfully, but most earnestly, fervidly beseech, in 
the name of our people, that it be submitted if possible to this now 
coming extra session. 

And we further pray that Almighty God will vouchsafe you and 



448 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



your Government his divine guidance in assisting you to deal fairly 
and justly with an unhappy nation, whose sole hope lies in you. 
Most respectfully, your excellency's humble servants, 

(Signed) J. A. Cummings, Honorary President 

Joseph Nawahi, President. 

J no. E. Bush, Vice-President. 

J. W. Bihikana, Vice-President. 

John LoleKaulukou, Vice-President. 

J. E. KAUNAUIANO, Vice-President. 

j awes k. merseburg. 

John Kapumawaho Prendergast. 

Abraham K. Palekaluhi. 

Sam'l K. Akt. 

H. 8. Swinton. 

Jas. K. Katjlia, Secretary. 

S. M. KAAUKAI. 

"VV. L. HOLOKAHTKr. 

Jno. Sam. Kikukahiko. 

L. W. P. Kauealii. 

J. Kektpi. 

F. S. Keikl 

J. Mahiai Kaneakua. 

Honolulu, July 15 , ISO 3. 



No. 41. 

Statement of the Hawaiian Patriotic League. 

MEMORIAL ON THE HAWAIIAN CRISIS 

I. — Generative causes. 

The strongest argument of the men who, for personal aims, crave for 
the overthrow of the Hawaiian national monarchy, is that the natives 
are incapable of self-government, and to this flimsy and false argu- 
ment the United States minister resident, J. L. Stevens, as a com- 
plaisant echo, adds that the natives are always " misled by unscrupu- 
lous hoodlum foreigners,'' "unscrupulous hoodlum"' being apparently 
Mr. Stevens' pet diplomatic qualification for every man who does not 
agree with his diplomatic friends and accomplices. 

The historian's ready answer to these calumnies is that ever since 
the pacification of the country, which followed Kamehameha's con- 
quests, the natives when left alone have had a most satisfactory, peace- 
ful, and progressive Government, while all the dissensions, riots, and 
troubles recorded in the annals of these islands have ever been by or 
through foreigners seeking to wrench the power and wealth from the 
poor natives, these being ever the peaceful and patient sufferers thereby, 
not "misled," but terrorized and oppressed. 

As it can be seen, even in Alexander's Brief History, all political 
difficulties experienced by our native Government in the past, up to 
the present one, have been through foreign extortion and violence, begin- 
ning with the outrages committed by whalers and lawless sailors or 
adventurers down to the intemperate domineering pretensions of for- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 449 



eign representatives, so that a rapid review of ancient history will 
serve to shed a true light on the present situation. 

The unjustifiable seizure of the islands by Lord Paulet (1843), some 
features of which are not very different from our present situation, was 
brought about by the high-handed enforcement of trumped-up charges 
and claims by the English consul Charlton, and the French incident 
in 1849 was caused by Consul Dillon's arrogance. As Alexander's 
history states it, "for years the Honolulu community was kept in a 
state of turmoil by consular grievances/' and in 184(3 a table of such 
grievances, prepared by order of the Legislature, "formed a roll 120 
feet long." Every consul, and more prominently at one time the United 
States Commissioner Brown, insisted on " the right of diplomatic inter- 
ference with the internal affairs of the Kingdom," and of "ready access 
to the person of the Sovereign." (Alex., 261.) It would now seem that 
in those early times the various powers represented here were vying 
with each other to seize any pretext which might give them a shadow 
of right for taking possession of these desirable and coveted islands, 
so that the late policy of Minister Stevens and Capt. Wiltse, of lying 
in ambush and waiting for the most trival pretext to jump on the native 
Government, has not even the merit of being original with them. 

Fortunately, in the past, the various great powers have been gen- 
erous, disinterested, and honorable enough to disown the political cupid- 
ity of their agents, and this is one of the reasons why the natives 
to-day are so patient and peaceful; they know that the great American 
Republic is the most honorable and generous of all nations, and takes 
the lead in all just and liberal ideas, moreover they have such an inborn 
faith in and respect for the United States Government, whom they 
have been taught by their early teachers to regard as their best friend 
and natural protector, that they can not be otherwise than confident 
that history will only repeat itself and that their precious independence 
will not be less respected by America than it has been by England 
and France. 

This confidence is all the more justifiable, as this is not the first 
time that the country has been disturbed by some annexation craze. 
In 1853 things here reached such a crisis that the foreigners then 
living in Honolulu, and " especially men recently arrived from California 
thought that 'the times were ripe,' and organized with the view of 
forcing on King Kamehameha III, annexation to the United States; 
'petitions in favor of it were circulated and signed and strong commer- 
cial interests used for its furtherance;'" and stranger yet to say the 
King got to be "so tired of demands made on him by foreign powers, 
and of threats by filibusters from abroad, and by conspirators at home 
to overturn the national government" that he himself declared in favor 
of annexation "as a refuge from impending dangers." (Alexander.) 
But fortunately, at that time, the last remaining faithful missionaries 
of the old stock strongly opposed the project, believing "that its effects 
would be disastrous to the native race" (Alex., 277), and the honest 
American diplomats of the period indorsed that opinion. And here, 
let it be said to their honor, the early American missionaries have ever 
been found on the side of the rightful native authorities, advising them 
and helping them to resist foreign aggressions, and being allowed in 
consequence full political control. Even to-day, faithful to their orig- 
inal mission, the Eoman Catholic and Anglican clergies are still found 
on the side of the native independent government,* 

*The fact of these two religious denominations not being fa vorable to annexation 
may make it interesting to add here a statistical note about tbe approximate distri- 

10518 29 ' 



450 KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



But the descendants of the early American missionaries have turned 
against the honorable traditions of their fathers; they only attend to 
the natives now to negotiate some ironclad mortgage deed, and they no 
longer care whether or not the "effects of annexation would be disas 
trous to the native race," although the old reasons therefor are just as 
patent now as forty years ago. Further than that, they have not only 
ceased to be the trustworthy advisers and helpers of royal authority, 
but they have been bent solely on using all their moral and financial 
influence to grasp the administrative power for the furtherance of their 
own ends and interests, and from these men arise all the present 
troubles. 

This change in the morality of the missionary descendants came to 
its climax through sugar, and it may here be said that sugar has been 
a curse to these favored islands, making some few men — foreigners — 
immensely rich, but impoverishing the masses, the natives especially, 
and bringing about corruption and greed, and political venality 
unknown to the converts of the early missionaries. 

The sugar greed was of long and gradual growth, the early efforts to 
give it an impetus by appealing to American generosi ty having repeat- 
edly failed through the prudence of Congress; and it can be safely said 
that just prior to the season of extraordinary financial prosperity that 
followed the treaty at last granted in 1870, by the kindness of our great 
and good friend, the Republic of the United States of America, all the 
old foreign complications had worn out, so that the native Government 
was running smoothly and our people at large were living in peace aud 
in greater harmony than they have ever since. It was a time when we 
had less wealth and less selfishness, but more quiet contentment. 

The divergence of sentiment and lack of harmony came about through 
the ambition, the sordid desire of foreign residents and sons of mission- 
aries to accumulate great wealth and grow suddenly rich. To accom- 
plish this end the few who had the advantage in lands, money, aud 
friends saw that the main point for them was to control the Govern- 
ment, so as to secure the special legislation necessary to carry out their 
designs, and especially to procure the indispensable cheap labor and 
keep them down under labor laws equivalent to slavery. To this fac- 
tion this country owes the undesirable and un-American introduction 
of Chinese, Japanese, and the still more ignorant and illiterate Portu- 
guese. Millions of public money, under the fallacious pretext of 
"encouragement to immigration," have been spent for the sole purpose 
of bringing in laborers for the planters, and even the voyage around 
the world of King Kalakaua was made use of to try to obtain Indian 

"tuition of the population according to religious beliefs, and it must be taken as very 
significant that, in the last census, the religious element was left out altogether, 
for the reason that the missionary party who presided^ over the operations of the 
census could not allow their decline to be made public together with the ascend- 
ancy of their rivals. In the absence of other authorities, the Catholic clergy claim 
30,000 adherents on these islands, about 18,000 being natives, out of a total of 40,000; 
aud as the Anglicans, Mormons and Seventh-Day Adventists also claim quite a num- 
ber of converts, it is thus seen that very considerably less than 22,000 natives remain 
uuder the spiritual sway of the annexationists' faction, and, moreover, it could easily 
be ascertained from the missionary publications that, within the last few years, the 
Hawaiian communicants reported by their churches have diminished in the propor- 
tion of about 90 per cent (2,200 against 21,000), the reason of this is solely the anti- 
patriotic anti-HaAvaiian anti-loyal attitude assumed by the missionary churches and 
their schools, wherein teaching' the children to pray for the country and sovereign 
has been discontinued. Even in the Kamehameha industrial school, founded with 
the money of the last of that illustrious native family, the pupils are taught rank 
republicanism and disloyalty to their country and race, and forced to sigu the 
annexation pledge. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 451 



coolies under British jurisdiction, which would have made this country 
practically an English colouy, had it not been for the veto of the 
American Government, and yet the idea was not entirely abandoned, 
for only a year ago Mr. Marsden, one of the commissioners who went 
to Washington to beg for annexation, was sent to India to try to revive 
the matter, and he reported in favor of it. 

This goes to show the reason why so many annexationists in the 
country have alternately shifted from loyal Hawaiians to rank annex- 
ationists, according to what appeared most expedient for their purposes 
or gain; thus it can be safely said that few indeed is the number of 
those who want annexation for mere patriotism; for the majority, it is 
essentially a question of dollars and cents they think they can make 
out of Uncle Sam, and even to-day, many of the hottest annexationists 
would turn right over to any other power if they had any prospect of 
making more money by such a change. 

Through the American reciprocity treaty of 1876, which was granted 
essentially with the idea of benefiting especially the aborigines, 
American gold began to roll in by millions into the coffers of the plant- 
ers, who were thus enabled to i>ay usurious interests to our bankers 
and capitalists, large commissions (as high as 7 per cent) on all sales 
and purchases to the commission merchants, the balance of the profits 
still constituting princely incomes, with which the planters were enabled 
to travel abroad with their families, while the silent authors of this 
untold wealth — the poor laborers — got barely enough to cover their naked- 
ness and food enough to give them sufficient strength for their daily 
task. 

This inhuman and immoral system could not last eternally, and the 
masses, including the foreign laborers, realizing its injustice, grad- 
ually obtained control of the Government; this, moreover, culminating 
in 1886, in the Gibson anti-missionary administration. 

When the planters and their missionary friends realized that the 
administrative power was slipping out of their hands, through the fact 
that the Kanaka, in spite of all coaxing and bribery used, would not 
always vote to suit the selfish wishes of that class, nor submit himself 
to their greedy tyranny, it was deemed a necessity to down them, and 
from that time dates the determination on the part of the wealthy 
foreign class to gradually rob the native of his political manhood, 
which he knew too well how to use; and this policy culminated in the 
assertion made by Commissioner Thurston, in the states, that hence- 
forth Kanakas must be totally disfranchised and not allowed to vote, 
otherwise the infinitely small minority of the sugar revolutionists 
would be swamped. And this is how and why the Kanakas are in- 
capable of self-government. 

At the same time the sugar oligarchy began to look out for a political 
change that would bring their waning power back to them. They 
thought that they would find the desired goal in annexation, through 
which they could use tire United States as their supporter. Conspira- 
cies were then initiated for the purpose of bringing about annexation, 
and were continued for over three years against the same King Kala- 
kaua who had been instrumental in obtaining the long-wished-for 
treaty for the planters. This flagrant ingratitude culminated in 1887 
by the first revolution, planned and carried out exclusively by a hand- 
ful of foreigners at the instigation of the missionary sugar-planters and 
capitalists, who formed that party afterwards known under the decep- 
tive name of "reform party." Through the adroitness of the King, 



452 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



this movement was only partially successful, inasmuch as the overthrow 
of the monarchy, then contemplated, could not be accomplished. 

It, however, gave a very severe blow to public liberties and to equal 
rights, because a reactionary constitution was forced upon the masses, 
which has since been the law of the land without having ever been sub- 
mitted to the approval or ratification of the people; and its modification 
has beeu strenuously opposed by our plutocrats, because they knew, 
from its inception, that the said document was a fraud and a snare. It 
professed to be liberal, but it was about as deceptive a document as the 
character of the men who inspired it. It disfranchised a large number 
of natives, while it gave to utter strangers, and to all the illiterate Por- 
tuguese then under the influence of sugar-planters and others, the 
unprecedented right of voting without having to take any allegiance to 
the Government. The reaction, which naturally followed the violent 
inauguration of such a retrogade factum, led to the second revolution, 
attempted in 1889, by some natives under E. W. Wilcox — the only 
instance in Hawaiian history in which the natives tried to assert them- 
selves politically without foreign help. 

The failure of this movement did not deter the natives, but aroused 
in the masses a strong feeling of opposition to the reform cabinet then 
in power, which was formed by the very same men who headed the 
present rebellion. This ox^position of the masses showed itself very 
emphatically in the regular elections following, notwithstanding the 
inequalities of the franchise, which virtually gave the wealthy classes 
the control of half of the law-making power of the land: the Hawaiian 
people, whom the missionary sugar-planters had aimed to control in this 
manner, repeatedly carried a majority at the polls in all the elections 
since 1890, and the only method left to the reform party to attain the 
ends to control the Government has been by bribery and corruption, 
with that very wealth which the generosity of the American people had 
given to Kalakaua for the general benefit of all his subjects. Thus the 
good that the great American nation had intended for the Hawaiians 
turned out in the hands of a few greedy foreigners to be the means of 
oppressing those very same natives. 

The flagrant inequalities thrust by this revolutionary constitution 
on the native people, thus aisfranchised in their own country, has been 
the bone of contention ever since. The Hawaiians have been as a 
unit at the polls in carrying the representative seats for the special 
object of obtaining a new constitution doing away with the injustice 
embodied in the present one. They have, for four years, demanded the 
enactment of a law by the Legislature, authorizing the election of dele- 
gates to a constitutional convention, for the framing of a really liberal 
organic law. In seeking a new constitution, the natives do not want 
to disfranchise anyone or put any qualification upon a voter other than 
that he should be a resident in the country for a certain period of time 
and should know how to read and write in his mother tongue; but they 
do want equal rights for all. 

However, every honest effort made by the native Hawaiians to secure 
a liberal change of this nature, a change that would give freedom and 
equality to every soul that came freely into this country, has been 
defeated by the most unprincipled means that men can be capable of 
employing; and to their shame, the missionary sugar planters, the 
descendants of men who preached the eternal principles of good morals 
and claimed freedom and equality as their birthright, are the very men 
who stand in the way of the fulfillment of these liberal principles. 
But the very people who have been represented to the great American 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 453 



nation as being illiterate, illiberal, and not worthy of sympathy, not- 
worthy of the manly right to vote, are about the only ones here who 
are struggling for liberty and equality to-day. and these are the much 
traduced Hawaiian*. Thus the political situation here for years past 
can be clearly defined as follows: The Hawaiians Lave been patiently 
and peacefully contending to regain by legal means a just political 
status, whereby all the foreigners would also enjoy equal liberal rights: 
while the reform party have been intent on realizing, by violent and 
arbitrary ways, the gradual but total disfranchisement of the natives, 
and accessorily the control of the poorer classes of foreigners,- by capri- 
cious property qualifications. 

In other words, the sugar oligarchy have sought to override all true 
constitutional principles and to realize the un-American phenomena of 
creating a plutocracy of their class, to whom all other classes and 
interests should be politically and materially subservient. 

In this they may have been encouraged by the docility of the Hawai- 
ians in general; but certainly neither the revolution of 1887 nor the 
coup de main of 1893 have in any way been revolts against unfair, 
oppressive administration, while they may be tairly characterized as 
desperate grabs for personal power, which the plutocratic faction could 
not obtain by fair, honest means at the ballot box. 

Furthermore, the policy of the reform party may be said to be one 
of gross ingratitude, in the sense that the native legislators — of whom 
it is safe to say that they always acted with decorum and intelligence 
equal to any State legislature in the Union — have never refused to 
enact laws or appropriations for the benefit of the sugar industry, 
which has been fostered in every practical way. Our statute books 
are full of liberal laws, and in nowise oppressive, showing ample evi- 
dence of the intelligent and progressive character of our Government, 
and of generous provisions for the protection of foreign capital and 
fostering of industries conducted here by foreign investors. In no 
other part of the world, under aboriginal rule, have foreigners pros- 
pered so well as here. Even the system of taxation ought to satisfy 
any men but selfish plutocrats: for it is the masses, the poor people, 
who bear the principal weight of direct and indirect taxation j which 
is heavier than in the United States), while taxes on property are very 
light and easily evaded; planters have never been taxed anywhere 
near to a just proportion to the actual values, and. moreover, their 
taxation has been reduced by 25 per cent since the AIcKinley act 
came into effect, while no reduction of any kind has been granted to 
the other classes. 

Having regained temporary possession of the power, through the > 
revolution of 1887, the sugar missionaries dropped for a time their 
annexation schemes, and merely tried to use the United States to keep 
themselves in power, reserving annexation as a desperate expedient. 
This is proved by the treaty which they attempted to negotiate in 
1889-"90, in which a special clause, now known as the - bayonet clause," 
allowed them to call at any time for the landing of the United States 
troops, to protect them and any cabinet they might uphold. This treaty 
was rendered impossible by the tarn of the elections in 1890. in which 
the sugar planters and missionary influence combined were downed by 
the strong will of the natives, allied with the foreign workingmen and 
mechanics, who opposed the coolie labor policy of the wealthy class. 

The reform party then turned again to their old schemes of plotting 
for annexation. Rumors of conspiracies and expected uprisings on their 
part have been rife ever since 1890 ; and the liberal results of the various 



454 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN" ISLANDS. 



elections of 1892 only increased their desperate activity. Mr; Thurston, 
the reform star, was openly accused of being the leader of these con- 
spiracies, one positive manifestation of which was the movement insti- 
gated by the reform party in May, 1892, which lead to the arrest of 
E. W. Wilcox and Y. V. Ashford, both of whom were saved from 
legal punishment through the influence of the leaders and "respectable 
men" of the sugar missionaries, who feared being exposed and impli- 
cated in the movement. 

Unfortunately the popular party was divided into two factions, mak- 
ing three with the sugar missionary reform party. These divisions 
rendered the last Legislature utterly impotent to carry out strict party 
measures, and was the means of prolonging the session to an unprece- 
dented length of time, about eight months. It also raised the expec- 
tations of the annexationists and plotters to the highest pitch, which 
increased when they found a willing abettor in the person pf the United 
States minister, Stevens. Hence they resolved to seize the first plausi- 
ble excuse, the first practical reason for another revolution: and unfor- 
tunately this apparent reason and pretext was given to them by the 
Queen herself, in her endeavors to meet the popular will. 

It must be inserted here, that it was only because the immortal prin- 
ciples of justice, liberty, and equality were violated or ignored in the 
Bayonet Constitution of 1887 that the Queen to satisfy her own people 
undertook to suggest to her constitutional advisers, the cabinet, the 
promulgation of a new constitution embodying these desirable features 
and addressed to the masses, not to a mere faction. Upon the advice 
of her ministers she withdrew the proposition and requested her peo- 
ple to be patient, to forbear, to wait until a legitimate time, when she 
hoped they would be enabled to secure the object of their wishes. 
This act of the Sovereign, too liberal to be forgiven by the reactionary 
reform party, drove them to a desperation, because it would have for- 
ever thrown the control of the Government out of the hands of the 
wealthy minority. Therefore the missionary offsprings and their 
plutocratic friends and followers used it as a pretext for robbing the last 
and only vestige of right left to the Hawaiian in his own country, his 
independent nationality, his flag, denying him even the claim to be a 
human being. 

Now to show what authority the insurgents had to dictate in the 
matter it will be in order to resort to statistical points. The last offi- 
cial census, made in 1890, corrected to date, puts the total population 
of the group at 96,075. Out of this number 15,570 are Chinese, 18,471 
Japanese — two races not allowed as yet to take a share in local politics, 
though the Japanese Government now claims for its citizens equal 
rights with other foreigners. The balance of the population is distrib- 
uted into natives and half-castes, 10,622 plus 7,195 Hawaiian born of 
foreign parents and into 13,912 foreigners, among whom the Americans 
count only a total of 1,928 '"of all ages and sexes, r the British 1,344, 
the Germans 1,031, the Portuguese 8,602, and other nationalities 1,001. 
Thus the total American element all over the islands amounts to only 
about two-hundredths of the whole population and one-seventh of the 
total number of foreigners. 

More especially in Honolulu, which is only part of the country that 
participated in the insurrection, the Americans number only 707 males, 
as against 2,003 other male foreigners (among which are no less than 
529 English) and against 6,902 male natives. Furthermore, all our 
American residents are not in fav or of annexation ; it is only a fraction 
of this small number of 767 Americans, with a few Germans and Portu- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 455 



guese (therefore a minority unsupported by the rest of the population), 
who have accomplished the overthrow of the recognized native Govern- 
ment, through the American official influence. 

Can it be possible that so small a faction, and so heterogeneous at 
that, whose only force is to be loud-mouthed and utterly regardless of 
veracity, should be allowed to impose their whims on the rest of the 
population, and rule it con rary to all American ideas of popular gov- 
ernment? 

To cover their numerical weakness, the annexationists' faction have 
tried to awaken American sympathies by alluding to the necessity of 
protecting American capital, which they claim to be so largely invested 
in these islands. To give plausibility to this assertion, tables have 
been prepared, purporting (on estimations, not on any positive docu- 
ments) to show that the total capital engaged in sugar (in corporations 
and nonincorporated plantations) amounted to 133,420,990, out of 
which $24,735,610 were claimed to be American, or about four -fifths; 
$6,038,130 British, $2,008,600 German, $226,280 native, and $299,000 
of other nationalities. This fantastic array is contradicted by the mere 
fact that out of a total of $537,757 for internal taxes, Americans paid 
only $139,998 (official figures), or one-fourth, while, according to the 
above statement, American plantation stock alone, outside of commer- 
cial firms and other American taxable property, ought to have paid 
over $247,000. But even allowing that a large portion of the sugar 
interests may be apparently in American hands, it is far from correct 
to call it American capital. 

It is an undeniable fact that outside of Mr. Olaus Spreckels, of Cali- 
fornia, no American has ever brought into this country any capital 
worth mentioning, but many have sent away fortunes made here; most 
of our present American capitalists, outside of sons of missionaries, 
came here as sailors or school-teachers, some few as clerks, others as 
mechanics, so that, even if now they do own or manage, or have their 
names in some way connected with property or corporations, this does 
not make their wealth of American origin. Those who are now inde- 
pendent run their plantations or business firms on money made here, 
out of the Hawaiian people and from Hawaiian soil, through coolie 
labor; the others are simply running on capital borrowed principally, 
from English or German capitalists, and their concerns should be 
more justly called English or German capital because, in case of bank- 
ruptcy, such capital would really be lost, not American capital. 

The local Croesus, American by birth, the banker, C. E. Bishop, 
came here poor and started his fortune by marrying the wealthiest native 
princess, whose lands and income allowed him to duplicate it by bank- 
ing on Hawaiian capital; surely his can not be termed American capi- 
tal. The conclusion of all this must then be, that certainly American 
capital and interests here can be cheerfully acknowledged as very large 
and important, and entitled, like all other foreign capital and interests, 
to every consideration and protection; but American annexation can 
not be justified on the sole ground of the asserted extreme preponder- 
ance of such American capital, or on the pretension of that capital to 
be entitled to special or exclusive protection or favor, not an$ more 
than German or English planters would be entitled to ask for annexa- 
tion to their countries on the same grounds. 



456 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



II. — Development. 

The phase by which the budding conspiracies of the reform party 
bloomed out into open rebellion can not be better compared tlian to the 
filibustering schemes of the well-known Walker and other historical 
desperadoes, with this difference, however, that all those expeditions 
were made without participation of any United States official, the 
United States Government, on the contrary, making every effort to 
check and frustrate those attempts against international laws, whilst 
the Hawaiian crisis has been helped, promoted, precipitated, encour- 
aged, and countenanced by two representatives of the United States 
Government. Moreover, it can be boldly asserted that the Honolulu 
filibusters (for they repeatedly admitted it themselves) would never 
have dared to attempt their uprising without the moral stimulus and 
promises of the United States minister, nor would they have had 
strength to carry it out successfully against the Queen's well-armed 
forces and the numerous volunteers ready to tight for her, nor could 
they have maintained themselves one day in power, without the mate- 
rial armed support of the United States troops on shore and the guns 
of the U. S. S. Boston trained on the town. 

Therefore, this military interference and aid to a mob of filibusters can 
only be qualified as an overt act of piracy by a United States officer 
against a defenseless friendly government. The whole proceedings are 
the most outrageous example known in modern times of naval forces 
abusing their power without urgent cause and without previous decla- 
ration of war. If sustained by the American Government the action of 
Oapt. Wiltse will be a precedent that will set to naught all interna- 
tional rights, all security of weak powers against their more powerful 
neighbors; henceforth any group of lawless, quarrelsome foreigners 
residing in any port of other nations will be justified in raisin g a riot on 
the most flimsy pretext, and then calling on warships of their own nation- 
ality to help them to take possession of, "annex" the place, against the 
rights and wishes of the aborigines. It will then only be a question of 
the survival of the strongest, of possible application wherever a weak 
native government or a pacific population can be cowed by a foreign 
element sufficiently strong or enterprising; but Avhat renders the facts 
still worse in our case, is that they have been the result of a long pre- 
meditated policy. 

The extreme intimacy of Minister Stevens with the various members 
of the Eeforni party, to the exclusion of all men belonging to other par- 
ties, had been remarked even before Kalakaua's death, and it was com- 
mon talk that plotting accompanied dining at the United States legation 
in ISuuanu street. It was whispered with glee by the Eeform partisans 
that Stevens had been sent here purposely to promote annexation, which 
the death of Kalakaua seemed to facilitate, hence it is not surprising 
now to note that, from the start of her reign, Stevens shows himself 
inimical to the Queen, evidently as reflecting the opinions of his Eeform 
friends. Far from acting like the representative of a friendly gov- 
ernment, his relations with the Hawaiian administration were ever 
unfriendly, meddling, and quarrelsome to such a degree that, at one 
time, the chairman of the committee on foreign affairs of the Legisla- 
ture suggested that he be given his passport, and it is greatly to be 
deplored that the suggestion was not acted upon. The address he had 
the presumption of making to the Queen, on her accession, was of the 
nature of a threatening lecture from a rigid Sunday-school teacher to a 
very vicious child, and was as un gentlemanly as it was undiplomatic, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 457 



according' to the universal rule which prohibits every diplomatic agent 
to interfere in the internal affairs of a foreign country. 

Then claiming the old forgotten assumption of " ready access," so 
abusively used here by consuls fifty years ago, he took the pretext of 
some flimsy newspaper article to make a display of his ignorance of 
common etiquette as well as of his spiteful feelings, by forcing himself 
on the Queen and trying to make Her Majesty and her ministers per- 
son ally responsible for that article, which eventually did not justify any 
ordinary legal proceedings. 

During the various changes of cabinet that marked the end of the 
Legislature, Mr. Stevens was satisfied only when reform missionary 
men were chosen for ministers, and his extraordinary antimonarchic 
oration on Decoration day, as much as his attitude towards the Parker 
cabinet, during the days that preceded the revolt, plainly show how 
biased he was, and bent on embarrassing the Hawaiian Government. 

The other actor in our tragedy, Capt. Wiltse, from the time Admiral 
Brown left him in charge of the station, made no secret of his purpose 
to secure annexation, and boasted that he would not leave before it 
was accomplished; if he did not keep his word in its entirety, it is cer- 
tainly not through any fault of his. During the parliamentary changes 
of cabinet he openly stated that, in case the Queen did not select for 
her ministers Eefbrm men, or men satisfactory to that party and to 
Minister Stevens, the Boston troops would be landed to interfere, and 
thereby bring about annexation. Even the foreign diplomats were 
aware of those boasts. Unfortunately TViltse's utterances were not 
taken into sufficient consideration and treated seriousty by the 
Hawaiian Government, but were deemed only to be expressions of 
intemperate language of an eccentric officer, not to use any harsher 
term, whom the American correspondents were making fun of. 

But there is no doubt now that at all times he has been an extremely 
industrious intermeddler in Hawaiian politics, frequently lowering his 
high position by interviewing hackmen on the streets on local affairs. 
Further than this, the officers of the Boston will probably testify to the 
fact that several times during the legislative period, and evidently in 
accord with a preconceived plan of seizing any favorable incident or 
pretext, the United States troops were kept in readiness for landing 
when there was not the smallest sign of disturbance or even excitement 
in town or in the Legislature. 

And it must here be recorded that Capt. Wiltse made a veritable 
debauch of military demonstrations during the Legislature, landing 
troops and guns several times a week, and parading them through the 
town as no other foreign vessel had ever done before, with the undoubted 
intention of intimidating the native population and preparing future 
events. 

After the exhaustive accounts that have been published of the facts 
of the revolution, and especially after the printed statements made by 
the Queen and her envoy, P. Neumann, and by the attorney -general, 
Peterson, the various details of which appear to us perfectly exact and 
correct, we do not deem it to be in our province to offer a new narra- 
tion, but simply to point out certain facts and their signification in the 
interest of the people we represent. 

Of the new constitution, which has been the apparent motive for the 
explosion of the long prepared revolution we have already stated, that 
it was desired and demanded by nine-tenths of the native population} 
moreover, to make the position of the Queen plainer, it may be well to 
recall the fact that in this country all previous constitutions had been 



458 REPOKT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAII A \ ISLANDS. 



granted by the free will of the different sovereigns, until Hie lasl one 
1887, was extorted out of Kalakaua by an armed mob of foreigners led 
by the same men who directed the present rebellion, so that the Queen 
might have considered herself perfectly justified by the local prec- 
edents as to her power of granting a new constitution at the request of 
her own people. 

Rumors of this new constitution had been current during the session 
of the Legislature, so that the surprise assumed by the reform party was 
not genuine, and it may be well to ask what there was in the document 
prepared for the Queen so utterly obnoxious to the reform party, and 
how they could possibly know what its contents were, since its text 
has not been published? ■ 

The first outcome of the Queen's attempt to proclaim her new consti- 
tution (Saturday, January 14), was a meeting in the office of \Y. O. 
Smith, of about 70 members of the reform party, which afterwards 
they had the impudence of calling a public meeting ( !) and in which it 
was decided to support the cabinet against the Queen (for the main- 
tenance of the old constitution), and to exact from Her Majesty "guar- 
antees" against any further move in the matter on her part. But this 
conservative decision did not satisfy the firebrands who wanted annex- 
ation, and who immediately held another meeting secretly, about two 
dozen of them, at Mr. Thurston's house, in which a secret " committee 
of public safety" was appointed, composed of about the same incorrigi- 
ble demagogues who had concocted and led the "1887 revolution." 

This committee then ordered a mass meeting at the armory (Monday, 
18th), to which from 700 to 800 foreigners responded, many of whom 
were utter strangers, tourists, sailors from the merchantmen in port, 
and many others only present through mere curiosity, so that it is safe 
to say that in this meeting (which was going to have such an influence 
on the political destiny of the whole country) not half of the men pres- 
ent were legal voters, the natives especially being absolutely absent and 
assembled elsewhere. The object of this meeting was clearly stated as 
merely to give authority — or a shadow of it — to the self-appointed 13 
members of the "committee of public safety," and to empower this 
committee to demand and obtain from the Queen "assurance and guar- 
antees of a better government," id est, a promise to respect the 1887 
bayonet constitution, this pet offspring of the reform party. Nothing 
more was demanded of the public at the meeting, as the perusal of the 
speeches there made by the most responsible speakers, Messrs. Wilder, 
Glade, Young, and others, will conclusively show. Not the smallest 
allusion was made to an impending change of government, and not 
one man in the audience, outside of the leaders, did guess that the 
resolution then submitted for approval meant anything beyond " guar- 
antees from the Queen for good government and preservation of order." 

And certainly not one dreamed that in the innocent looking tail of this 
resolution, running as follows: "And we do hereby further empower 
such committee to further consider the situation and further devise 
such ways and means as may be necessary to secure the permanent 
maintenance of law and order, and the protection of life, liberty, and 
property in Hawaii," there could be meant a dethronement of the 
Hawaiian monarchy by a clique of foreigners without any submission 
to or indorsement by the voters at large ; and worse than that, a sub- 
sequent wild rush for annexation to the United States Avithout even 
consulting the whole foreign element. We claim that, had this meeting 
realized that such were the intentions of the self-appointed committee 
of public safety, the revolution would not have been carried, or at least 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 459 



only an infinitesimal minority would have backed it. But this meeting 
in itself was only representative of a mere fraction of the population, 
for, at the same hour, at Palace Square, another meeting of between 
five and six thousand natives and loyal foreigners cordially supported 
the Queen, accepting her apology for withdrawing her constitution and 
her promise of leaving the matter to be accomplished constitutionally. 

Thus the majority of the population of the town was plainly with the 
monarchy, and the Provisional Government, which was subsequently 
appointed by the committee of public safety, represents but the arbitrary 
assumption of a clique, with no popular backing. We claim that they 
can sustain themselves through force and only so long as no appeal is 
made to the electors, but soon as an election be held not one of the 
members of the Provisional Government would receive even a decent 
minority of votes, for they only represent the old reform party — that 
party defeated at the polls in 1890 and 1892, and who is now in power 
through a surprise under false pretenses. The utter weakness of the 
Provisional Government and of the party back of it was unmistakably 
shown on the day of the proclamation (Tuesday, 17th), when the whole 
population ought to have been in arms if they had been in sympathy 
with the insurgents (as falsely represented in America) ; while on the 
contrary, it was with the utmost difficulty that fifty ill-armed men could 
be mustered to march on the Government house, for a cash considera- 
tion, and with the positive understanding that in case of failure they 
could take refuge behind the files of United States marines, and from 
there on board of the Boston. 

What was the attitude of Minister Stevens during the leavening 
of the revolution will be better gathered from the official documents 
and affidavits of the Queen, her ministers, and her marshal. We 
need only, in the name of the people, ask that this diplomat should be 
made to answer positively* why he ordered the landing of the Boston 
troops, right after the two meetings above mentioned had so peacefully 
transacted their business and so quietly dispersed? There was not the 
smallest sign of excitement, the whole population manifested only the 
most pacific disposition, everyone being under the impression that, 
with the work of these two meetings and the adoption of their resolu- 
tions, the whole matter had come to an end, and that things would be 
satisfactorily and peacefully settled between the Queen, her ministers, 
and the self-appointed committee of public safety. 

Especially the natives, from whom alone any fear could have been 
entertained of "riot or danger to persons and property" (for such has 
been Mr. Stevens' flimsy excuse) were exceptionally quiet or even 
indifferent, and they are not a fighting race; no groups were seen in the 
streets, the royal troops had quietly laid their arms as usual in the 
barracks'; there was no display of police forces, and not a shadow of 
danger breathed in the whole atmosphere, so that the United States 
troops had no business on shore. Mr. Stevens then refused to give 
officially any reasons for this landing, and it has since been said that 
it was executed at the request of the self-appointed committee of public 
safety, who had yet no legal standing, this going to show that, at that 
early date (16th) Stevens was already disposed to acknowledge their 
authority and attend to their wishes in preference to deferring to the 
regular and legal Government. 

The landing was made without anj previous official notification, an 
act contrary to all international rule, fmd it was evidently precipitated 
by the fear that, in the meantime, the Queen might have proclaimed 
martial lav/, which would have made '-he position more embarrassing, 



460 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and probably would have prevented any further complication. We 
say, therefore, that the landing of the troops was a direct violation of 
all civilized laws, and ordered for no other purpose than that of help- 
ing the brooding insurrection. The further facts of the force being 
made to occupy the Arion Hall, alongside the Government houses and 
opposite the palace, when other buildings (the two armories, and the 
new shed in construction on Merchant street) were available, shows 
that the intention was to command the Royal Palace and interfere with 
the movements of the Royal troops, so as to render possible the seizure 
of the public treasury, and the farce of proclaiming the new Govern- 
ment, although it was reported that Mr. Stevens had promised to recog- 
nize their proclamation whenever it was made from any building in 
town. 

The official documents and the examination of witnesses will show 
that when the proclamation was made by the armed mob at the Gov- 
ernment house, and there recognized by the United States representa- 
tives, the Queen's full force, with artillery and Gatling, were still in 
possession of the palace and barracks and of the strong police station, 
and this last could not have been taken without a severe siege which 
the Provisional Government alone was utterly incapable to undertake 
and carry out ; therefore, the legal Hawaiian Government was still de 
facto in power and able to maintain their situation, and Mr. Stevens 
has willfully prevaricated in his assertion to the contrary. It was only 
when it became known that Mr. Stevens had declared that he would 
recognize and protect against the Queen any government formed by 
any group of what he would consider (as to him) " responsible citizens,' 7 
that the Queen, her Government, and her numerous partisans surren- 
dered to avoid useless bloodshed, and surrendered under protest, not 
to the insignificant Provisional Government, but to the superior forces 
of the United States warship. 

At that time, the natives would have shown fight, but all their lead- 
ers urged upon them to keep quiet, as everything was left in the hands 
of their constant protector, Uncle Sam, who would see that justice be 
duly rendered; and most admirably, most deservedly, quiet they have 
kept ever since, under severe provocation, but confident in American 
honor and impartiality, that justice would be done. 

As soon as all danger had disappeared by the surrender of the 
Hawaiian Government, a couple of hundred men, all foreigners, and 
principally penurious Germans and Portuguese, flocked to help the new 
Provisional Government and take the place of the disbanded Hawaiian 
guards; but this was not done out of sympathy for the movement, and 
still less out of a wish for annexation (the possibility of which had not 
yet permeated the public as being the saving anchor for a weak usurp- 
ing Government). No, the adhesions to the Provisional Government 
were merely out of personal convenience, and their number only goes 
to show, not the popularity of the reform filibusters, but simply how 
many men there were in town out of employment, who gladly jumped 
at the chance of gaining a salary. 

As the " Liberal," an uncontrovertible authority in the matter, said: 
"The revolution was a Godsend to many people out of work (from the 
results .of decrease in business through the McKinley bill), who for 
weeks had been destitute; they shouldered their guns to fight for 
bread as much as anything else, and while the guard was maintained 
(by the Provisional Government) they had a very congenial employment 
and a good pay." Yery go-od indeed for these foreigners, but we Ha- 
waiians take this occasion for protesting against the lavish expendi- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 461 

hire of public funds, made from a nearly bankrupt treasury, for the 
maintenance of an extravagantly large, useless, and dangerous military 
establishment of armed aliens who have no vested interests in the 
country, mere mercenaries, officered by men known for the hatred they 
bear against the Hawaiian people. We protest all the more because 
the very men who thus squander the people's money on several hun- 
dreds of unnecessary play soldiers, are the very same ones who, in the 
last legislature, ridiculed and opposed a total of sixty men for the 
Queen's guard and purposely reduced the police force. 

We must here dwell on the fact that no Hawaiians, even from among 
those few who are said (with great flourish of trumpets) to favor the 
insurrection, enlisted in the Provisional Government Army, in spite of 
all pay and uniform allurements; but, on the contrary, we must take 
good note of the fact that the Hawaiians of the old royal band refused, 
to a man, to continue their service under the Provisional Government, 
preferring starvation prospects to perjuring their loyalty; they started 
an independent organization, with instruments paid with their own 
money, and the people show their appreciation of the boys' noble and 
disinterested fidelity by patronizing their concerts in unusual crowds. 
And this may be taken as a good sign of the general feelings of the 
natives against the Provisional Government sprung on them by their 
old enemies, the Keforni party. 

But eight days had not yet elapsed before the loyalty, fidelity and 
patriotism of the incongruous, discordant crowd, who supported the Pro- 
visional Government manifested itself by dissensions running riot, to 
such a point that the only manner of saving the new order of things 
was to implore Mr. Stevens for a declaration of American protectorate. 
Since this protectorate has been withdrawn the Provisional Government 
have certainly had no trouble in maintaining themselves, but simply 
through the fact that the natives are quietly and peacefully awaiting 
for the decision of the United States. 

It would be foreign to our aim here to follow the Provisional Govern- 
ment in its subsequent career of despotism and intimidation practiced 
in the name of American liberty and under the protection of American 
bayonets. 

It will suffice to say that we, Hawaiians, do not and can not con- 
tentedly acknowledge the right of a faction of turbulent foreigners to 
dictate in our country for the satisfaction of their greedy selfishness 
and lust of power ; but we are ever ready to bow and submit to the 
rule of the majority, whenever legally expressed, and we Avould wil- 
lingly abide by the decision of a plebiscite, honorably and fairly carried 
out, if such was the will of America. Therefore, we proclaim that we 
have not and never will recognize the present Provisional Government, 
a government sprung out of a cowp de main, abetted and shielded 
by foreign intervention and run by a clique who do not enjoy the con- 
fidence of the people, their unpopularity being so thoroughly known to 
themselves that they expected to maintain themselves only by dis- 
franchising the whole nation. They rule only by the force of bayonets, 
through martial law and the Draconian treason laws they enacted for 
their support, and we do protest against their arbitrary assumption 
of legislation, repealing old laws and making new ones of odious nature, 
thereby exceeding all rights that a provisional administration can dare 
to assume. 

Of the men of the present Government we have nothing to say, 
except that they are politicians repeatedly defeated at the polls who 
want to rule or ruin, or mere boys utterly unknown and of no weight, 



462 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLAND?. 



chosen for the fact of their being willing to jump into a harum-scarum, 
break-neck policy; but we do protest against their pretention of per- 
petuating themselves in power without reference to the people; and 
we most solemnly protest against their high-handed policy of gagging 
the press, of intimidating officials into taking the oath of allegiance, and 
signing annexation petitions and club rolls against their free convic- 
tions; of spitefully discharging others, especially Hawaiians and old 
residents (conveniently accused of being "royalists") to make room for 
foreigners, new comers, Hawaiian haters, and of calling to the supreme 
bench and other high public offices aliens of brief residence, whose sole 
claim is that they carried a gun under the protection of the Boston 
sailors. 

But all coercive measures are of no avail, for the Hawaiians remain 
Hawaiian, true to our race. To us, Hawaii and our native government 
are just as dear as America is to every true-born American, ami no 
loyal and patriotic subject of the glorious stars and stripes can blame 
us for being imbued with a similar patriotism, for loving the dear land 
of our birth, and even preferring our modest flag to any other, however 
glorious it may be. 

We do not believe that the times and circumstances warrant the 
present movement of annexation; our people are not yet ripe tor it. and 
we prefer remaining under the paternal rule of our own monarchy that 
understands our wants and wishes, and under which we claim to be 
quite capable of self-government. Nevertheless, we want it well under- 
stood that we Hawaiians have no objection against America or the 
Americans: on the contrary, we have been brought up to honor and re- 
spect our great and good neighbor, and through American teachings 
more than half century of civilization and experience of self govern- 
ment have given us an intelligent appreciation of the political doctrines 
and democratic principles of constitutional government, with America 
and Great Britain as chief patterns. 

More particularly do we value, respect, and comprehend the funda- 
mental principles of the American Constitution, such as " no taxation 
without representation," "the rule of the majority/' and "government 
of the people, by the people, and for the people;" and we have tried 
to follow those principles, when not disturbed by an intriguing, bribing 
plutocracy of foreigners who repudiate such liberal principles and wish 
to make peons or pariahs of us. Without past political experience of 
American institutions we could not accept contentedly any such forms 
of restricted government as the Provisional Government commissioners 
to Washington, without any authority from the people, have tried to 
obtain from the United States in order to keep their clique in power. 
If annexation is to be accomplished with anyjustice.it must be by the 
consent of the majority, not at the beck of a few adventurers or greedy 
plutocrats, men who, to further their private ambition or avoid impend- 
ing bankruptcy, have remorselessly thrown on the United States the 
responsibility of a very dishonorable action, that of robbing a people 
of their nationality, men also who, through their annexation scheme, 
would entangle the United States Government with some foreign prob- 
lems of difficult solution — the Japanese one especially. 

It has not yet been clearly demonstrated that annexation would 
benefit either this country or America, and to us it seems as if both 
sides may have much to lose and little to gain by it. In what concerns 
America we can not presume to pronounce on military or strategic 
reasons, but we do agree with many eminent American writers that 
annexation would rather be a source of danger, a cause of weakness to 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 463 



the United States, without giving them better commercial advantages 
than such as can be more safely and easily obtained by intimate treaty 
relations with an independent government here. On our side, the gain 
from annexation to such a distant country is also difficult to prove, 
while the fiscal policy of the United States may at times place our 
sugar, rice, coffee, and other tropical products at a disadvantage by 
binding us to rival interests and preventing our seeking freely the 
most advantageous outlets. 

For all the above reasons and others too long to enumerate, we pro- 
test against the present movement in favor of doing away with the 
independence of our country; we protest against the effort made to 
force annexation to the United States without consulting the people, 
and we especially protest against the interference of the United States 
minister, Stevens, in Hawaiian politics and his violation of our sover- 
eign rights by the unjustifiable landing of the United States troops and 
the biased recognition of the insurgents. 

We particularly resent the presumption of being transferred like a 
flock of sheep or bartered like a horde of untutored savages by an 
unprincipled minority of aliens who have no right, no legal power, no 
influence over us, not even a claim of conquest by fair-handed warfare, 
and we can not believe that our friends of the great and just American 
nation could tolerate annexation by force against the wishes of the 
majority of the population, for such an annexation would be an eternal 
dishonor, an indelible stain on the pure escutcheon of the leading 
nation of the world. 

It is therefore with the utmost confidence in the wisdom, honor, and 
impartiality of the United States Government that we respectfully 
but earnestly pray for our independent autonomy and the restoration 
of the Hawaiian Monarchy; and our gratitude will ever bind us more 
indissolubly to the great Union by a stronger tie than any enforced 
annexation could ever realize. 

God save Hawaii Nei. 

God bless the great Kepublic and its magnanimous and just leader, 
President Cleveland. 

J. A. Cummins, 
Joseph Nawahi, 
Jno. E. Bush, 
For the Hawaiian Patriotic League. 



Ka Hui Hawaii Aloha Aina. 
[Hawaiian Patriotic League.] 



KE KUMUKANAWAI. 

Oiai ua ike ia ae nei ka loli ano nui ana o 
ko kakou aina, lie mea hoi e mauaoia ai, 
e hoopilikia ia ana kona Kuokoa ame na 
Pono Kivila o kona man Makaainana, a 
me na Kupa, a no ia mea, he mea pono e 
kukuluia ona Hui manao lokahi a maka- 
ala mawaena o na kanaka a pau e aloha 
ani i ka Aina, me ka nana ole i ka Aoao 
Kalaiaina a Manaoio Hoomana paho. 
Nolaila: 

E hooholoia. O niakou o na makaai- 
nana kupaa a me na Kupa Aloha Aina, a 
makee maluhia hoi o Hawaii nei, no ke 



CONSTITUTION. 

Whereas vital changes in our country 
have taken place, which may affect its 
independence and the civil rights of its 
subjects and citizens, thereby rendering 
indispensable a compact and zealous 
union between all men who love the 
country, irrespective of party or creed ; 



Therefore, resolved, That we, the patri- 
otic, peaceful, and loyal subjects and 
citizens of Hawaii nei, for the purpose 



464 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



kiai makaala ana i ko makou man Pono 
Kivila, ma keia, ke hookui nei makou ia 
makouihoma kekahi Ahahui, malalo o ke 
kuniukanawai maliope ae uei. penei : 

Inoa. 

Pauku 1. — O ka inoa o keia Ahahui, 
oia, ( 'Ka Hui Hawaii Aloha Aina." 



Ka liana. 

Pauku. 2. — Oka kana a keia Ahahui 
oia ka ma-lama ana a me ke kakoo ana, 
ma nil keekina hanamaluhia akue kana- 
wai ole, i ke kulana Kuokoa o na Pae 
Aina o Hawaii, a ina lie mea hiki ole ke 
malamaia ko kakou Kuokoa, alaila, o ka 
kakou liana oia ka hooikaika ana i na 
liana kue ole i ke kanawai a me ka ma- 
lukia e hoomau ia ai ka Pono Kivila o na 
kanaka Hawaii a me na Kupa makaai- 
nana. 

Na mahele. 

Pauku 3. — Aia iloko o keia Ahahui e 
kukulu ia lie hookahi Hui Nui ma Hono- 
lulu i kapa ia "Ka Hui Kuwaena" [cen- 
tral body] a mai loko aku ona e kukulu 
ia ai i man Ahahui lala ma na Apana 
Koho o na Mokupuni. 

Na Lala. 

Pauku 4. — [A] O na Lala o keia Aha- 
hui, oia na kanaka Hawaii maoli o keia 
aina, he 20 makakiki a oi aku i make- 
make e hoopaa ia iakou iho malalo o na 
kumuhana o keia. Ahahui, ua kupono ia 
e lilo i mau hoa, a lilo hoi i man lala 
mamuli nae o ke kakau inoa ana malalo 
o keia Kumukanawai. 

[B] O na kanaka a pau o na? Aina-e, e 
noho nei i keia wa he man Pono Kiviia ko 
lakou iloko o keia aina a i lokahi pu hoi. 
na manao e kakoo i na kumuhana a keia 
Hui, a i makemake e hoopaa ia lakou iho 
no ua Hui la. ma ke kakau iuoa ana 
malalo o keia kumukanawai, e lilo no 
la kou i mau hoa Hanohano (Lala) no keia 
Ahahui. 

Na Hoonohonoho Ana. 

Pauku 5. — O ka Hui Nui Kuwaena 
[central body] o "Ka Hui Hawaii Aloha 
Aina" oia ke noho mana maluna o na 
Ahahui lala o keia a me keia apana koho, 
a e lawelawe ia ana e na Luna Nui ma- 
lalo iho nei, penei : 

1 — Peresidena Hanohano. 1 — Peresi- 
dena. 2 — Hope Peresidena. 1 — Kakauo- 
lelo. 1 — Pauku a me 13 mau Hoa Kuka, a 
o lakou a pau, oia ka Aha Hooko o 19 
lala. O keia mau luna a pau he poe 
kanaka Hawaii maoli, a e koho ia lakou 
ma ka Balota, no ka manawa a e hoaka- 
kaia e na Rula o keia Ahahui. 



of peaceably guarding our civil right* 
do hereby form ourselves into a league, 
under the following constitution: 



Name. 

Article 1. The name of this associa- 
tion shall be the Hawaiian Patriotic 
League (Ka Hui Hawaii Aloha Aina). 

Object. 

Article 2. The object of this associa- 
tion is to preserve and main tain, by all 
legal and peaceful means and measures, 
the independent autonomy of the islands 
of Hawaii nei : and, if the preservation of 
our independence be rendered impossible, 
our object shall then he to exert all peace- 
ful and legal efforts to secure for the Ha- 
waiian people and citizens the continu- 
ance of their civil rights. 

Divisions. 

Article 3. The league shall ( (insist 
of one central body in Honolulu, with 
branches in the various districts of the 
other islands. 



Membership. 

Article 4. — (A) All the natives of this 
country, over 20 years of age. who are 
willing to pledge themselves to the 
objects of this league, are eligible for 
membership thereof and may become 
members by signing this constitution. 

(B) All foreigners, at present enjoying- 
or entitled to civil rights in this coun- 
try, and in sympathy with the objects of 
this association and willing to pledge 
themselves to it by signing the constitu- 
tion, may be admitted as honorary mem- 
bers. - 



Organization. 

Article 5. — The central body of the 
Patriotic League shall rule over all the 
district branches, and shall be conducted 
by the following officers : 

1. Honorary President. 

1. President. 

2. Vice-Presidents. 
1. Secretary. 

1. Treasurer. 

And 13 councillors, who together shall 
constitute an executive council of 19 
members. All these officers must be na- 
tive Hawaiians and must be elected by 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 465 



E kolio no na Ahahui Lala o na apana 
koko i ko lakou Lunakoomalu, Hooe 
Lunakoomalu ; Kakauolelo a me ka Pun- 
ku, a e koiio i kookaki Elele i wahaolelo 
110 lakou e hele mai ai imua o ka Ahahui 
Nui (Hui Kuikawa) ma Honolulu, ana 
loaa i ua Elele la ke ku leana e kele ai 
ma na kalawai o ka Aka Hooko a me na 
halawai o ka Akakui. 

Na Luna Hanohano. 

Pauku 6. — O na kanaka o na Aina E, 
e lilo ana i man lala, e kokoia lakou e ka 
Aka Hooko no na kulana kanokano e 
like me keia : 

1. Peresidena Hanokano. 

2. Hope Peresidena Hanokano. 
2. Kakauolelo Hanokano. 

7. Hoa Kuka Hanokano, a oi aku paha 
e like me ka mea e bookoloia ana e ka Hui 
ma keia kope aku; 

O keia man Luna Hanokano oia ka Aka 
Cuka [Advisory Council] e noko pu a e 
koko me ka Aka Hooko. 

Na Sana a na Luna. 

Pauku 7. — O na kana a na Luna Nui, 
ua like no ia me na kana maa man e pili 
ana ina Hui e ae e like me keia ano 
Ahakui, a e koakaka pono ia ana hoi ma 
na rula e aponoia ana ma keia kope aku 
<» ka Aka Hooko. 

Na haJawai. 



ballot, for suck term of office as may be 
provided in the by-laws of the league or 
council. 

The district branches shall elect their 
chairman, vice-chairman, secretary, and 
treasurer, and shall appoint one delegate 
to represent them before the central 
body in Honolulu, which delegate shall 
have a right to attend the meeting of the 
executive council and of the league. 

Honorary officers. 

Article 6. — Foreign members shall be 
elected by the executive council to the 
following honorary offices : 1 honorary 
president, 2 honorary vice-presidents, 2 
honorary secretaries, and 7 honorary 
councillors, or more, as may hereafter be 
determined by the league. These hon- 
orary officers shall constitute an advisory 
council who shall sit and vote with tne 
executive council. 



Duties of officers. 

Article 7. — The duties of the various 
officers shall be those pertaining to the 
respective offices, as is usual in all sim- 
ilar organizations, and shall be more ex- 
pressly defined in such by-laws as may 
be hereafter adopted by the executive 
council. 

Members. 



Pauku 8. — Na halawai o ka Hui ekakea 
ia no ia e ka Peresidena, ma ke kauoka a 
ka Aka Hooko, a o kekaki mau Hoa paha 
he 10; 

E kakeaia na kalawai a ka Aka Hooko 
e ka Peresidena ma ke noi a kekaki man 
hoa '3, o na Aha Hooko la; 

O na kana o na kalawai a pan o ka Hui 
a me ka Aka Hooko e alakai ia no ia e na 
rula o na anaina maikai, a me na rula 
maa mau o na Ahaolelo. ^ 



Kip aku ana. 

Pauku 9. — O keia a me keia hoa o ka 
Hui a o ka Aha Hooko paha, e hanaana i 
kekahi hana e kue ana i ka manao a me 
na kana a keia Ahahui, e kauohaia no ia 
e ku imua o ka Aka Hooko, a ina akewa 
lakou iaia, e kipakuia no oia mai ka Hui 
aku. 

Na hoololi o Ice kumukanawai. 



Pauku 10. — O nakoololi a men a pakui 
ana mai i keia Kumukanawai, e hana 
wale ia no ia ma ka kookolo ana a na 
halawai mau o ka Hui. 

Aponoia ma Honolulu 
Maraki, 1893. 
Peresidena Hanokano 
Peresidena 
Hope Peresidena 



keia la 4 o 



Article 8. — Meetings of tke league 
skall be called by the president, at the 
request of the executive council or of 
any other ten members ; 

Meetings of the executive council 
shall be called by the president, -at the 
request of any three members of said 
council; 

All proceedings of meetings of the 
league and of the executive council shall 
be governed by the usual decorum and 
rules of parliamentary usage. 

Expulsions. 

Article 9. — Any member of the league 
or of its executive council who may 
commit an act violating the spirit and 
purposes of this league may be sum- 
moned before the executive council, and 
upon conviction by them be expelled 
from the league. 

Constitutional amendments. 



10518- 



-30 



Article 10. All amendments or addi- 
tions to the present constitution must 
be approved by a general meeting of the 
league. 

Adopted, Honolulu, this 4th day of 
March, 1893. 

J. A. Cummins, Honorary President. 

J. Nawahi, President. 
J. K. Kaunamano, Vice-President. 

J. W. BlPIKANE, " " 



466 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 



No. 42. 

Interview ivith tlie Hawaiian Patriotic League, May 2. 1893, printed ivith 
Mr. Blount's Ao. 4, dated May 4, 1S93. 



No. 43. 

Statement of A. P. Peterson, 

His Excellency J. H. Blount, 

Commissioner, etc.: 
Sir: The causes which led to and the motives which actuated the 
trouble in Hawaii are varied. In the first place the passage of the 
McKinley bill and the consequences resulting led to a feeling of dissat- 
isfaction among the merchants of Honolulu and the planters generally. 
This feeling of dissatisfaction has also led to a feeling in favor of annex- 
ation with the United States among a few, and that feeling caused them 
to assist iu the background the Ash ford and Wilcox rebellion in the 
spring of 1892. And when that failed through the arrest and trial of 
the leaders, even although they were not found out and arrested, the 
-same feeling of dissatisfaction still led them to look about for any pre- 
text to carry out their ideas and by this means serve their pecuniary 
interests. 

If the price of sugar had been higher we would have had no revo- 
lution. Another cause was the feeling of the Missionary or Reform 
party that they and they only possessed the divine right to rule, to 
rule at all hazards, if not in one way then iu another. They could not 
forget the long years when they had had complete control of the Gov- 
ernment, when their word had been law with the Kings of HaAvaii, and 
which rule had been wrested from them by a movement which had 
joined together the natives, disgusted witli missionary rule, and the 
mechanics, discouraged at the hordes of Chinese and other Asiatic 
labor brought into the country by that rule, which uprising in 1890 had 
wrested from them their power. This feeling of desire to rule can best 
be illustrated by Mr. Thurston's statement, made at a public meeting 
in Honolulu during an election campaign in 1S92, when he said; a That 
to carry out their object they would join hands with the devil if nec- 
essary.'-' * 

This statement coming from Mr. Thurston thoroughly illustrates the 
idea of rule or ruin policy which has been adopted by the Missionary 
party of which he is the leader. This idea led that party iu the last 
Legislature to adopt a course which they did. Having been elected 
practically upon a joint platform with the National Reform party, the 
party which in that Legislature adopted a conservative course, and 
were naturally in sympathy with the best people and the best interests 
of the country, they, the Missionary or Reform party, took the first 
opportunity to break loose from their natural ally, the National Reform 
•party, and to join with the common enemy whom theu had opposed 
during the election, what was known as the Ashford and Bush wing 
of the Liberal party, simply for the reason that upon the overturn of 
the Wideman cabinet, whom all parties had agreed should go out, 
they, the Missionary party, had not the appointment of the cabinet to 
follow. This joining with the common enemy naturally estranged the 
members of the National Reform party and forced them into an alliance 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 467 



with tlie more conservative wing of the Liberal or native party, as no 
party in the Legislature had a working majority. 

After the overthrow of the Wideman cabinet the opposition, headed 
by Mr. Thurston, took a position in favor of what they called the con- 
stitutional principle, that the Queen should call a leading member of 
the opposition to form a cabinet. The Queen did so, and called me. I 
being a member of the National Eeform party and not their choice, 
they objected to my forming a cabinet because I had stated to them 
my determination not to enter such cabinet. But they decided to 
waive that point if I would name or form such cabinet as they should 
nominate and select in caucus. This I declined to do and notified the 
Queen that I could not form a cabinet. She then called upon Hon. E. 
C. Macfarlane, another leading member of the opposition, who formed 
what is known as the Macfarlane cabinet. This was still not satis- 
factory to them, as they claimed, because they had been told that every . 
member of the cabinet had not been Mr. Macfarlane's own selection, 
but in reality because Mr. Macfarlane and the majority of the cabinet 
selected were not from their party. 

They immediately attempted to oust them, upon the sole ground that 
the constitutional principle, as they claimed, had not been adhered to. 
They failed upon the first attempt, but later, having thoroughly organ- 
ized and appointed a committee which had no name, but which can 
only be called a corruption committee, they succeeded, by the use of a 
large amount of money, in finally ousting the cabinet, having won over, 
through these peculiar and almost unheard of means in Hawaii, suffi- 
cient natives to carry their vote. The Cornwell cabinet which fol- 
lowed, and which was the personal choice of the Queen, was within a 
few hours summarily dealt with by this combination of the missionary 
and the devil and put out in a few hours. This was followed by a 
cabinet which was formed by the Hon. Cecil Brown, who was not a 
member of the Legislature and was in no sense a leading member of 
the opposition, and who but a few weeks before had been defeated for 
a seat in the house, but, getting together a number of members from 
the Eeform party, he satisfied the desire of that party in his choice. 

Although they had sworn to stand by the constitutional principle 
before spoken of, as soon as a cabinet was formed satisfactory in its 
personnel to this party which lacked by a considerable number a ma-* 
jority in the Legislature, they were perfectly willing to abandon their 
constitutional principle and stand and support a cabinet composed of 
their own members. When this cabinet, which they had sacrificed so 
much principle for, was -\ oted out for purely political reasons, they 
realized that their hold upon the politics of the country was forever 
gone unless they could by some grand coup regain their power by over- 
turning representative government. In this connection it may be said 
that the charge made by the insurgents who formed the Provisional 
Government, in their proclamation of corruption in the late Legislature, 
was to a certain extent true. But it is no valid reason for their action, 
as the Eeform Party, representing as they did the planters and there- 
fore a large part of the wealth of the country, were the people who 
paid the money and caused the corruption and should be blamed very 
much more than the Hawaiian s who took their money. 

All these causes combined bound together a few hundred people in 
Honolulu, dissatisfied malcontents, either because they were not mak- 
ing as much money as formerly, or because they had not the control 
of the Government, who were only too glad to take advantage of the 
attempt of the Queen to promulgate a new constitution, especially 



468 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



backed as they were, or as they claimed to be and as after events showed 
were true, by the assurances of Mr. Stevens, the American Minister. 

It is not necessary for me to go into the details of the revolt here, as 
the most of it has already been told by me in a number of affidavits 
already on tile, and I shall confine myself to mentioning only a few facts, 
which, if stated at all. have been misrepresented. 

On Saturday afternoon, after the prorogation, and after the Queen 
had declined to promulgate a new constitution, a meeting was held at 
the office of W. (). Smith and over seventy of the prominent citizens of 
Honolulu, most of whom were afterwards actively engaged in the 
movement to dethrone the Queen, signed a document agreeing to sup- 
port the cabinet of which I was a member in the stand they had taken 
against such promulgation, and promise that that support should 
exist so long as the cabinet stood by their position. In less than three 
hours the meeting which formed the Committee of Safety was held at 
Mr. Thurston's house, and they were determined to break their pledge 
unless the cabinet would agree to dethrone the Queen and form a Pro- 
visional Government. This breaking of their pledge did not surprise 
the -cabinet, as they could expect nothing but such a failure to keep 
their word from the men who were engaged in it. 

This action of the Queen in attempting to promulgate a new consti- 
tution, although it was petitioned for and desired by ninety-nine one- 
hundredths other native subjects, was deprecated by her cabinet and 
was entirely new to them, although statements have been made to the 
contrary, and by their efforts solely the danger was averted. Upon 
the promise of the citizens who had signed the agreement to support 
the cabinet, they acted and advised the Queen that it was necessary 
for her to issue a proclamation stating the circumstances under which 
the attempt to promulgate a new constitution was made, and assuring 
the foreign representative and the people that she recognized her mis- 
take and that no attempt hereafter would be made to alter the existing 
constitution except as provided therein. This proclamation was issued 
and signed by the Queen and cabinet and assurances were also sent to 
the representatives of foreign Governments that such was the Queen's 
intention. 

This proclamation, and especially the assurances to foreign represent- 
atives, which was looked upon as a treaty with the foreign powers and 
at any time could have been treated as 'such, was deemed satisfactory 
by the majority of the prominent and wealthy merchants of the city. 
The mass meeting' which had been called by the insurgents and the 
counter mass meeting called by the opposition were both attempted to 
be stopped, but the committee of safety felt that they had gone so far 
that a meeting should be held denouncing the action of the Queen in 
order to avert further possible harm, it being understood among the 
leaders of that party that that was the extent to which their meeting 
should go. At their meeting on Monday afternoon they had less than 
700 people present by actual count. The resolution presented at that 
meeting was confined, entirely to the action which had been proposed, 
except the ending clause, which was slyly introduced by the most fiery 
members of the committee of safety, giving that committee liberty to 
act in any emergency which might arise. If the action which the com- 
mittee saw fit to take within one hour under that resolution had been 
for one moment thought of by that meeting they would not have been 
able to carry their resolution. 

The counter mass meeting was attended by saore than six times as 
many people as attended the other, and understanding that the critical 
situation had ended by mutual consent, the meeting was conducted in 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 469 



a peaceful and quiet manner. After the meetings the people dispersed 
to their homes and matters were quieter than they had been for many 
a day, until shortly after 4 o'clock word was heralded about the town 
that the United States troops from the Boston had landed at, the 
request of the committee of safety. On Tuesday the Government was 
ready to meet any emergency, which fact Mr. Stevens, the American 
minister, was notified of, and were prepared to keep peace at all haz- 
ards, and at any time could have arrested and dispersed the insurgents, 
most of whom joined them only on the promise that the United States 
was behind them and would protect them, The G-overnment had well 
armed and equipped more than ten men to one insurgent. Nothing 
was done by the Government except to keep in readiness, as they 
desired to first find out Mr. Stevens' position in the matter, which he 
had indicated in his conversation with myself and Mr. Parker on Sun- 
day afternoon, but which was not absolutely certain. 

After our conversation with Mr. Stevens, Tuesday afternoon, which 
has been detailed fully in our affidavits, and which was ended at a 
little after 2 o'clock in the afternoon and before the proclamation by 
the Provisional Government was issued, the cabinet came to the con- 
clusion that it was absurd to think of resisting the United States, and 
waited only until Mr. Stevens formally notified them of his recognition 
of the Provisional Government, which he sent us in answer to a letter 
from us. This letter in answer to ours reached us before 4 o'clock and 
less than an hour after the issuing of the proclamation by the Pro vis 
ional Government. After receiving his notification that he had recog- 
nized and would support the Provisional Government we entered into 
negotiations with the Provisional Government, and upon their promis- 
ing certain matters in connection with the Queen's protest, which by 
the way they afterwards failed to carry out, we delivered up the station 
house, which was then, and always has been in time of trouble here, 
the headquarters of the Government, the barracks, and palace, under 
the protest which has been published and which explicitly says that 
we yielded to the superior force of the United States troops. 

This ended the affair as far as the Hawaiians are concerned, who, 
acting upon the advice of their leaders, determined to leave their case 
to the justice of the American people in dealing with the protest of 
their Queen. Since that time the only danger which has menaced the 
community has been that caused by the presence of the troops of a for- 
eign nation guarding the sacred halls of their chiefs, and the still 
greater menace of the vagabonds which, the Provisional Government 
called in to- their assistance and organized into what they term a Pro- 
visional army. These facts show that Mr. Thurston's statement that 
Mr. Stevens didn't recognize them until after the surrender is false, and 
also show that the whole affair was premeditated and thoroughly under- 
stood between Mr. Stevens and a few of the citizens of Honolulu. 

It has been stated by the supporters of the Provisional Government 
that the main reasons for the movement they undertook were the pas- 
sage of the opium and lottery bills at the close of the Legislature. To 
show the untruthfulness of these statements it is only necessary to call 
attention to the fact that the opium bill was passed by an overwhelm- 
ing majority at the desire of nearly all classes in the community, and 
was supported by two members of the administration, which they Lave 
repeatedly stated was entirely satisfactory — Mr. Robinson, minister of 
foreign affairs, and Mr. Brown, attorney-general. 

As to the lottery bill, from its first mention it was supported by the 
Hawaiians generally, by the mechanics almost to a man, and by a 
majority of the storekeepers, smaller merchants, and clerks. It was 



470 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



opposed by the banks and the larger wholesale merchants, who gave 
as their reason for such opposition that it was not wise to place such 
political power as the bill proposed, or which might be taken under it, 
in the hands of a single corporation. The argument used in favor of 
the passage of the bill was that times were hard; that there seemed no 
immediate prospect of better times coming; that the poor man and 
the small dealer would be forced to the wall unless some relief was 
had; that while they did not believe in lotteries generally, it was the 
only tangible relief in sight and as such was grasped at. In fact, the 
arguments were exactly such as the same men use now in favor of annex- 
ation to the United States — anything to better our financial condition. 
To show the public feeling on the question of the lottery it is only neces- 
sary to refer to the special election held in Honolulu last October for 
the election of two nobles for the island of Oahu, when almost entirely 
upon the issue of the lottery Hopkins and Maile were elected by a large 
majority; they supporting the lottery, as against Mr. Brown and Mr. 
Iiobinson, afterwards called into the Wilcox cabinet, and Mr. H. 
Waterhouse, a member of the provisional council. 

The cabinet of which 1 was a member have been accused publicly 
and privately of having favored the purpose of the Queen to promul- 
gate a new constitution, and in support of that it has been said that 
Her Majesty told me, at the meeting in the palace, that I had had the 
constitution in my pocket for a month. What she did say was, in 
answer to a remark by Mr. Parker, that we didn't know what the con- 
stitution contained; that I — Mr. Peterson — had had it in my possession 
for several weeks. The explanation of that remark is this: During 
the early part of the session of the Legislature, some three or four 
months before the prorogation, the Queen sent for me one day and 
handed me a roll wrapped in newspaper, and, without saying what it 
was, asked me to look it over and see if I could propose any changes. 
I carried it home and looked at it and found it to be a draft of a con- 
stitution. I did not read it through, and can not say whether or not 
it was the same as was afterwards shown to us in the palace. I thought 
nothing of the matter at the time, as the subject of a new constitution 
was then before the Legislature in the shape of a bill providing for the 
calling of a constitutional convention; but as I was opposed to the 
measure, and shortly afterwards voted against it in the house, I was 
not desirous of assisting in the project, as I supposed this to be. and 
so did not look at it again after the first day. Some two or three weeks 
after the Queen sent Mr. Robertson for the package, which I returned 
exactfy as I received it, having looked at it but once, and having made 
no changes. 

The course the cabinet pursued during the revolution has been much 
criticised, but it must be remembered that the cabinet had only been in 
office but a day or two, that the most of them were green in .their posi- 
tions, and felt that the wisest course for them to pursue was to be 
guided by the advice of more experienced men in public affairs. They 
accordingly took no important step without consulting either with the 
diplomatic corps or a number of prominent citizens who kindly assisted 
Her Majesty's Government, among whom were J. O. Carter, Paul Neu- 
mann, and E. 0. Macfarlane. These gentlemen, after learning Mr.. 
Stevens's attitude, were convinced, and so advised the Queen and 
cabinet, that the best course to pursue was what was finally done, to 
yield to the superior force of the United States. 
I remain, your obedient servant, 

A. P. Peterson. 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 13, 1893. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 471 



No. 44. 

Interview ivith Wm. Hyde Rice, of Lihue, Kauai, April 28, 1893. 

Q. Yon filed on April 20, 1893, four petitions? 
A. Yes. 

The petitions are as follows: 

To the honorable W. H. Rice: 

We, the undersigned, residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian 
Islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Honolulu 
before the United States commissioners in matters concerning the annexation of the 
Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal rights 
and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States. 

(Signed by 137 names.) 

To the honorable W. H. Rice : 

We, the undersigned, residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian 
Islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Honolulu 
before the United States commissioners in matters concerning the annexation of the 
Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal rights 
and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States. 

(Signed by 18 names.) 

To the honorable W. H. Rice : 

We, the undersigned, residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian 
Islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Honolulu 
before the United States commissioners in matters concerning the annexation of the 
Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal rights 
and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States. 

(Signed by 43 names.) 

To the honorable W. H. Rice: 

We, the undersigned residents of the islands of Kauai and Niihau, Hawaiian 
Islands, do hereby nominate and depute you as delegate to represent us at Hono- 
lulu, before the United States Commissioners in matters concerning the annexation 
of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States to endeavor to procure for us equal 
rights and privileges accruing to citizens of the United States. 

(Signed by 81 names.) 

Q. How did you come by these? 

A. I was telephoned from the Waimeau natives asking me if I would 
represent them here before Commissioner Blount. I said that I had 
no wish to come, but if it was their wish I would be willing- to repre- 
sent them. 

Q. How far from where you are? 

A. About 25 or 30 miles from my residence. 

Q. Then what? 

A. They said they would draw up papers and send them around to 
be signed at the precincts in that place. 

Q. Here is the fifth petition similar in form presented this morning, 
the 28th. How did you come by this ? 

A. It was sent up from the island of Nuphau last Sunday. They 
wished to circulate them all around the islands, but hadn't time. 

Q. And you were not near when these papers were gotten up? 

A. No; I was not. I have not been near any of their meetings. 

Q. "Were you governor, at any time, of the island? 

A. Yes. 

Q. When? 

A. I was governor for about one year of the islands of Kauai and 
Niihau. 



472 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. What year I 

A. From the 14th of February, 1892, to the abolition of the office by 
the existing Government. 

Q. Where were you on the 14th, 15th. lGth, ITtL. 18th of January, 
1893 ! 

A. I was on the the island of Kauai ? 

Q. When did you learn of the dethronement of the Queen and the 
substitution of the Provisional Government ! 
A. On the 23d of January. 

Q. Was there anything known of any movement of this sort in the 
island prior to its happening? 

A. Xo. We had some rumor that there would be trouble on that 
Saturday morning — that there might be some trouble, as the Wilcox 
ministry had been voted out Thursday afternoon. I heard on Friday 
morning. , 

Q. That there might be trouble? 

A. Yes. sir. 

Q. On account of the going out of the ministry? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What sort of trouble was indicated ? 
A. We had no idea. 

Q. You did not know whether it would take the form of force or 
what ! 
A. We had no idea. 

Q. Was there any suspicion of the dethronement of the Queen? 
A. I think not. 

Q. Have you anything you wish to add. Mr. Eice? 

A. I had been with the Queen when she told me of the appointment 
of the Xawahi ministry: as they called it, the Nancy Hanks ministry. 
She told me who the appointees were. I said: "That won't hold; you 
had better have another ministry ready." 

Q. Are you interested in sngar-plantingi 

A. I am not a sugar-planter. I own stock in a plantation. My 
business is running a cattle and horse ranch. 

Q. You superintend that, but you have some investments in sugar? 

A. Yes: I have stock in one sugar plantation. I inherited the stock. 
I am not what is called a sugar-planter. 

Q. What is your idea about annexation? 

A. I think if we are not annexed to the United States I do not know 
what will become of us. because we are incapable of ruling ourselves. 
Q. Why ? 

A. There are so many different factions and interests that it will 
produce pandemonium if we tried to rule ourselves. 

Q. Do you mean by that that the native element is not qualified for 
self-government J ? 

A. I mean that. 

Q. Why! 

A. Because no native is capable of carrying on business for himself, 
and much less of carrying on government. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it a correct report 
of my interview with Col. Blount. 

W. H. Kice. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 473 



No. 45. 

Interview with Antone Rosa, Honolulu, April 17, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. I would like to have your opiuiou as to tlie various 
causes which culminated iii the dethronement of the Queen. 

Mr. Eosa. The only legitimate cause — if that can be construed into 
a cause — is this: The Queen signing the opium bill, which passed more 
than two thirds of the house and was favored by two members of the 
cabinet, and her signing the lottery bill, and the presumption on their 
part that the Queen was using her influence in an underhand way to 
oust the Wilcox cabinet. Those were the immediate causes. 

Q. What were the remote causes • 

A. The remote causes I should judge to be a dissatisfaction on their 
part in not being able to control the Government. I mean by that in 
not having their own men at the head of the Government. I do not 
think they cared much about the minor offices, but the cabinet and the 
principal offices of the Government they wanted to control, claiming 
that they are the substantial people of the country ; and I can not see 
any more tangible cause than this. The Queen since her reign has not 
exercised any of the powers her late brother did. 

Q. What do you mean by the powers he exercised ? 

A. Such as meddling with politics, demanding certain persons to be 
put in office, and undue expenditures of public money. She did not 
have as much right to enter into politics as her late brother, because 
during his reign whenever the ministry did not carry out his projects 
he would dismiss them without a vote of want of confidence. 

Q. Without a vote of want of confidence ? 

A. Yes; prior to the constitution of 1S87. 

Q. After that did he dismiss the ministers without a vote of want of 
confidence? 

A. Xo, he did not; he could not. He sometimes would obstruct 
some of the movements of the so-called Eeform party. It went so far 
one time as to force the cabinet to require the King to make a pledge; 
I do not think he was made to sign it. 

Q. What was the pledge ? 

A. That he shonld not in anyway obstruct the proceedings of the 
ministers, nor interfere in politics, but that he should accept every advice 
from them, as they were responsible for the King's acts under the con- 
stitution. I do not think he exercised any rights against the cabinet 
except what he thought he had a right to: as. for instance, the right to 
veto. They contended that he did not have that right personal to him- 
self, but that it was a right which he should exercise by and with the 
advice of his cabinet. That question was submitted to the supreme 
court and they decided in his favor. 

Q. By unanimous vote? 

A. I can not say; but I could refer to it. It was decided in favor of 
His Majesty's contention that it was a personal prerogative. 

Q. What was the cause of the revolution of Wilcox ? 

A. The revolution of Wilcox on July 20, 1889, was a public demon- 
stration of the natives' opposition to the constitution. 

Q. How? 

A. They contended that he was the undercurrent in the attempt to 
overthrow the Government, but he publicly denounced it in a letter, 
written at my instance and at the instance of another friend of his. 



474 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



He was then quartered at theboathouse. I personally thought he was 
a party to it. 

Q. That Wilcox was ? 

A. No; that His Majesty was. I personally felt that way. 
Q. How do you mean he was a party to it? 

A. I cannot tell you from any direct evidence; but eircumstances 
appeared to me as though he was a party to it. 

Q. In what way; what was the scheme lie was trying to effectuate? 

A. It was the overthrow of the 1887 constitution, and to be replaced 
by another one which he framed. The fact of his having his Queen 
removed from the palace the night before the movement ; the fact of his 
intimacy with certain revolutionary leaders, and other circumstances, 
which I can not call to mind, make me think so. I was very intimate 
with him then, but felt that his conduct through the whole matter was 
unjust. 

Q. You think that he was secretly promoting the movement to 
undermine the Government with a view to giving him the powers he 
had prior to the constitution of 1887? 

A. I believe so. 

Q. Was that generally entertained? 
A. I believe so — by the cabinet. 
Q. Who was in the cabinet \ 

A. Thurston, minister of the interior; Damon, minister of finance; 
C. W. Ash ford, attorney- general and Jonathan Austin, minister of 
foreign affairs. About 1 o'clock in the morning the King received 
a message that the movement was to dethrone him and put Liliuoka- 
lani in power. 

Q. When he received this message where was he? 

A. In the palace. 

Q. Was that the day before the revolution broke out ? 

A. It was the same morning. It was supported by the fact that W. 
E. Castle and others had approached the present Queen and asked her 
if she would not take the throne. This may require corroboration. It 
is secret history. It is not denied that she had been approached on 
that subject. I do not know whether she favored ifc or not, but he 
distrusted it and somewhat intimated it to me personally. 

Q. Now to pass on, how about the Wilcox cabinet? How did that 
happen to get out? 

A. It was a very satisfactory cabinet. It did not seem so to the 
house. They were got out by means of some maneuvering. The 
Nationalists and Liberals joined to get them out. 

Q. The Liberals came over to the Nationalists? 

A. Yes. And which ever way they went they tumbled out the cabi- 
net. I suppose the reason is that the natives feared they were an 
annexation cabinet. The natives were all afraid of them save myself. 
I did not believe it, because up to that time they were all anti-annexa- 
tionists, andl knew Wilcox was against it at that time and prior to 
it. He has always been friendly to the aatives, always opposed to 
anything that might lead to annexation, and he is a good man, partic- 
ularly friendly to the natives. But he has always said if it was done 
voluntarily by the natives he was willing to join in. 

Q. The constitution of 1887 took from the King the power to appoint 
nobles ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. It then provided for an election by electors having $3,000 worth 
of property unincumbered or an income of $600 ? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 475 



A. Yes. 

Q. The elimination of everybody except persons having these quali- 
fications left the relative strength of the foreign population in what 
proportion ? 

A. I should presume three-fifths of the voters were foreigners and 
two-fifths natives ; perhaps less. The foreigners became much stronger. 

Q. There was also coupled with that the permission on the part of 
foreigners who claimed their citizenship in other countries to vote? 

A. Yes; by registering and taking oath. It was always a danger- 
ous element to the native people, because a man for the sake of a few 
months' occupation could vote. 

Q. The power to appoint nobles was taken from the King and con- 
ferred practically upon what are sometimes termed foreigners % 

A. Yes, that is true: there is no question about it. 

Q. Was that or was it not a cause of discontent among the native 
population! 

A. Yes; I suppose it was. 

Q. Do the native population waxt the right to vote for nobles them- 
selves or do they want the power ^ ested in the Queen? 

A. I believe that they want thfe power in themselves, but I myself 
and a few of us have always felt that it is an unsafe thing to give 
them all that power, and that is one reason why it has not been 
adjudged safe to give them full power — only to give them some limited 
power. 

Q. How far did you want to go ? 

A. I should go down to three or four hundred income and, say, a 
thousand dollars' worth of property. I presume they would be satis- 
fied if that right were given to the Queen. Then opposition would 
come from the foreigners to that. 

Q. You think they would be content to give up the right to vote for 
nobles? 

A. I believe so. 

Q. Is it the desire of the native population to have the Queen appoint 
'the nobles rather than to have the right to vote for nobles themselves ? 

A. I think so: that is, of the mass. Now, a person like me — I would 
not like to see it. 

Q. You want more extended suffrage? 

A. Yes. I would rather the sovereign should not exercise that right. 
She might be influenced to appoint persons who ought not to be 
appointed — who would not fail, for instance, in the Legislature to vote 
for the measure she favored or that the cabinet favored. She might 
appoint very good men, like Mr. Bishop, Mr. Irving, and Mr. Damon 
and others. 

Q. Is it that feeling of preferring the exercise of the power of creating 
uobles growing out of the old relationship of the masses of the people 
to a chief, and consequent tendency to obey a chief, rather than an 
appreciation of the forms of popular government? 

A. Yes; I have not the least doubt that it is the desire of more than 
uine-tenths of the Hawaiian population, meaning native Hawaiian. 
They have always felt that as long as a Hawaiian was at the head of 
the Government — their sovereign — that they were always safe as regards 
the country and its general welfare. I believe if this subject were put 
to a popular vote I would be right in my view. 

Q. Do you mean to say that you believe that they would favor the 
appointing of the nobles by the Queen? 

A. I do. 



476 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. And would not care for an election of nobles by the people? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Is the preference for the appointment of nobles by the Queen the 
result of the fear that in a.n election they may sometimes lose in a con- 
test with foreign residents, or is it independent of any fear of foreign 
residents, or is it a fear of their own ability to wisely eleet nobles! 

A. I do not think it is from a fear on their part to wisely elect nobles, 
but it is from a fear that the foreigners will be supreme in the elections. 
The result of the elections so far since this right has been taken away 
from the sovereign confirms what I say — the nobles nominated under 
this system by the foreign element have nearly all been elected. 

Q. Suppose the property qualification was reduced to moderate fig- 
ures, would that make any change in the sentiment of the natives on 
the question of preference between the appointment of nobles by the 
Queen and voting for them? 

A. I hardly think so. I think they prefer that power left with the 
throne. 

Q. Suppose the property qualification to vote for a noble was the 
same as that which obtains in the matter of electing a representative, 
would the native mind prefer to create nobles in that way, or would it 
prefer that the Crown should appoint them'? 

A. My impression is that they would prefer to have the right in their 
own hands, not distrusting the Queen, however. 

Q. Why would they prefer it? 

A. It would be granting them rights which they never had. 

Q. You think, then, if they had the right to elect in the way that I 
have indicated that that old disposition to subserviency to the chief 
would be replaced by a disposition to select their government by popu- 
lar methods. I do not mean the dethronement of the Queen, I mean in 
the way I have indicated ? 

A. I think they would use that privilege fairly. They would not be 
subservient to the sovereign. I think they would exercise it fairly and 
wisely. 

Q. Then is it with them a selection between the present mode of 
electing nobles and the Queen's appointing them'? 

A. I do not know that it would make any difference to them as to 
whether they exercised the right or the Queen did, for the reason that 
the subject has not been much* discussed among them. They consider 
it unfair that they in their own land should not have the right to vote 
for nobles. That has been the contention. It has not been put in the 
shape you have placed it, so that I can not give you any idea in that 
form. 

Q. Is the discontent of the native population with the mode of 
selecting nobles that it takes away from the natives the right to vote? 

A. Yes; there is no doubt about that. That is clearly the reason 
why there is so much discontent, I have no hesitancy in answering 
that. 

Q. In the fear of political aggressions by foreign residents to the dis- 
advantage of the natives, is it true that the natives feel that they would 
be secure in the appointment of nobles by the Queen or by manhood 
suffrage f 

A. It is true that they would feel more secure if the nobles were either 
appointed by the sovereign or by giving the native population the 
right to vote for them without any property qualification. It is the 
popular view now and the subject has been a source of discontent for 
years to the Hawaiian people. It appears in the newspapers and all 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 477 



over the country, in fact. The revolution of 1889, of Wilcox, was with 
that view mainly. 

Q. With a view of doing away with that mode of electing nobles'? 

A. Yes, sir; and to restore it to the sovereign or popular vote. Of 
course this view would be very strenuously opposed by the foreign 
element. 

Q. Is that the view of the mass of the population of the islands? 
A. There is no question about it. 

Q. How do a majority of the people of the islands feel toward the 
existing government ? 
A. They are opposed to it. 

Q. I hear — I don't know as to the truth of it — that a good many of 
the native people are signing petitions for annexation, which would 
indicate that they wore in line with the Provisional Government? 

A. I do not believe it. Those who are signing, perhaps, are those 
directly affected by pecuniary considerations, such asbeingin theemploy- 
raent of persons who favor annexation, and such as being in a position 
to receive money from them in any business way — in a legitimate way, 
probably— and for fear that they would be dismissed from service. 

Q. Suppose the matter of sustaining the Provisional Government in 
its policy and purposes was submitted to a popular vote in the islands 
with the qualification of a person voting for representative, what 
would be the result, in your opinion? 

A. I think they would be swamped. 

Q. By how much ? 

A. I should say four-fifths. 

Q. Of the total vote ? 

A. Yes. Practically speaking, they have no support. They get it 
simply from a business point of view. The best test as to their sup- 
port would be to see their list of citizens' oath. You will find they 
have two oaths. One the citizen's oath, the other the official oath. 
They have a strong list of Government employes, Hawaiians, who say 
they are in favor of annexation. Certainly they would say so. The 
only independent body of natives was the Hawaiian Band. They are 
the only ones who stood out, notwithstanding my advice to sign the 
official oath. I signed one. I am a notary public. I did not sign 
the citizen's oath. 

Q. Did you write the communication addressed to Mr. Stevens, the 
American minister, on the 17th of January, 1893, signed by Samuel 
Parker, minister of foreign offairs; William H. Oornwell, minister of 
finance; John F. Oolburn, minister of the interior, and A. P. Peter- 
son, attorney-general ? 

A. I did. 

Q. What was done with that paper; wdio did you deliver it to? 

A. I delivered it to Hopkins. A press copy was taken. I wrote the 
address myself, and Mr. Hopkins was dispatched with it, and I left the 
room. It was written in the marshal's office at the station house. 

Q. Was there a reply from Mr. Stevens ! 

A. I was not there when the reply was received. 

Q. A reply was received? 

A. Yes; a reply was received to the effect that the Provisional Gov- 
ernment being in possession of the Government building, treasury, and 
Government archives, he recognized them as a Government de facto. 

Q. Up to that time was the Queen in possession of the barracks, pal- 
ace, and station house? 

A. She was. 



478 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. Up to that time had there been any effort on the part of the Pro- 
visional Government to take possession of them? 
A. No effort whatever. 

Q. After the reply of Mr. Stevens came was there any demand on the 
part of the Provisional Government for the surrender of these places I 

A. I only know from hearsay. I saw Mr. Damon and others who 
came to the station house for that purpose, quite late, about half past 
six or seven. 

Q. Was that after the reply? 

A. Long after. 

Q. Up to that time the people who proclaimed the Provisional 
Government made no aggressive movement beyond going to the Govern- 
ment building? 

A. None whatever. 

Q. After they issued the proclamation everything remained in statu 
quo until the recognition by Mr. Stevens of the Provisional Government f 
A. Yes. 

Q. Subsequent to this was the proposition on the part of the Pro- 
visional authorities to the Queen to surrender ! 

A. Yes; I was there when Mr. Wilson surrendered. I think they 
had McOandless there. Hemade a few remarks. lie said that he would 
only surrender on condition that the United States troops would make 
demand on him, or the Queen should ask him to surrender. 

Q. Now, after this response from Mr. Stevens, was there a cabinet 
consultation on the subject of surrender? 

A. I can not tell yon, either from hearsay or in anyway. After 
receiving that reply from Mr. Stevens it fell flat like a pancake. 

Q. How much time intervened between the reception of that reply 
and the surrender of the station house and barracks? 

A. Two hours. 

Q. In these two hours, where were you? 

A. Around the neighborhood of the station house in my office : within 
a space of say, 200 yards. Business people and everybody thronged 
around the station house and by Bishop's bank. 

Q. What was their object ? 

A. To hear the news as to whether Mr. Stevens had recognized the 
Provisional Government. I remember the news was brought to me 
that he had declined to recognize it. Then news came that he had 
recognized it. 

Q. There was an eagerness obtaining in the minds of the people, both 
in the reform party and the native population, to know just what Mr. 
Stevens was going to dp? 

A. Exactly, it was the turning point of everything. 

Q. And when that was ascertained ? 

A. It fell flat as a pancake. 

Q. And when that was ascertained, the minds of all persons seemed 
to accept that as authority ? 

A. Oh, yes. It was Mr. Stevens' attitude in the matter to which all 
persons looked up. Bear in mind. Mr. Blount, that the evening before 
I had heard from two members of the cabinet that Mr. Stevens had told 
them troops were landed to protect people and to keep the Queen in 
office, and I was surprised to hear this. 

Q. Who told you this ? 

A. Colburn and Parker. They said they had Mr. Stevens's word 
that the troops were landed to protect the Queen. 

Q. Where were the troops stationed at the time of theproclaniatioB ! 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 479 



A. Between Arion Hall and the Government building, with their 
field pieces out. 
Q. At what point*? 

A. Eight in front of Arion Hall, 50 or 100 feet from the corner of 
Music Hall. They faced there while the proclamation was being read 
faced, the Government building. 

Q. Were the troops formed ? 

A. They were formed. 

Q. Where was the artillery? 

A. I can not tell you whether it was on that side of Music Hall or on 
the other side. 

Q. What street were the troops on ? 

A. I do not know whether it is called Wilder's lane or Gibson's lane. 
It was the lane or street between Arion Hall and the Government 
building. 

Q. Where was the artillery? 

A. With the troops on the same street. 

Q. They were not in the hall, but formed on that lane or street? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And that was the situation when the proclamation of the Pro- 
visional Government was read? 
A. It was. 

Q. And nothing further was done by the Provisional Government in 
the matter of taking possession of the Palace, the barracks and the 
police quarters until Mr. Stevens had formally recognized it? 

A. Nothing was done by it. 

Q. And when that was made known, the recognition by Mr. Stevens, 
there was a feeling on the part of the native population and of for- 
eigners that this determined the controversy? 

A. Yes; the Provisional Government had a few men around the 
Government building. 

Q. Where? 

A. Around the Government building. I think there were about 30 
or 40 in the inclosure of the Government building. 
Q. They didn't come out of the inclosures ? 
A. No. 

Q. Were there any guards at the entrance of the inclosure? 
A. No. 

Q. Do you know anything of a visit of Mr. Parker and Mr. Colburn 
to Mr. Stevens on Monday ? 

A. I do not know of my own knowledge, except that we often sent 
them there. 

Q. Were they sent on Monday? 

A. Two or three times. 

Q. What report did they bring back? 

A. That the troops would be landed. That they would be landed to 
protect the Queen. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate 
report of my interview with Mr, Blount. 

A. Rosa. 



480 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS] 



No. 46. 

Interview with M. 31. Scott. 

Honolulu, Monday, April 10, 1803 — 9:20 a. ra. 

Mr. Blount. Please tell me the causes, tbe surface and the bottom 
causes of this movement, the action of the people here in establishing 
the Provisional Government. 

Mr. Scott. There has been a conviction since I have been here — ten 
or eleven years — that under the reign of Kalakaua, with Ms methods of 
controlling legislation under the old constitution, that with the irre- 
sponsible voting and irresponsible legislators, being controlled by the 
royal power, that that form of government could but lead to disastrous 
results here under his reign. 

Mr. Blount. You are referring to the condition before the constitu- 
tion of 1887? 

Mr. Scott. Yes; and his notorious corruption of members of the 
Legislature, especially Hawaiian members. 
Mr. Blount. You now speak of prior to 1887 ? 

Mr. Scott. Yes; that was the cause of that movement in 1887. 
Well, of course after his death (Kalakaua) the present Queen came on 
the throne, and, as you are perhaps aware, the first thing she did was 
the dismissal of the ministers who had been appointed by Kalakaua; I 
believe the supreme court giving a decision that she was not bound to 
retain them, although this ministry had a majority in the Legislature. 
I think the court decided that by his death the ministry went out. 

Mr. Blount. Who were the judges of the court then? 

Mr. Scott. Judd, Bickerton, and Dole. 

Mr. Blount. Was it a unanimous decision? 

Mr. Scott. I think it was: no, I am inclined to think, perhaps, that 
Dole dissented on the grounds — well, I have forgotten what. I will 
not testify about that. Then the people who had known the former 
Queen here — Liliuokalani, as she was called — while recognizing the 
fact that she was a very headstrong woman, thought that by giving 
her the support of the better element of the community she might 
change her course for the better, and they did flock around her, all 
the foreign community and the missionaries. 

A missionary here means, in the political slang of the day, anyone 
who is not affiliated with a few of what I conceive to be the worst ele- 
ments of demagogues. It makes no difference what he is, a non- 
believer or a Buddhist, if he affiliates with the party for good gov- 
ernment he is generally called a missionary. They related around 
here, and a paper published here by Bush and a number of his followers 
declared, that the Queen had ignored the claims of her own people, 
paid no attention to them. His paper was nasty, as it usually is, and 
said all manner of disagreeable things about the Queen. The paper 
was the strongest advocate of annexation. 

Mr. Blount. What is the name of the paper? 

Mr. Scott. Ka Leo (this means "The Truth"). He even advocated 
taking her off her throne. Then came the election for the last Legisla- 
ture, and of course they voted out the old ministry. This man Bush 
joined in with the opposition. The Queen positively declined having 
anything to do with Bush or Wilcox. She would not consent to give 
them any place because of the way in which they had assailed her per- 
sonal life. Everyone knew she could not very well do it. Then they 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 481 



.went along very slowly, this Legislature did, and voted out minister 
after minister. 

Mr. Blount. Will you please state how many ministers were voted 
out ! 

Mr. Scott. About the middle of the session they voted out the whole 
ministry which she had appointed when they went in — Widderaan, 
Whiting, Parker, and Spencer. 

Mr. Blount. "When was that! 

Mr. Scott. About the middle of the session, after they had been 
going about two months. 
Mr. Blount. Of 1892 ! 

Mr. Scott. Yes. Then, after a vacation of two or three weeks, after 
political log-rolling, they tried to get her to listen to the appointment 
of a good ministry. All at once there was the appointment of another 
ministry, consisting of Macfarlane, Neumann, Parker, and Gulick. 

Mr. Blount. The former had been voted out ? 

Mr. Scott. Yes. They immediately took a vote of want of confidence 
against it after they went in and failed by one — 21 to 25. They then 
w ent on not more than two weeks more, and brought up a vote of con- 
fidence and carried it largely — 35 to 15. The natives voted against 
them. 

Mr. Blount. Against the cabinet? ' 
Mr. Scott. Yes. against the cabinet. 
Mr. Blount. What cabinet was that? 

Mr. Scott. That was the second one — Neumann, Macfarlane, 
Spencer, Porter, and Gulick. After a vacation of some days, it is said, 
she came to her senses, and really was desirous of putting in a ministry 
that would please the Legislature and a majority of the property- 
holders of the country. They put in then this ministry: P. C. Jones, 
minister of finance; Cecil Brown (an Englishman) attorney-general; 
George Wilcox, of Kanai, one of the largest property-holders in the 
country, minister of the interior, and a half- white man, Mark Eobin- 
son, also a large property-owner, minister of foreign affairs. That 
was a ministry suitable to all classes of the community. All the bet- 
ter element joined in expressing satisfaction — English. German, 
Americans — all were perfectly satisfied with them. 

That went on, and it was supposed, until a few days before the 
adjournment of the Legislature, that that would hold. In the meantime 
they declared a policy — the first ministry that had had nerve enough to 
say anything about what their policy was going to be. The other min- 
istry was afraid to say whether they were opposed to the bank bill or the 
lottery bill. They did not know how to please the Hawaiians. They 
said they should fight for retrenchment and make the expenses of the 
Government come within the income. They were opposed decidedly to 
the lottery scheme, to the Horner bank bill, and to the opium bill. 
Then it was thought that they would hold until a few days before the 
adjournment, when it was found there had been a majority got for the 
lottery bill and the opium bill also. The Queen said if she could pass 
these two bills her ministry would have to resign. 

Three days, I think it was. before the adjournment they passed the 
lottery bill and the opium bill. They let the bank bill go, becaue the 
natives were not so particular about that. They wanted the lottery. 
So that passed, and then the better element of the community here got 
around these ministers and said: "Do not resign ; leave it to the Legis- 
lature to vote you out.-' They did not resign. I had talked with some 
of them. They said they could not afford to resign, and then the day 
10518 31 



482 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



before the adjournment — the next day after they passed those bills — * 
she signed them immediately, although delegations here from the 
Woman's Temperance Union and the churches called upon her and 
asked her not to do so. Them, the night alter they passed them, they 
went around to Mr. C. A. Berger* a son-in-law of Mr. Widemann, to 
get him to vote to put out the ministry. They told him if he would vote 
for putting out the ministry they would let his father-in-law form a 
cabinet for the Queen. 

Mr. Blount. Let me ask you a question on that point. What is the 
evidence of this promise \ 

Mr. Scott. Mr. Berger's own statement to various gentlemen around 
here. 

Mr. Blount. Who are they ? 

Mr. Scott. I do not know that I can mention any. It was put out 
at the club by Mr. Cecil Brown. I do not know that he told me so 
himself. It is certainly true. It is common talk. Perhaps, however, 
you do not wish to take this. 

Mr. Blount. I wish to take all you have to say. 

Mr. Scott. I am positive all this is true. So far as my feelings go in 
the politics of this community I have no interest. After they voted 
them out Mr. Widdeman was sent for. She began to name the cabinet 
she had chosen. She said the office of minister of the interior was filled 
by Mr. Colburn. "Oh. then,'" said Mr. Widdeman, " I will have nothing- 
do with it. I should do all the work and get all the blame. I will 
have nothing to do with it." 

Mr. Blount. Was the minister of the interior the only one named! 

Mr. Scott. The minister of finance, Mr. Cornwell. 

Mr. Blount. Xow, any others \ 

Mr. Scott. I do not know of any others. 

Mr. Blount. It was at this point that he, Widdeman, declared he 
would have nothing to do with it? 
Mr. Scott. Yes. 

Mr. Blount. How did you get that information! 

Mr. Scott. I got it from people to whom Mr. Widemann told it. I 
got it from several people who visited his house, whose veracity I can 
certainly vouch for. 

Mr. Blount. That's enough. 

Mr. Scott. Then immediately she appointed Mr. Colburn, Mr. Peter- 
son, Mr. Cornwell, and Mr. Parker. Then came the morning of the 
prorogation. A majority of what is called the Keforin party— that is, I 
think, all of them in fact did not appear at the prorogation. 

Mr. Blount. What was their idea for absenting themselves ? 

Mr. Scott. They were so disgusted, Mr. Blount, with the last week 
or ten days of the Legislature, the means used to get the ministry out 
and the substitution of a ministry that nobody had confidence in. 
They made no concerted action. I do not think they went together, 
but each one resolved within himself he would not appear there any 
more. They saw the futility of having worked four or five or six 
months of this session ; they wanted to get to their business. They had 
large business interests out on the Islands. They got tired and dis- 
gusted with this idle tall:. 

Mr. Blount. Will you allow me -to ask you there — the men who 
absented themselves— wh at class of people did they belong to? 

Mr. Scott. They belonged to what is generally known as theBeform 
party — that is, to reform the methods of politics and legislation. Such 
men as Young, of the iron works ; Walbridge, of Waliuku, manager ox 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 483 



a plantation; Anderson, one of the nobles of Waliuku, and Al Wilcox, 
of Kuai, owner of a plantation. That class of men. The most respon- 
sible men in the community. 

Mr. Blount: Generally large property owners? 

Mr. Scott: Yes, and representatives of property interests. 

Mr. Blount: Who made up the other side; what class of men? 

Mr. Scott: About fifteen natives, whose names you could not write 
down, coming from various outer districts. Did not, perhaps, repre- 
sent $500 worth of property in the country. The men on this side who 
did represent property were Cummins, who had a large property once, 
but, like all other Hawaiians, wasted it and is heavily in debt, and 
Peters'on (he was in the ministry). 

Mr. Blount. These were both natives'? 

Mr. Scott. Yes. I do not know of any white men on that side. I 
think perhaps a few, three or four, did remain just for appearance's 
sake. 

Mr. Blount. Let me ask you, were they all natives on that side? 
Mr. Scott. The' side that stayed in ? 
Mr. Blount. Yes. 

Mr. Scott. Yes. Generally natives. 
Mr. Blount. What else besides natives? 

Mr. Scott. They were nearly all natives. Some few half-castes like 
Mr. White, of Lahaina. They were nearly all natives or half white 
men. The English, I think, and the Americans, the nobles and the 
representative men, ail absented themselves to a man. At the time I 
was at Wakiki, I moved out to Wakiki, I think it was about 2 o'clock. 

Mr. Blount. What day? 

Mr. Scott : The same day. I think it was about 2 o'clock Satur- 
day. I have forgotten the day of the month. We were startled at 
Wakiki — we were all there on Saturday afternoon. We heard that 
the Queen had proclaimed a new constitution. I do not know whether 
the message was that she had or was going to proclaim a new consti- 
tution. Everybody was on the qui vive. I did not go up at all. It 
seems that she had invited a number of legislators, I do not know 
how many, over to the palace to partake of some kind of a colla- 
tion, T)ut before the collation came around, I believe it was before, 
she sent for the ministers. She was dressed in her robes of state. 
She said she had prol aimed this constitution or was going to and 
wanted them to sign it, I was told, without reading it. 

I was told by men who were there. This is hearsay. When they 
said they had not read it she said, "Why do you say so, when you have 
had it in your pocket three weeks." She told them she did not want to 
hear an} T more advice. She said, "You know if I go out and proclaim 
it to my people they may come in and tear you limb from limb." 

Mr. Blount. How did you get that information? Just in the same 
way ? 

Mr. Scott. I got it from Chief Justice Judd. He said she looked 
like a fiend. 
•Mr. Blount. Please go on. 

Mr. Scott. Well, I believe it was told me, two or more were inclined 
to sign. Peterson and Ooiburn refused, and asked for time. They 
went over to the Government building. Golburn went down to W. O. 
Smith's office and asked what support they could get from the com- 
munity if they refused to sign it. He advised them not to sign it: said 
that they would have the support of all the better element of the com- 
munity. 



484 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN INLANDS. 



Mr. Blouxt. What do you mean by what support they could get 
from the community? 

Mr. Scott. In case they refused to sign it. They were frightened 
to death — thinking of the Kalakaua riots. They went to the men they 
were in political opposition to for support, knowing t'ney were the only 
men to be depended upon. They knew they had real backbone. This 
was told them by Thurston, Smith, Castle, Emmeluth, and others. Mr. 
Emmelnth is a mechanic. He is a man of sound sense. He told me 
that this constitution was coming two weeks before. Then immedi- 
ately the men around the street went into Sniitlrs office and organized 
this committee of thirteen. 

Mr. Blount. Yes. 

Mr. Scott. I noticed — I did not come to town — that there was a meet- 
ing at the armory that evening. 

Mr. Blotnt. Before going on further, what was the size of the crowd 
at Smith's office? 

Mr. Scott. That I cannot tell. There were the thirteen there. I 

do not know how many more. 
Mr. Blount. Please go on. 

Mr. Scott. On Monday morning I noticed there was a meeting at 
the armory. The notice was to the effect that all who were opposed to 
the late revolutionary methods of the Queen would meet at the 
armory. I think that was at 2 o'clock. I am principal of a school of 3U0 
white children. A great many rumors came up, one that the meeting 
was going to be opposed by martial force. Mothers came in carriages 
after their daughters and sous, especially- the small odes. I concluded 
it was better to dismiss the children and let them go home before the 
excitement commenced in the streets. I did. I went down to this 
meeting. It was assembled at the armory. I should judge there 
must have been twelve or fifteen hundred people there. 

Mr. Blount. Were you present at the meeting ? 

Mr. Scott. Yes: I was present at the meeting. I saw very few 
Hawaiians there. I saw one or two Chinese. It was a meeting of Amer- 
icans, Englishmen, and Germans. The fact is it represented the prop- 
erty of the community. 

Mr. Blount. What institution of learning are you connected with? 

Mr, Scott. I am principal of the Fort street school. I did not know 
what the procedure was going to be. I was afraid there would be 
trouble. I fully looked for it. I knew there was a determination on the 
part of the men. I knew they would do whatever they wished to do. 
W. C. Wilder was chairman of the meeting. There was Thurston there. 
Wilder stated that it was for no' clique this meeting was called. It was 
for the whole community. He said they wanted to have this kind of 
thing stopped. Thurston gave an outline of the proceedings from Sat- 
urday up to the present time, what had occurred at the palace. The 
resolutions were read, as you know, for that committee of thirteen to 
take proceedings so as to insure tranquility and confidence in the com- 
munity. That is the best of my recollection. I speak from memory. 

The Germans were largely represented by the best Germans in fhe 
community and after several speeches by various men and after I read 
the resolutions over I knew perfectly well it meant some radical meas- 
ures. We were not aware of just what it meant. I talked with no one. 
I said to myself it means business. The resolutions were passed unani- 
mously with one dissenting voice, with Mr. S. B. Walker against it. 
He was vice-consul for England. He was well aware, he said, some 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLiXDS. 485 



measures had to be taken, but he thought it left too large a latitude for 
the committee. Mr. Swanzey, his partner, voted for it. 

Mr. Blount. Is Mr. Walker engaged in business here? 

Mr. Scott. He is head of the firm of Theo. Davis & Co. Mr. Davis 
is in England. 

Mr. Blount. What sort of business? 
• Mr. Scott. A large importing house: importing goods of every 
nature. It is as large a store as maybe found in San Francisco or "New 
York. They are agents for a number of plantations — sell large amounts 
of goods for the use of the laborers. 

Mr. Blount. What plantations are they agents for? 

Mr. Scott. I can not give the names of them; three or four in 
Kohala. I can not name them just now ; several in Hamakua, the most 
productive districts; two in Hilo, very large. He is a shrewd business 
•man — made his fortune out of the bounty of the United States. 

Mr. Blount. What bounty do you mean ? 

Mr. Scott. Sugar; the reciprocity treaty. He was as poor as Job's 
turkey when he came here. He is now opposed to everything Ameri- 
can. I went home. This was 2 o'clock, Monday. At 7 o'clock at night 
we had three or four telephonic messages about the landing of the 
troops. In this connection this committee of thirteen had got together 
and had asked the minister, I believe, to take precautions against dis- 
order — they did not know what might occur — to take the precaution 
of landing troops. Some of them went down to Arion Hall. Xext morn- 
ing I came up town about 10 o'clock. I heard they were going to 
dethrone the Queen and establish the Provisional Government. At 2 
o'clock — no, half past 1 — I went to the Government building. I then 
went up to the Rifles' armory. They were piling in arms. 

Mr. Blount. Who? 

Mr. Scott. The supporters of the intended Provisional Government 
and citizens. I did not know there were so many arms m the country. 
The people were grouping together. 

Mr. Blount. Was it a Government armory? 

-Mr. Scott. ]So; it had been used for a skating rink and dancing 
hall. It was the place the - meeting was held in the day before. Then 
I came down town. I was in Fort street. I heard the pop of a gun. 
Doors were suddenly shut, and there was great excitement. I went 
to the corner, and was told a policemen had been shot. A loaded 
wagon with arms from Hall & Sons was going to the armory. The 
policeman tried to stop it. The fellow (the driver) pulled out a pistol 
and shot the policeman in the arm or chest, or somewhere. 

Mr. Blount. What was the character of the guns at the armory? 

Mr. Scott. They were guns, I think, that had been carried from 
their homes during the movement of 1887. Generally Springfield rifles. 
They had kept them at their homes since that movement. They said 
they had four or five hundred. They were taken just as soon as they 
were got in. Zeigler, a German, and two or three others got their 
companies out and marched out to the Government building. 

Mr. Blount. Were these volunteer companies? 
" Mr. Scott. Yes; a great many had belonged to the movement of 
1887. They were well drilled men and splendid shots. They marched 
down to the Government building. 1 suppose there were 300. They 
marched down in half an hour. Then that proclamation was read. I 
stayed around there awhile. Wilcox said he thought there was going 
to be a fight. He had just come from the station house. They did 
not know what to do. He said the ministers were all in the building. 



486 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



They seemed paralyzed: did not know what to do. I said, "Who is 
going to fight!" He said the police. I said, "Oh, pshaw." 
Mr. Blount. Who are you talking about ? 

Mr. Scott. Luther Wilcox. I stayed around some time. Finally I 
saw a man from the station house come into the (xovernment building. 
Then I heard the station house was going to give np. I said to a man 
afterwards, "What made you fellows give up?" lie said. k - We did 
not know how well they were prepared." The fact is, the Hawaiian, 
when he comes in contact with the white man, looks to be directed by 
him. He is loath to oppose him in any way. 

Mr. Blount. Well, if you will continue with your narrative? 

Mr. Scott. I was telling you about this police station. They said 
they thought it was no use to resist. They put it on the grounds 
afterwards that it was seeing the Boston's men ashore. The fact is 
the Boston's presence there was nothing. I talked to the officers. 
They said they had nothing to do with it beyond a matter of security. 
They had no intention and there was no possibility of their taking any 
part any more than they did in 1889 when they were landed for Mr. 
Merrill. Mr. Soper had taken charge of the marshal's office and things 
were as quiet next day as they had been before this whole thing s*y far 
as the movement goes. Then three days after they sent this commis- 
sion to Washington. That is all I know about this. 

I will say this in passing", Mr. Blount: It is the people who want to 
make a living and bring up families who favor annexation. They rec- 
ognize the Hawaiian as going. He will be nil. They recognize the 
fact that tins country, left as it is, would become Asiaticized. With 
the dying out of this dynasty it must become Asiaticized or American- 
ized. There are eighteen or twenty thousand Japanese here — the very 
worst class. Now, Mr. Blount, if you want to know anything about the 
Japanese 

Mr. Blount. I do not care to go into that now. I may later. 

Mr. Scott. I want to say in regard to the report about the Boston's 
men bringing this about, that the Boston had gone to Hilo ten days 
before this — I am not sure how long — taking Minister Stevens and his 
daughter, who was drowned, and the Boston did not get back until Sat- 
urday morning. I think it was 11 o'clock when she entered — 11 or after. 
The fact is no one existed this. It came like a clap of thunder, 
except to those on the inside. 

Mr. Blount. Do you think the absence of the Boston had anything 
to do with the Queen selecting that time for the purpose of proclaiming 
the new constitution ? 

Mr. Scott. I have heard it said. It was generally believed around 
here at that time that it was so. If it had remained here perhaps she 
would not have taken that course. I can not say, however; I do not 
know. 

Mr. Blount. I ask you for this reason : I happened to take up this 
book (Senate Ex. Doc. No. 76, Fifty-second Congress, second session). 
In a letter dated Honolulu, January 18, 1893, from Mr. Stevens to Mr. 
Foster, Mr. Stevens says: " Immediately after the Borlon and myself 
had left Honolulu the unscrupulous adventurers around the Queen 
improved the opportunity to push through the Legislature an astound- 
ing lottery franchise, with the obvious intent to sell it out to the 
Louisiana lottery men." 

Mr. Scott. I went up to Mr. Stevens. He said, in speaking of Oapt. 
Wiltse, that he talked a good deal, but, after all, he was a man of 
unusual information here. He (Oapt. Wiltse) said they were going to 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 48? 

pass the lottery bill and put out the ministry. He (Mr. Stevens) paid no 
attention to it. He hardly thought so, because if he had thought they 
were going to pass the lottery bill he should not have gone. He said 
.Capt. Wiltse was perfectly sure — talked about it all the while up. 
When they got back to Lahaina they heard they had passed the lottery 
bill. 

Mr. Blount. Why would they do it in the absence of Capt. Wiltse 
and Mr. Stevens ? 

Mr. Scott. Mr. Stevens told me that in view of the fact that the 
United States Government had forbidden lottery literature to circulate 
through the mails he should have protested against that bill. He told 
me that himself. I am satisfied that there was a settled intention on 
the part of the Queen to get this constitution and appoint that house 
of nobles. 

Mr. Blount. Do you imagine they would take advantage of the 
absence of Mr. Stevens to do that? Did they apprehend anything 
more than a protest j or what is your opinion 5 or have you any knowl- 
edge on that point? 

Mr. &cott. I have no knowledge. I am inclined to think that in 
view of the relations of the two governments that any protests made 
by the United States ought to have a decided influence upon anything 
of that kind. That is what I judge. I know nothing, of course. 

Early in the session Mr. Macfarland, who is a member of the Legis- 
lature, got up and asked the ministers if they had taken any measures 
to rebuke something the American minister had said at a Grand Army 
of the Republic meeting. They voted to table it almost unanimously. 

Mr. Blount. What was the point of offense? 

Mr, Scott. He spoke about the civil war. He referred to the action 
of the South; that they deemed their cause good 5 that the United 
States Government did not arrest men for treason, or something of that 
kind. Anyway, Mr. Macfarland thought he saw an allusion to the 
condition of things here. No one else seemed to think so. 

Mr. Blount. What is the condition of opinion in the islands as to the 
Provisional Government ? 

Mr. Scott. Of course it has the support in Honolulu and in the other 
islands of the property owners generally and the more stable and 
responsible elements of the people. There are certain men, quite a 
number, who were adherents of the Kalakaua regime who do not 
indorse the Queen's action. There is a good deal of bitterness here 
against what is called the missionary element. " Missionary " is a very 
vague term. It has no significance at all. It is the responsible ele- 
ment in a community like this. They are not liked by the natives, who 
prefer to follow demagogues who give them fair promises. They are 
easily led. 

Mr. Blount. Do they always follow that class? 
Mr. Scott. They follow it implicitly I assure you. 
Mr. Blount. Who, then, would you say were the leaders of the 
Kanakas ? 

Mr. Scott. -There is White, of Lahina^ Mr. Parker, Mr. Nahawi, of 
Hilo; Mr. Bush, the editor of KaLeo; and, I might say, Mr. R. W. Wil- 
cox. There was one time when he was the greatest leader among them. 

Mr. Blount. What influence has he now? 

Mr. Scott. I think he has espoused the side of annexation now, and 
perhaps he is not so popular; but I think they are all what might be 
termed annexationists, or a majority. 

Mr. Blount. A majority of what? 



488 BEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Mr. Scott. Kanakas. 

Mr. Blount. In favor of annexation? 

Mr. Scott. Yes; I said once to White, "What is your opinion on 
the subject?" He said all were for annexation, but they did not wish 
to be disfranchised. That is what they fear. They do not care for the 
Queen. I believe two-thirds would be in favor of annexation if this 
matter of the franchise could be satisfactorily explained to them. . The 
Princess Kauilani is not a favorite with the people; they do not want her 
to reign. They have said we only wish the Queen to reign her reign out 
and then we want the United States to take care of us. The English 
would like to have Kauilani reign. They are a very responsible set of 
men — large property owners. They wish to see good government. Xone 
of the Queen's friends wanted Kauilani. They say the English will have 
all influence with Kauilani. The old Hawaiian is an excellent man. 
You put him in certain relations and let the white man give him advice. 
He is a noble fellow, and looks up to the white man as to a feudal lord. 
He wishes to know " What am I to do?" He wishes to be taken care of. 

Mr. Blount. What do you mean by u old Hawaiians?" 

Mr. Scott. I mean those not mixed with foreign blood; those who 
have something of the old native character. He is as simple as a 
child. There are about thirty-five or forty thousand. 

Mr. Blount. Do you mean when you speak of the native Hawaiians, 
that there are thirty-five or forty thousand? 

Mr. Scott. Yes. 

Mr. Blount. That is what I want to get at. 

Mr. Scott. I think probablay great many of them have a tincture 
of foreign blood in them. 

Mr. Blount. Let me ask you : Is it generally true that the contro- 
versies with Kalakaua prior to 1887, subsequent to 1887, and up to the 
revolution largely followed the lines of a racial division % 

Mr. Scott. Yes; he began that after 

Mr. Blount. I am not asking about the time when they began to 
talk cheap politics. What I want to know is this : Whether or not 
prior to 1887, subsequent to 1887, and down to the revolution the con- 
troversies followed racial lines. 

Mr. Scott. This present revolution? 

Mr. Blount. Yes; were the contests generally parallel with racial 
lines? 

Mr. Scott. They were. 

Mr. Blount. Did these contests, parallel to what we have termed 
racial lines, grow out of difference of opinion on questions of taxation 
or questions of taxation and legislation? How did they grow? 

Mr. Scott. No; they grew out of office. Mr. Gibson advised it. 

Mr. Blount. Please bring that out. 

Mr. Scott. In the spring of 1882, when they held the election here, 
he advised it. He was the originator of the phrase u Hawaii for 
Hawaiians." He was a man of marked ability. He was the president 
of the board of education. He made speeches couched in careful lan- 
guage when the foreigners would see or hear them. He spoke Hawaiian 
well. His cry was " Hawaii for Hawaiians." He said to the people, 
the missionary has not been your friend. He leaves no opening for 
you. He leaves no outlet for you. He does not wish you to hold office. 
He (Gibson) purled up Kalakaua with the idea that he could be emperor 
of all the Pacific islands. The planters and commercial community 
generally were against Gibson as being an unsafe adviser. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 489 

On leaving Mr. Scott spoke of certain statistics lie had prepared 
and which had been sent to Washington. Ool. Blount did not care to 
go into it. 

April 14, 1893. 

I have read over the foregoing report and pronouce it to be a correct 
one in every particular. 

M. M. Scott. 



No. 47. 

Interview with Admiral Skerrett, April 8, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 2 dated April 8, 1893. 



No. 48. 

Statement of W. 0. Smith of events prior to January 17, 1893. 

Mr. Smith. About 11 o'clock on Saturday morning, the 14th ot 
January, I went into Mr. Hartwell's office, the corner of Fort and Mer- 
chant streets, and found Mr. Hartwell, L. A. Thurston, and John F. 
Colburn, minister of the interior, in the back room talking very ear- 
nestly. They requested me to sit down. Mr. Oolburn was very much 
excited. They stated that Mr. Oolburn had just come to see Mr. Hart- 
well and Mr. Thurston and they asked him to remain, and Mr. Thurston 
stated very briefly what Mr. Oolburn had told them, and Mr. Oolburn 
proceeded to state himself that the ministers had been informed by the 
Queen that she would promulgate a constitution immediately after the 
prorogation. Mr. Colburn was very much excited and evidently 
alarmed. 

Mr. J. B. Castle. Did he say when the Queen gave this information 
for the first time — that morning, was it? 

Mr. Smith. His conversation and statements gave me the impres- 
sion that, as far as he was concerned, the first they had heard of it was 
that morning, but subsequently he told me himself that he did know 
of the existence of the constitution the night before, and on another 
occasion he told me that he had known of the existence of the constitu- 
tion about a week prior to that, but that he did not know until that 
morning that she was about to promulgate the constitution, and that 
she expected her ministers to support her in it and for him to sign it. 
Colburn's manner was that of a scared man — frightened — very much in 
earnest. The conversation that was conducted after that lasted per- 
haps fifteen minutes after I got there, between Mr. Thurston and Hart- 
well on one side and Colburn on the other. Mr. Thurston and Mr. 
Hartwell advised him, by all means, that they should not consent to 
the promulgation of the constitution, and that if they would stand to 
that they would be supported by the community in that matter. 

Mr. J.B, Castle. In their action? 

Mr. Smith. In their action. 

Mr. Castle. Let us go back a little bit. Had the trade, if there 
was such a trade, in the Legislature between the opponents to the min- 
istry and the advocates of the lottery bill, grounded within it anything 
whatever about a constitution? 



490 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Mr. Smith. I did not know, but believe, from my knowledge of the 
facts at the time and the subsequent events, that all, or nearly all, of 
the native members of the Legislature were informed in regard to the 
matter of the constitution and of its promulgation. I judge this from 
their conduct in the house, and from the reports which I afterwards 
learned of a meeting which a number of the native members of the 
Legislature h ad held Friday night. It was reported that John Kaluna, 
representing the district of Makawao, among others, was very violent 
in his speech, stating that he could kill five or six men and would be 
perfectly willing to be hung for it, or die, if he only had the opportu- 
nity to kill five or six or more, in defense of the constitution. 

Mr. Castle. One of the members made a distinct reference in the 
light of subsequent events to that action to be taken on Saturday, 
didn't he? 

Mr. Smith. I so understood. 

Mr. Castle. You don't remember hearing it in the house? It was 
alluded to afterward ? 

Mr. Smith. Well, I say this: At various times during the session 
there were at times allusions to the matter of a new constitution and a 
constitutional convention and constitutional amendments. These 
statements would generally be made when the subject of some one of 
the constitutional amendments was brought up and with more or 
less feeling, and at certain times there was some excitement; there 
were insinuations, references, to something that was to be done, but we 
didn't attach any special importance to it. I do not believe myself, 
from what 1 know of the circumstances, that most of the members — in 
fact, I do not know any of them had any definite idea of a plan of pro 
mulgating a new constitution until very late in the session. There 
were a number of amendments pending which had not been disposed 
of — the question of a constitutional convention had not been disposed 
of until quite late in the session. 

Mr. Castle. Have you any doubt that when the election, one year 
ago this month, took place that part of the programme of the liberal 
party, so called, was a new constitution, mainly on the lines desired by 
the Queen, Wilcox, Bush, and the rest? 

Mr. Smith. Speeches made in public and reported in the papers of 
the camp meetings of the liberal party certainly quoted speeches 

Mr. Castle. You have no knowledge except from these general 
sources? 

Mr. Smith. No. 

Mr. Castle. And Mr. C. A. Brown told me one year ago last month 
that that constitution was entirely prepared and engrossed, ready for 
signature, and it awaited nothing but the opportunity. I suppose that 
he gained his knowledge from the inside affairs at the palace. 

Mr. Smith. I don't know. 

Mr. Castle. I want to establish, if possible, what connection there 
was between, you might say, four important bills — four important 
things in the legislature — the constitution, the opium bill, the lottery 
bill, and, it may sound paradoxical, but the registration act. 

Mr. Smith. You want to what? 

Mr. Castle. I want to establish the relation that existed between 
them. The registration act was desired of course, by the planting 
interest, the lottery and the opium and the new constituion by the other 
other interests. 

Mr. Smith. Well, there was undoubtedly some connection; it was 
connected with a genera^ dissatisfaction with the result of the legisla- 



REPORT uE COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 491 



tion ; the natives had not been able to carry their measures as they had 
hoped. The Queen was disappointed in not being aRle to command 
and control the public affairs to the extent that she had wanted, and 
it became very manifest after the appointment of Judge Frear to be 
judge of the circuit court under the new judiciary act that the Queen 
was deteraiiued to have a different state of affairs. She had advocated 
strenuously the appointment of Antone Rosa to be judge of the circuit 
court with Whiting. JUosa's habits were such that the ministers would 
not consent to it at all. While that very matter was pending he went to 
Lahaina to attend circuit court at the December term and was intoxi- 
cated publicly in Lahaina and the ministers would not consent. She 
felt that was a check to her power, and from conversations with those 
ministers since they have stated, and it was apparent to us, that from 
that moment her determination was to have a different state of affairs 
at whatever cost. 

Now, going back to the events of Saturday, Mr. Colburn had to leave 
Mr. Hartweli's office, because the prorogation was to take place at 12 
o'clock and the ministers had to be there, and he hurried away. You 
asked me about being present at the chamber of commerce. I was 
there, certainly. AVhat was the subject of that? 

Mr. Castle. Why, I understand that the first inkling in the cham- 
ber of commerce to such portion of the business community as was there 
was that this thing was on the tapis. The object of that meeting was 
to take action on the signature of this lottery bill, to pass that memorial 
which was sent by a committee to the Queen. 

Mr. Cooper. That was what I understood from Mr. Glade. 

Mr. Smith. Immediately after this interview in Mr. Hart well's office 
with Colburn I went up to the chamber of commerce, at which a meet- 
ing of the merchants was being held, and stated to the meeting that I 
had information that a constitution was about to be promulgated by 
the Queen, without giving my source of information. I told them that 
I had authentic information, so authentic that certain actions which 
they had before them at that time were deferred in consequence of my 
statement to that effect. 

Mr. Castle. Did you go to the prorogation ? 

Mr. Smith. No; I did not go to the prorogation. 

Mr. Smith. No white members did except Berger and Peterson, did 
they? 

Mr. Smith. I do not know who went,* I did not go myself. In the 
neighborhood of 1 o'clock on that same Saturday, John F. Colburn 
came to my office again in very great excitement. He was dressed in 
full dress with a silk hat, and still had his blue sash on, which minis- 
ters wear on state occasions. He came along Merchant street in the 
direction of Bishop's bank, and came right to my office and asked me 
in a very, exciting manner to come at once to the attorney general's 
office, in the Government building. I said that I would, and offered to 
get in the same hack with him. He said it would be better to take 
another hack, and immediately told the driver to drive on, and drove 
with speed to the Government building. I immediately entered another 
hack and came up to to the Government building, up to the attorney- 
general's office, and it may then have been half-past 1. In the 
attorney-general's office upstairs, in Aliiolani Hale, were the attorney- 
general, A. P. Peterson, minister of finance, W. H. Corn well, and 
Minister of the Interior, J. F. Colburn. There were also present L. A. 
Thurston, F. W. Wundenburg, E. C. Macfarlane, and myself. Mr. Col- 
burn was the chief spokesman at first. 



492 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Mr. Castle. Sam Parker was not there at that meeting! 

Mr. S3HTH. So; Sam Parker, the minister of foreign affairs, was 
not at the attorney- general's then at that time. Mr. Colburn, in an 
excited manner, told about an interview at the palace with the Queen 
after the prorogation, in which she had produced the proposed new 
constitution and demanded that the ministers sign it with herself, and 
that he as minister of the interior should sign it, I do not recollect 
definitely which, and narrated how he and Mr. Peterson and Mr. 
Gornwell had escaped from the palace. Mr. Thurston spoke very 
emphatically, although calmly, advising that by no means should they 
sign the constitution or consent to her proposition. 

Mr. Cooper. Was there not something said about their resigning 
at that time? 

Mr. Smith. There was, both on that occasion and at Mr. Hart well's 
office at 11 o'clock. We advised Mr. Colburn that the ministers should 
not resign, and that if they resigned it would give the Queen an opportu- 
nity to appoint new ministers who would accede to her wishes, and the 
complications would be greater than they otherwise would be. While 
we were in the attorney-general's office, Johu Richardson, in the uni- 
form of an officer of the Queen's staff, came with a message from the 
palace requesting the three ministers to go over there. At that time 
the whole of the Queen's guard was drawn up in front of the palace on 
King street side under arms. On the Waikikki side of the main 
entrance to the palace, and on the Ewa side of that entrance, was a 
large crowd of natives — two or three hundred, probably. 

Mr. Castle. Half as many more on the Makai side! 

Mr. Smith. Yes. The band was at the palace and there appeared to 
be a large number of people in attendance around the palace, all the 
officials and attendants that were generally about the sovereign on an 
occasion of prorogation. We were also informed that the chief justice 
was at the palace at the request of the Queen waiting to administer the 
oath to her upon her signing the new constitution. 

Mr. Castle. Is that the way that was ? 

Mr. Smith. He was there all the afternoon. 

Mr. Castle. He was there for that purpose? 

Mr. Smith. He was there for that purpose. 

Mr. Castle. And he knew there was to be a new constitution? 

Mr. Smith. I was informed that he knew there was to be a new 
constitution, and on that account he remained there. 

Mr. Castle. To administer the oath. 

Mr. Smith. That was what she wanted him for. 

Mr. Cooper. Bickerton was also there I 

Mr. Smith. Bickerton was there. When Maj. Eichardson came with 
the message for the ministers to go over, some one or more of them asked 
us who were present what they should do. We told them not to go. Mr. 
Thurston explaining to them that so long as they, the three of them, 
were there, they constituted a majority of the Government, and that 
it might become important for them to act in regard to public affairs. 
Colburn expressed his unwillingness to go, stating that he feared what 
the excited mob might do. He felt that their lives were in danger if 
they went back to the palace again. It was then decided by them to 
send back a message by Eichardson to Samuel Parker, minister of 
foreign affairs, to come over to the attorney-general's office from the 
palace, and shortly he did come, and the whole situation was again 
discussed. Mr. Parker urged that the other ministers return to the 
palace with him. It was deemed inadvisable for them to do so, but 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 493 



Mr. Parker, who made light of the danger, said that he would go back 
again and try and dissuade her from pursuing the course which she 
had mapped out. There was a good deal of conversation about the 
matter, and shortly after that, during Mr. Parker's absence, Thurston 
and I left the Government building to return to our offices down town. 

Mr. Castle. Where were Colburn and Gornwell at this 1 

Mr. Smith. They were here in the attorney-general's office. 
\ Mr. Castle. Now, then, tell me the connection. At half-past 2, or 
very close to half-past 2, you came out of the Government building 
in a hack, and I jumped in with you. At that time Colburn and Corn- 
well were crossing the street. 

Mr. Smith. That is later. Thurston and I left the Government 
building to go to town, and we walked along as far as Richard street, 
when we were overtaken by a messenger requesting Mr. Thurston to 
return. He did return to the Government building, and I kept on to 
my office. Arriving at my office I found a large number of people % 

Mr. Cooper, (interrupting). No, you met Mr. Neumann and myself 
on the corner and we went into your office, three of us; that was the 
first time I came down Merchant street. 

Mr. Smith. Near my office on the way I met Paul Neumann and Mr. 
H. E. Cooper, and I asked them to go into my office. In my inner office 
Mr. Neumann and Mr. Cooper and myself discussed the situation and 
discussed the danger of disturbance. 

Mr. Cooper. And that the ministers should be supported against the 
Queen. 

Mr. Smith. And that the ministers should be supported against the 
Queen. We also discussed the question of under what circumstances 
the troops of the American ship of war Boston would be justified in 

Mr. Cooper. Mr. Neumann stated that if the Queen persisted in 
carrying out her object that it would be warrantable for foreign infer- 
ence. Mr. Neumann stated that. 

Mr. Smith. He took the ground also that they could not land except- 
ing only upon the request of the minister of foreign affairs. 

Mr. Castee. The minister of foreign affairs only"? 

Mr. Smith. The Government. While we were talking this matter 
over, perhaps ten minutes, several people came to this inner office, and 
we requested them to retire. 

Mr. Cooper. I never left the office at all from the time I first went 
in until the committee of safety had been formed and finally adjourned. 

Mr. Smith. People began to crowd into my office shortly after that, 
and there was very deep feeling and considerable excitement and very 
determined expression of opposition to the proceeding of the Queen, 
and individuals began signing the paper. 

Mr. Cooper. I will show you how it was. Mr. Thurston wrote down 
seven or eight names who were gentlemen present at that time in his 
own handwriting; we did not sign it; and then he says, "I am going 
out to see others, will you take this chair and take care of this paper 
and get their signature?" I said, "yes," and when he went out several 
of us got into a 'discussion with Mr. Neumann, and he took the ground 
that the Queen had not yet committed an overt act which would 
amount to treason or revolution. On our part we contended that she 
had, and he then left the office. 

Mr. Smith. The expression was very strongly expressed that the 
ministers should be supported in their attitude toward the Queen in 
refusing to accede to her request and that they ought not to resign, 
and it was requested to return to the Government building and so state 



494 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



to the ministers that that was the sentiment of citizens so far as we 
had. been able to ascertain. I immediately returned to the Govern- 
ment building-. On entering the yard and before reaching the front 
door of the building I met the ministers going- over to the palace with 
Messenger Richardson. 

Mr. Castle. All the ministers? 

Mr. Smith. My impression is they were all fonr. I stopped and 
gave the communication to them to that effect that they should be 
supported by the community in refusing to accede to the Queen's 
wishes, and they proceeded on and went into the palace yard, and I 
returned to my office. At my office I found there was still a large 
number of people. 

Mr. Castle. That was the time you picked me up? 

Mr. Smith. Yes. It must have been in the neighborhood of an hour 
and a half after that 

Mr. Castle. I got on to the quarter-hour car that goes down town 
from Thomas Square at quarter-past 2. It was just about half-past 2 
by the clock of this building when I noticed the crowd there in the 
Government building. And looking on I saw there was one white man 
here and saw that it was McStocker, and I jumped out to ask him 
what was up when you drove out of the yard and beckoned to me before 
I had a chance to ask him, and I jumped in the hack with you and went 
down town. Colburn and Comwell were at that moment crossing the 
street. The whole affair, of course, became so tense and exciting that I 
could not swear now whether they were going this way or that way. 

Mr. Smith. They were going toward the palace gate. My conver- 
sation with Coburn was just before he left the Government building 
yard. We returned, and down at the office were a large number of peo- 
ple going and coming; a great deal of excitement. I noticed on my 
return there was quite a list of names signed at the desk. 

Mr. Castle. Mr. Cooper was at the desk with that list. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Cooper had charge of that matter of the signatures, 
and people were asking him about it and what was to be done, and 
what was going to be done, and various statements, and the offices, 
both front and rear offices, became tilled with people. After a little I 
volunteered and did return again to the Government building to ascer- 
tain how matters stood, so as to communicate with the meeting, and at 
the Government building there were a good many people. Upstairs, I 
noticed after awhile, there were several of the foreign representatives 
and Mr. J. O. Carter and others. I understood afterwards that they 
had been in consultation with the ministry. We waited around the 
building here an hour or so, and watching the palace to see what was 
to be done. 

At this time some of the troops had stacked their arms and were 
lying around on the grass. The crowd of spectators on the left-hand 
side had diminished. The people at the palace, attendants, seemed to 
be about the same as ever; there were people going from the interior 
on to the veranda, they all seemed to be waiting. Finally there was 
a move and commotion, and the soldiers returned and took their arms 
and were drawn up in line. The crowd of people in the Government 
building yard all crowded toward the gate, and many went into the 
yard. I, with others, went to King street on the inside of the Govern- 
ment fence opposite the palace yard gate to see what was going on. 
After some further delay, there was evidently some passing to and fro 
and some commotion in the palace, we saw a train of ladies pass from 
the rooms on to the west side of the pjalace towards the throne room, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 495 



and there was another little delay for some little time. And then the 
Queen and some ladies came out of the throne room and went upstairs 
and came out on the balcony, and from there she made remarks. We 
could not hear what she said. 

Mr. Oasile. But it was undoubtedly the speech which was after- 
wards published % 

Mr. Smith. Yes. Shortly after that there was a number of repre- 
sentatives and others came out of the palace on the front steps and 
there several speakers harangued the audience. The meeting at the 
palace seemed to be at an end, and this was now about half-past three 
or a little later. 

Mr. Cooper. Oolburn came in and took his seat right opposite 
where I was sitting, and as soon as Oolburn showed himself in the 
door and commenced to speak Peterson went out. 

Mr. Smith. Mr. Galburn overtook Mr. Thurston and myself return- 
ing to my office and told us the situation, how the Queen, in great 
anger, had stated to the people who were assembled that she had been 
unable to carry out her wishes and the desire of many; that it was her 
wish to promulgate a new constitution, but that she had been pre- 
vented, but she would shortly do it; and that we heard from various 
sources of the violent speeches of William White, representative from 
Lahaina, and others, threatening bloodshed and generally of a most 
violent character, and we returned and reported this to the meeting. 
My offices were crowded with people, so that it was with difficulty that 
we could get into the room at all, and Mr. Oolburn worked his way in. 
Mr. Peterson appeared about that time or a little later, and Mr. Ool- 
burn made this statement briefly. What occurred was about as has been 
published, and it was generally known. There were a few short 
speeches made by different persons present. I ma.de some remarks, 
and one or two others, finally Mr. Thurston spoke very briefly, and 
then on Mr. Thurston's motion those present organized themselves 
into a meeting. Mr. H. E. Cooper was chosen chairman and W. O. 
Smith secretary. 

Mr. Cooper. Then the motion was to appoint a committee of nine, 
the first motion was, and theu it was afterwards made thirteen, and 
then by a vote of the meeting I was made a member of ' the committee. 

Mr. Smith. It was voted that a committee of thirteen be appointed 
to form plans for action and call meetings, report any time, at their 
discretion, and be called a committee of safety. At that time there 
was some serious apprehension, we could not tell what, that disorder 
might follow; what steps might be taken next; whether the constitu- 
tion might not be promulgated that very afternoon or the next morning, 
or at any time; there was simply an intense feeling of uncertainty and 
a feeling that danger to the community was very imminent. She had 
practically promised it in a few days. The remarks and action were 
very short — right to the point; intense feeling and determination was 
manifested, and meanwhile from those present the following committee 
of thirteen was appointed: L. A. Thurston, W. E. Castle, 0. Bolte, W, 
0. Wilder, W. O, Smith, J. A. McCandless, H. F. Glade, A. S. Wilcox, 
T. F. Lansing, H. Waterhouse, Andrew Brown, F. W. McOhesney, and, 
by special vote, H. E. Cooper. Mr. Glade was not present, but was 
communicated with — asked if he would be willing to serve. 

Mr. Cooper. After the committee was formed the other gentlemen 
were requested to retire. Then a message was sent for Mr. Glade and 
Mr. Wilder and they came. 

Mr, Smith. And they signified their willingness to serve on the com- 



496 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

mittee. After further delay, almost immediately tlie others present 
were requested to retire and the committee held a meeting. The situ- 
ation was briefly discussed — the imminence of danger and the safety of 
the city; what action should be taken for protection was the main sub- 
ject of discussion. And in view of the fact that at the station house 
there was a large armed force and at the barracks, and that nearly al] 
of the arms were in possession of the supporters of the Queen, and 
there was no organization at the time outside of those forces, and it 
was simply unknown how many arms were available, the question was 
at once discussed whether a protectorate should not be sought from 
the United States steamship of war Boston; that question was, of 
course, first raised, whether the United States would render assistance, 
or what their attitude would be, and then a special committee consist- 
ing of L. A. Thurston, W. 0. Wilder, and H. F. Glade were appointed 
to wait upon Mr. J. L. Stevens, United States minister, ami inform him 
of the situation and ascertain from him what, if any, protection or 
assistance could be alforded by the United States forces for the pro- 
tection of life and property, the unanimous sentiment and feeling being 
that life and property were in imminent danger. By that time it was 
so dark that I lighted the electric light. We had to have light before 
we concluded our meeting and deliberations. 

Mr. Cooper. My first acquaintance with the affair was when I met 
Hartwell on the street. I met him coming out of his office. 

When this question came up as to whether or not what assistance 
the United States troops might give, I made the following statement 
to the committee: That I had gone, at Mr. Hartwell's request, to see 
the captain of the Boston, Capt. Wiltse, about half past 11, and I 
informed him of the situation, and he immediately sent for Commander 
Swinburne, who, in turn, sent for the officer of the deck, and all neces- 
sary preliminary preparations were made, and that was Capt. Wiltse's 
first news of it. He didu s t know anything about it before I came 
there. And Capt. Wiltse said that he was there for the purpose of 
protecting life and property of American ci tizens, and if called upon 
he would do it. I afterwards came ashore and met Mr. Smith and 
Mr. Neumann and retired to Mr. Smith's office. 

Mr. Smith. During this meeting of the committee of thirteen and 
the discussion of the situation, it was made manifest to us, from what 
had transpired during the day and the action of the Queen, that she 
was in a condition of revolution, that is, her act was entirely revolu- 
tionary; that there was a feeling of perfect uncertainty of what would 
take place or how great the danger was, but we were simply convinced 
that established government was at an end, that we were in a state of 
revolution, and w r ith the forces in her command, and the utter disre- 
gard for the constitution and laws, that we as citizens had simply got 
to look to ourselves for safety and protection, that the intelligent part 
of the community had got to take matters in their own hands and 
establish law and order. The probabilities of what the Queen would 
do were discussed; there was no certainty in regard to that, excepting 
that she would undoubtedly persist in her revolutionary intentions; 
wiiat would be done, how soon martial law might be declared or any other 
course would be taken, what steps would be taken, we simply could 
not tell, and after discussion Mr. Thurston made the following motion: 
" That steps be taken at once to form and declare a provisional govern- 
ment." 

The seriousness of the step was considered, but it was deemed, 
decided unanimously 7 y the committee that some such steps had got 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 497 



to be taken for protection of life and property, and it was then, and 
after Mr. Cooper's statement in regard to his visit to the Boston, that 
the committee consisting of Thurston, Wilder, and Glade were 
appointed to meet the American minister, and were instructed to 
report the next morning at 9 o'clock, at a meeting to be called at the 
residence of W. E. Castle. 

I went home about dark or a little after, and just had dinner when 
Mr. Thurston called at my house on his way home, asking me to meet 
the committee and one or two others at his house at 8 o'clock. I went 
there and found Mr. Thurston, W. E. Castle, F. W. Wundenberg, A. 
S. Hartwell, S. B. Dole, and C. L. Carter. Mr. Thurston stated that 
the committee had waited upon the American minister, and that he 
had said that the United States troops on board the Boston would be 
ready to land any moment to prevent the destruction of American life 
and property, and in regard to the matter of establishing a Provi- 
sional Government they of course would recognize the existing govern- 
ment whatever it might be. 

Mr. Thurston stated to Mr. Stevens the proposition that was under 
consideration, of establishing a Provisional Government, and in case 
those steps were taken, he asked Mr. Stevens what his attitude would 
be, and Mr. Stevens had told him whatever government was estab- 
lished, and was actually in possession of the Government building, the 
executive departments and archives, and in possession of the city, that 
was a de facto government proclaiming itself as a government, would 
necessarily have to be recognized. Everything had culminated in a 
few hours, we were laboring under intense feeling, and it was arranged 
that different ones of those present should begin drafting papers. Mr. 
W. E. Castle undertook to draft something in the nature of a brief his- 
torical statement, which would be for a preamble to the declaration. 
Mr. Thurston was to work upon the matter of the form of the Provi- 
sional Government. Judge Dole quietly stated that he was not pre- 
pared to take part in the movement, but that he would assist, at Mr. 
Thurston's request, in drafting the declaration. I was requested to 
draft papers to be submitted to the American minister requesting the 
landing of the troops, in case it became necessary. At a late hour we 
retired, and the next morning at 9 o'clock the committee of thirteen 
met at W. E. Castle's residence. 

The meeting continued until noon. The committee appointed to wait 
on the American minister made a report to the committee similar to the 
report made to us the night before. Among the various propositions 
and matters discussed was a matter of calling a public mass meeting, 
and it was decided to call a meeting at 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the 
next day, Monday, to be held if possible at the old rifle armory on Ber- 
etania street, near the corner of Punchbowl street. Mr. Andrew Brown 
was appointed a committee to procure the armory, make the arrange- 
ments for the meeting, and to see to the publication of the notice, which 
notice was prepared there during the meeting, and a committee of three, 
consisting of L. A. Thurston, W. E. Castle, and W. O. Smith, were 
appointed to arrange a programme for the public meeting and secure 
the speakers. During this meeting Mr. A. S. Wilcox stated that as he 
had deemed it important for him to return to Kauai that he thought it 
was his duty to resign from the committee. 

While he was in perfect sympathy with the movement, he felt that in 
the excitement which might be created it was very important for those 
who had their homes on the other islands to return and endeavor to 
maintain peace and quietness in the other islands. His resignation 
10518 32 



498 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



was accepted, and Mr. J. Emineluth was elected to take his place. Mr. 
Glade stated that owing to his position as German consul he deemed 
under his instructions that it would be improper for him to continue a 
member of the committee and tendered his resign ation, which was 
accepted, and Mr. Ed. Suhr was appointed to fill his place. At this 
meeting Mr. L. A. Thurston was appointed to draw the resolution to 
be presented at the mass meeting and the report of the committee. 

Mr. Cooper. That was just after Glade and Wilcox had resigned; 
just when we were going to break up it was suggested as to whether 
we should not go on and perfect the organization of the Provisional 
Government and the form that it should take. Mr. Castle presented 
his historical preamble, which was not read, but Mr. Thurston had 
stated the general plan that he had in mind as to the form the Pro- 
visional Government should take, stating that it should consist of an 
executive council and an advisory council. The mention of names 
was suggested by the meeting, that Mr. Thurston should be the leader 
and the head of the Government. Mr. Thurston questioned the wisdom 
of that on two grounds : First he had business arrangements which might 
call him away, and on the further ground that he was considered such 
a radical mover that he believed it was wise to have some one who was 
more conservative. That was dropped right there. Mr. Dole's name 
was not mentioned at that meeting. 

Mr. Smith. At that meeting and the previous and subsequent meet- 
ings most meager minutes were kept, because of the possible danger of 
our being arrested and of these records being used against us. The 
night before Mr. Thurston requested Mr. Wundenberg to ascertain as 
far as he could what arms were available and how many men Avith 
arms could be depended upon. Just at the close of the meeting on 
Sunday, about noon, at W. E. Castle's, Mr. Wundenberg came with Mr. 
Soper, and they reported that the prospect of obtaining arms was very 
discouraging, but that after making a thorough search of the town 
only about sixty stand of arms were found that were not in posses- 
sion of the Government. 

After we-adjourned Mr. Thurston and I called upon the American 
minister again and informed him of what was being done. Among 
other things we talked over with him what had better be done in case 
of our being arrested or extreme or violent measures being taken by the 
Monarchy in regard to us. We did not know what steps would be 
taken, and there was a feeling of great unrest and sense of danger in 
the community. Mr. Stevens gave assurances of his earnest purpose 
to afford all the protection that was in his power to protect life and 
property ; he emphasized the fact that while he would call for the United 
States troops to protect life and property, he could not recognize any 
government until actually established. He repeated that the troops 
when landed would not take sides with either party, but would protect 
American life and property. Thurston and I then began to arrange in 
regard to the speakers, who to see. Thurston said that he would see 
quite a number ; among them was Mr. Swanzy, T. E. Walker, Cecil Brown, 
and some others. I rode down town and found James F. Morgan and 
asked him to be one of the speakers He consented to be. And I saw 
two or three others and then went to the printing office and hastened 
up the matter of the publishing of the posters. 

At the meeting at Mr. Castle's there was considerable discussion in 
regard to when to have the mass meeting; some were in favor of hav- 
ing it on Sunday; a feeling too had been expressed at the meeting 
on Saturday afternoon that there should be a mass meeting called 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 499 

right off on Sunday, and at the ineetin g some thought better to ha^e the 
meeting early Monday morning, there being such a feeling of absolute 
uncertainty in regard to what course the Queen would pursue, whether 
she would proclaim the constitution and disorder and riot precipitated. 
It was finally concluded, however, that the meeting should be held at 
2 o'clock and that all business houses be requested to close. 

Sunday evening several of us met again at Mr. Thurston's. Mr. 
Thurston did not return from his interview with Cecil Brown and others 
until about 8 o'clock in the evening. Meanwhile a message had been 
left at my house by Oolburn that the ministers would like to meet a 
committee of five from the committee of thirteen. We were also 
informed that the ministers had had a meeting sometime during the 
day of Sunday, in which several of the citizens were present — Mr. F. A. 
Schaefer, Mr. S. M. Damon, and Mr. J. O. Carter, and one or two 
others. At this meeting in the evening the work was further arranged, 
the different parts of it assigned, and at a late hour we returned home. 

The next morning, Monday, January 16, the meeting was held of the 
whole committee of thirteen at the office of L. A. Thurston over Bish- 
op's Bank, corner of Merchant and Kaahumanu streets. Mr. Thurs- 
ton was ill, suffering much at times. The meeting lasted nearly all 
the forenoon, subject to a number of interruptions, one interruption 
being that of the marshal, C. B. Wilson, who called Thurston but into 
Mr. W. F. Allen's office and protested against the holding of a mass 
meeting in the afternoon. This meeting at Mr. Thurston's office dur- 
ing the forenoon was held under great difficulties, there being many 
interruptions, and different ones having to withdraw at various times 
for various matters pertaining to the business in hand. The condition 
of Mr. Thurston's health caused us a good deal of anxiety. He had 
been suffering before that with a severe cold upon his lungs and from 
loss of sleep and mental strain he was weak and was attacked with 
dysentery. 

At that meeting it was decided that he should be one of the speak- 
ers at the public meeting. He had objected to it, not desiring to take so 
prominent a part, fearing that it might produce unnecessary antag- 
onism; more than that, his physical condition was such that he hardly 
felt able. It was deemed very important that he should speak, and 
the order of business at the meeting was decided upon. Mr. W. C. 
Wilder reluctantly consented to act as chairman, and the matter of a 
request of the ministers that a committee of five be sent to wait upon 
them was considered, and a committee was appointed consisting of C. 
Bolte, J. A. McCandless, W. C. Wilder, F. W. McChesney, and H. 
Waterhouse, to meet the ministers. They retired, and during their 
absence other general matters were discussed. Information was being 
received in regard to public matters generally. 

Mr. Castle. Was Wilson's action there simply a protest; it went out 
that he had warned them not to have if? 

Mr. Smith. Thurston reported it as a protest against this meeting 
being held. Thurston asked him why, and he said that it would pro- 
voke disorder. At this meeting we were informed of the fact that 
another mass meeting had been called for the same hour, 2 o'clock in 
the afternoon, to be held at Palace Square, the junction of Eichard and 
King streets, signed by the committee on law and order, and that many 
of those posters had been placed over our posters, and that there was 
evidently an attempt to prevent our meeting or create confusion and 
to mislead. Mr. Thurston had on his own authority before the meeting 
prepared a poster, and it was in the process of being printed exposing 



500 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

the fraud, and he had a copy of it then and submitted it to the meeting, 
but it was of a nature which we considered inflammatory, and on the 
whole we decided not to have it posted. 

The committee of five returned and reported that they had met the 
four ministers, and the ministers stated to them that they had no com- 
munication to make, and wanted to know what the committee wanted. 
They talked over the situation and showed our committee a proclama- 
tion signed by the Queen and the ministers stating that she would 
never again attempt to force a new constitution. Before the meeting 
broke up the form of the request to the American minister in regard 
to the landing of the troops was adopted and signed by the committee 
of thirteen, requesting the American minister to land troops, and this 
request was signed by the committee of thirteen, and decided to be 
delivered to the minister to be held by him but not to be acted upon 
until a further request was received from the committee. 

After the adjournment of the meeting fifteen or sixteen different 
copies of the request were typewritten and attached with five or six 
blank pages to each copy, and these were distributed among several 
members of the committee before proceeding to the meeting, and the 
request of Mr. Stevens was delivered to him before the meeting was 
held. By 1 o'clock business began to be closed. Before 2 o'clock a 
large number of people had assembled at the armory, and by 2 o'clock 
a very large number was there. After Mr. Thurston had finished 
speaking at the mass meeting, and while others were speaking, the 
members of the committee discussed very earnestly what to do in 
regard to this petition. If it was to be circulated for signatures, some 
notice to that effect would have to be given before the meeting dis- 
persed; and we were in very great doubt, some being very earnestly of 
the opinion that they should be signed as universally as possible, the 
opinion being that they would be signed by nearly all of the twelve 
hundred present, but it did not seem opportune and we waited. The 
meeting was finally adjourned, as it seemed to some of us sooner than 
we expected, and nothing was done about the signing of the petition, 
and the committee felt somewhat at a loss what to do, but word was 
passed around among us at once to meet at my office again, and within 
twenty minutes after the adjournment of the meeting the committee 
met. 

Mr. Smith. There was a short and earnest discussion of what was 
to be done; it was then nearly 4; our plans had not been perfected, 
papers had not been completed, and after a hasty discussion, the time 
being very short, it was decided that it was impossible for us to take 
the necessary steps, and we should request that the troops be not 
landed until next morning, the hour in the morning being immaterial, 
whether it was 9 or 8 or 6 o'clock in the morning, but we must have 
further time to prevent bloodshed, and Mr. Thurston and I were 
appointed to proceed at once to the American minister and inform him 
of our decision. We proceeded at once to Mr. Stevens' house, the 
United States legation, stated the case to him, and he said that as a pre- 
cautionary measure, and to protect American life and property, he had 
ordered the troops to be landed at 5 o'clock, and that they would come. 
It was then decided to adjourn to meet at the house of Henry Water- 
house at 8 o'clock in the evening. The meeting broke up, and some of 
us went down to see the troops landed Thurston gave up — sick. He 
had to go to bed. 

At 8 o'clock in the evening we met at Mr. Henry Waterhouse's. All 
of the members of the committee were present except Thurston, Castle, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 501 



and Wilder, they all being ill. Mr. James B. C astle was present, tak- 
ing the place of W. E. Castle, and 0. L. Garter taking the place of 
Thurston. There were also present by invitation Alexander Young, 
J. H. Soper, Cecil Brown, H. P. Baldwin, and F. W. Wundenburg. 

Previous to this meeting, beginning with the meeting on Saturday 
afternoon, the suggestion of sending the Claudine to San Francisco 
with dispatches to the United States Government was discussed, and 
at this meeting Monday evening it was moved that she be sent at once 
% to San Francisco. The motion was amended that action be deferred 
until after the establishment of the Provisional Government. Amend- 
ment carried. 

A committee of two, consisting of C. Bolte and C. L. Carter, was 
appointed to make a list to form an executive council of five members 
and an advisory council of eight members. Before this it had been 
suggested that Judge Dole be chosen to act as the head of the govern- 
ment. After some discussion Mr. Bolte was appointed a committee to 
wait upon Judge Dole and to invite his attendance at the meeting, and 
after an absence of some length Mr. Bolte returned with Judge Dole. 
And Judge Dole was not willing to consent at that time, stating that 
he did not favor fully the idea of annexation at this time and asked if 
it would not be better to have a regent here and Kaiulani declared the 
Queen. But after discussion he consented to take the matter under 
further consideration and let us know his decision the next day at 12 
o'clock, the committee endeavoring to pursnade him. He recognized 
that the logical events and manifest destiny of the island was an- 
nexation, but he did not know whether it was the wisest step now. 
There is no doubt that the Queen has vacated the throne. 

He said that if he did decide to join us he would first resign as judge 
of the supreme court. P. C. Jones, S. M. Damon, Cecil Brown, J. A. 
King, and W. O. Smith were suggested to serve on the executive coun- 
cil, which was contemplated as five. Mr. Cecil Brown refused. Mr. 
Soper was requested to take the place of commander of the military 
forces, and he accepted conditionally. A finance committee of three 
was appointed, consisting of McCandless, McChesney, and J. B. Castle, 
to collect the lists of arms and ammunition and buy or otherwise pro- 
cure the same. 

At 10 o'clock the next day, January 17, the committee met at the 
office of W. O. Smith, and Mr. C. L. Carter, on behalf of the committee, 
reported the names of those who had consented to go upon the execu- 
tive and advisory councils. It was voted that the advisory committee 
be increased from eight to thirteen, and additional names be suggested 
to the committee, from whom they could select the five additional 
names. Yarious names were suggested. It was voted that the com- 
mittee request Mr. Wilder to report if the Claudine could be chartered 
to go to San Francisco and at what cost. It was voted that the Inter- 
island steamship companies be requested not to allow any vessels to 
leave for the other islands before 10 o'clock on. the next day. At 11 
o'clock the judge came before the committee and stated that he would 
accept the position as chairman of the executive council. 

It was voted that the executive council be S. B. Dole, J. A. King, 
P. C. Jones, W. O. Smith, and C. Bolte, and that the advisory council 
consist of S. M. Damon, L. A. Thurston, J. Emmeluth, J. A. McCand- 
less, F. W. McChesney, W. E. Castle, W. C. Wilder, Andrew Brown, 
J. F. Morgan, H. Waterhouse, E. D. Tenney, F. Wilhelm, and W. G. 
Ashley. During the meeting in the forenoon Mr. S. M. Damon came 
in and reported that he had had an interview with the Queen, in which 



502 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



he had advised her not to make resistance, but to submit, and that she 
would have every opportunity for presenting her claims, and Mr. Damon 
stated that he was willing to join the movement. Mr. Dole, before he 
retired, signed his written resignation as a judge to the supreme court 
and forwarded it to the minister of foreign affairs. 

The meeting adjourned and met again at 1 :30. It having been under- 
stood that Mr. Dole should have the say in regard to who the members 
of the executive council should be, he was asked at this final meeting 
if he approved of the names that had been suggested, and he, upon 
looking them over, stated that objection had been raised in regard to 
the name of Mr. Bolte, and that as he himself was not very well 
acquainted with Mr. Bolte that it would be better that he should not 
be upon the executive council. Mr. Bolte at once expressed his 
approval, that he only wished to serve in any capacity which would 
further the object. And then, after a brief discussion, it was decided 
to reduce the number of the executive committee from five to four, 
and that they should fill the offices of foreign affairs, interior, finance, 
and attorney-general, in the order in which they were named, and it 
was decided to increase the number of the advisory committee from 
thirteen to fourteen and add Mr. Bolte's name to the list. The mem- 
bers of the executive council and advisory committee were then finally 
approved and acted upon. 

The committee of thirteen then signed the proclamation, and the 
executive council then signed the commission of J. H. Soper as com- 
mander in chief of the forces, and three copies of the proclamation 
were completed. The final signing of the papers was completed about 
twenty minutes past 2, and after a little delay the committee of thir- 
teen, with the executive and advisory councils, started to proceed to 
the Government building. They had hardly reached the corner of 
Merchant street before a shot was heard, and it was reported that a 
policeman had been shot at E. O. Hall & Son's store, and people were 
seen running from the direction of the Government building towards 
the spot, and there was considerable commotion. The committee and 
councils proceeded to the Government building and the proclamation 
was read. Previous to starting, leaving my office. Mr. Dole requested 
Mr. A. S. Wilcox to go up to the Government building and come back 
and report whether there was any armed force at the Government 
building. He went up and looked through and went through to Queen 
street, and came back and reported that he did not see any armed men. 

After the reading of the proclamation the councils convened in the 
office of the minister of the interior, and subsequent events occurred 
and business was done in the following order: 

Orders No. 1 and No. 2 were issued. 

Liquor saloons were ordered to be closed. 

Letters were sent to the members of the diplomatic and consular 
corps announcing the establishment of the Provisional Government 
and requesting recognition. 

Mr. Wodekouse, British commissioner, and Mr. T. B. Walker, British 
vice-consul, called to verify the report of our occupation, etc. 

Deputy -Marshal Mehrtens came from the police station, and we sent 
by him a copy of the proclamation to the ex-ministers and an invita- 
tion to them to come and see 'us. 

Mehrtens came again, asking us to go to the police station. We 
declined and instructed him to tell the ex-ministers if they wished to 
see us they must come to the Government building. 

Ministers Parker and Gornwell came. 



HEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 503 



Messrs. Damon and Bolte returned with Parker and Corn well to the 
police station to meet the other ex-ministers. 

Messrs. Damon and Bolte returned with the four ex-ministers, who 
requested that the Queen should have an opportunity to make a pro- 
test. 

Mr. Damon went with them to see the Queen. 

Ex-ministers and Damon returned stating that the Queen gave up 
under protest, and that Marshal Wilson had been ordered to give up 
the station house. And we sent an officer with a squad of men to take 
possession of the station. 

As to the precise time when the letter of recognition was received 
from American Minister Stevens I can not be positive. My recollection 
is that it was about the time that Messrs. Damon and Bolte returned 
from the police station with the four ex-ministers, but the records of 
our proceedings at the time, kept by the secretary, place it after the 
return of Mr. Damon and the ex-ministers from their visit to the Queen. 
In any event it was very late in the day, and long after Messrs. 
Wodehouse and Walker had called. 

Before the letter of recognition was received from Mr. Stevens, Lieut. 
Young, of the U. S. S. Boston, called upon us, and stated that he was 
ordered to verify the correctness of the assurance that we were in occu- 
pation of the Government building and departments; 

These events occupied the time till after dark; meanwhile many 
matters demanded our attention. 

I sent for the attorney- general and desired to examine him in refer- 
ence to to the events connected with the revolution of the 17th of Jan- 
uary, 1893. He said he preferred not to be examined; that he would 
bring me a paper containing a history of those events, prepared by 
himself and some other gentlemen. The next day he brought the 
paper to which this is attached, saying it was a part of the record. I 
asked him if he would allow me to see the whole record. He hesitated 
about it and said that he would prefer to talk with Mr. Dole first. While 
I have seen him frequently since he has never referred to the matter 
again. When he handed me the paper he said he did not care to be 
examined himself; that if there was anything in it that I did not under- 
stand he would explain it to me. 

James H. Blolto, 

Honolulu, July 15, 1893. 



No. 49. 

Intervieiv ivitli J. IT. Soper, June 17, 1893, 

Q. Where were you born? 

A. In Plymouth, England. 

Q. How long have you lived here? 

A. I came here in December, 1877. 

Q. Are you a naturalized citizen? 

A. Of this country? 

Q. Yes. 

A. I have taken the oath of allegiance to this Government. 
Q. Are you a British subject? 
A. I am an American. 

Q. How long did you live in the United States? 



504 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. I was 4 years of age when I went there. My father was a 
naturalized citizen. 

Q. What year was .that? 

A. 1850. I was born in 1846. 

Q. How long did yon live in the United States? 

A. Until 1877. 

Q. That would be twenty-seven years? 
A. Yes, sir. 

. Q. Bid you take the oath of allegiance here? 
A. To this Government? 
Q. Yes. 
A. Yes. 

Q. Are you an American citizen? * 

A. Yes, sir. I didn't forswear my allegiance to the United States. 
Q. You came here in what year? 
A. In 1877. 

Q. Were you in command of the military forces at the time of the 
dethronement of the Queen? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. How nmch artillery was turned over? 
A. Twelve gans altogether. 
Q. What were they? 

A. Eight centimeter Krupp guns and four 7-centimeter guns. 
Q. Were they German guns? 

A. They were Austrian guns, the same pattern as Krupp guns. 
Q. How many small arms? 

A. I can not say, from memory. I have a record of it over there. I 
can not say, from memory. I would have to look over the record, in 
order to be exact. 

Q. Will you furnish me a memorandum soon? 

A. Yes. 

Q. And of the ammunition? 
A. Yes. 

Q. How much small arms did the committee of safety get up with a 
view to the movement against the Queen ? 

A. I should say we had in the neighborhood of — I think I have a 
record of that also. 

Q. You will bring me that also? 

A. Yes. 

Q. What sort of arms were they? 

A. Springfield and Winchester repeating rifles, called Winchester 
sporting rifles. 
Q. Where did they come from? 
A. From hardware stores here. 

Q. Were they brought here for purposes of revolution or not? 

A. I do not think so. 

Q. Brought here for military purposes? 

A. I do not think so. I can not say as to that. They were part of 
the stock in the store. 
Q. What store? 

A. Castle & Cooke. The largest number came from there — that is, 
19 or 20 Winchester repeating rifles, model of 1886. There were quite a 
number of Springfield rifles from the times of 1887 and 1889. 

Q. Where had they been kept? 

A. In the hands of individuals. 

Q. Where were you when the proclamation was read? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 505 
A. In the Government building. 

Q. Can you state tlie number of troops you had there at the time the 
proclamation was read or within 20 minutes afterwards? 

A. I can not say, exactly. I never kept any account. It was not 
very long before we had in the neighborhood of between 150 and 200 
men. I can not say exactly how long after. 

Q. What was the first detachment that came? 

A. The first squad that came down was about 15 men. They came 
from the armory on Beretania street. 

Q. How long after that before the second squad came? 

A. In about 5 or 10 minutes. 

Q. How many were there in that squad? 

A. I should say about 15 or 20. 

Q. Well, the next arrivals? 

A. I didn't see them. They kept coming right along at short inter- 
vals. 

Q. How many were there when they finished reading the proclama- 
tion? 

A. I should imagine there would be about perhaps 60 or 75. 
Q. And how long was it after the proclamation was read before you 
had 150 men ? 

A. I can not say, exactly. 

Q. Did you have that many in an hour? 

A. The proclamation was read about half past two. I do not know 
how long it took to read it. I was not paying much attention to the 
time consumed in the reading, but in an hour afterwards, I should say, 
we had about 150 men, 

Q. In an hour after it was finished? 

A. I should think so. I have not paid any special attention to that 
since that time. 

Q. Were you at Henry Waterhouse's on Monday night before that? 
A. Yes ; I was there. 
Q. Who else was there? 

A. Henry Waterhouse, C. L. Carter, Mr. Cooper, Mr. Wundenberg, 
W. E. Castle. There were a number of others. I can not say positively 
now without looking over the list of names. 

Q. What list of names? 

A. I should have to look over the names of the present Government 
and supporters of the Government in order to pick out the entire number. 
Q. About how many persons were there ? 
A. Probably twelve or fifteen. 
Q. What was the object of the meeting? 

A. To ascertain what advice or assistance to give to the conimittee 
of safety — the committee of thirteen. 

Q. What advice to give to the committee of safety? 

A. That is what I understood it to be. That is, to work in conjunc- 
tion with them. 

Q. Many of them were members of the committee? 

A. Yes ; and some of those were people called in by the committee 
to counsel with them. 

Q. Were you offered that night command of the military forces — 
solicited to take it? 

A, Yes. 

Q. How was that done — by a vote of the meeting? 

A. I went outside for some purpose or other — I think to get a drink 



50G REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



out on the veranda. When I went back the proposition was made to 
me. What they did while I was out I do not know. I did not go out 
at the request of any one. 
Q. What response did you make? 

A. I said I was not a trained military man, and was rather averse 
to accepting any position I was not especially trained for, under the 
circumstances, and that I would give them an answer on the following 
day; that is, in the morning. 

Q. You did not give them any answer that night? 

A. No, sir. 

Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens that night? 
A. No, sir. 

Q. Did anybody in the meeting go to see him, so far as you heard? 
A. Not so far as I know of. 

Q. Was anything said about his agreeing to recognize the Provisional 
Government in the event of their getting possession of the Government 
building and reading their proclamation — orny hea er building? 

A. You mean at this meeting? 

Q. Yes? 

A. I can not say positively as to whether I understood it at that 
meeting, or the following morning. I understood he would recognize 
a de facto government. 

Q. What did they say was a de facto government? 

A. A Government that was in possession of the Government build- 
ing, archives, treasury, etc. 

Q. The treasury, archives, etc., were in the Government building? 

A. Yes. 

Q. The understanding was then that if the Provisional Government 
got possession of the Government building and read the proclama- 
tion that then he would recognize it as a de facto government? 

A. I believe that was the understanding. 

Q. You do not remember whether it was that night or the next day? 
A. It is possible that it was at that meeting that evening, but I do 
not know. 

Q. Are you inclined to believe it was that evening ? 
A. I won't say positively as to that. 
Q. It was either that evening or the next morning? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Until you heard that did you agree to accept the military com- 
mand? 
A. No. 

Q. It was after that that you agreed to accept that command? 

A. I feel pretty sure it was. The particular point which decided me 
was the fact of Judge Dole agreeing to accept the position as the head 
of the Government. 

I have read the foregoing and it is a correct report of my interview 
with Mr. Blount. 

Mr. Soper was sent for several times with a view of having him read 
the foregoing, but up to this time we have been unable to get him 
here. — E. M. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 507 



No. 50. 

Interview with Claus Sjpreclcels, Friday April 21, 1803. 

Mr, Blount. Please state whether or riot you had any message 
from the American minister and whether any conversation with him? 
Mr. Spreckels. I had. 
Mr. Blount. Be kind enough to state it? 

Mr. Spreckels. He sent down on Tuesday, about 3 o'clock whether 
I would be kind enough to come up to his house to see him. I took a 
carriage and saw him at 4 o'clock that Tuesday afternoon. He told me 
that Mr. Parker had no influence with the Queen, but that Paul Neu- 
mann could control her, and, if I would, if I could, control Paul 
Neumann; that Paul Neumann tell the Queen that she be in favor 
of annexation, and tell the Kanakas who follow her to go all for annex- 
ation. 

He said that he expected to be here only thirty or forty days, and he 
would like for annexation to be before he left; some words to that 
effect. 



No. 51. 

Interview with Claus Spreckels, June 5, 1803, 

Mr. Blount. Is this a copy of the contract made with laborers by 
planters? (Copy attached hereto.) 
A. It is. 

Q. What means have the planters of enforcing their agreements? 

A. The law upholds that contract. 

Q. Suppose the laborer does not work satisfactorily? 

A. That brings him to the police court — make complaint. 

Q. What punishment is inflicted ? 

A. I am hardly able to answer that. I do not know how they carry 
out the law. 

Q. Can you state — is the remedy at law for the enforcement of con- 
tracts generally satisfactory to the planters ? 

A. I would say, yes. This contract is made first with the Japanese 
Government. This Government makes the contract, and this Govern- 
ment makes the contract with the planters, and that is the contract 
you have there between the planters and this Government. 

Q. Does the Government pay any expenses in the matter of the 
laborers? 

A. No; the planter pays passage money and all expenses. 
Q. Who pays for the officers connected with the inspection of 
laborers ? 

A. I am unable to answer that. 

Q. Are you familiar with the lands in all these islands? 
A. I am. 

Q. Are they suitable for much else than sugar-cane culture? 
A. That is their principal use. 

Q. Could the sugar cane be grown here without cheap contract 
labor? 
A. No. 

Q. Suppose they could not get it, what would be the condition? 
A. They would have to close the plantations. 



508 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. What would become of them? 

A. They would be cow pastures or something. 

Q. The contract laborers that have been brought here, the great 
mass of them, was it done under the stimulus of the reciprocity treaty 
with the United States or not? 

A. Yes, sir; it was. 

Q. Up to that treaty there had been little done? 
A. We had the first year the treaty was in force about 16,000 tons 
of sugar— that is, in 1876; maybe 18,000, bat I think 16,000. 
Q. And after that it increased to ? 

A. About 140,000 tons. I think this year there was 150,000 tons. 

Q. What amount did these islands get in the way of remission of 
duties annually up to the time of the passage of the McKinJey law? 

A. When the plantation is in full blast they got in the neighborhood 
of $5,000,000 per annum. 

Q. What do you mean by plantation in full blast? 

A. That is to say, as we find them now. It took some time to get 
the machinery, etc., ready. They were not ready the first year or so. 

Q. Were profits great, then? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. Banging between what figures? 

A. In some plantations they never made any profit. 

Q. But where they were well managed? 

A. I should think some years they have made 50 per cent and even over. 
Q. How high would you say — as much as 80? 

A. I do not think you could go 80 per cent. Some plantations have 
not made a cent even with that treaty. 
Q. How was that? 
A. I should think bad management. 

Q. Well, where it was well managed 50 per cent and upward was 
usual ? 

A. I would not say every year. It depends on the price of sugar. 
Q. W r ould not the duty itself make a large profit? 
A. Yes, sir. A good plantation can hold its own and make mone^ 
at the present price of sugar. 
Q. What is generally the character of the lands in these islands? 
A. They are very rich lands. 

Q. Is there very much of it waste land — mountain land? 
A. A great deal. 

Q. Where do these fine lands generally lie? 

A. In the valley — sometimes in the interior — most on the coast. 

Q. The great mass of lands, are they arable? 

A. No; not the great mass. There would be more land for sugar 
cane if they had water; but the trouble is, shortness of water in places 
where they have good land. 

Q. Are most of the cultivated lands irrigated? 

A. Most of them lie on the trade-wind side where they get the rain. 
On the island of Hawaii there is no irrigation. On the island of Maui 
there is most irrigation. 

Q. Your lands there are irrigated generally? 

A. Yes, and we get some rain. 

Q. Have you had to expend much money there to get water? 
A. I spent a million of dollars. I have about 40 miles of ditch. 
Q. Before you irrigated it, were they useful for any purpose? 
A. No ; there were a few cattle running on them in winter time. 
Q. When was it done? 



REPOKT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 509 



A. I commenced in 1878 to build the ditch. 

Q. Would you have been willing to have invested your money in 
that way but for the reciprocity treaty? 
A. No, sir ; I would not. 

Q. Has most of the irrigation been brought about under the influ- 
ence of the reciprocity treaty? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And the profits, then, have largely come from reciprocity and 
cheap labor. 
A. Yes. 

Q. If both of these were abandoned, what would be the material 
prospects of the islands? 

A. There would be no prospects at all. We could get along — the 
majority of the plantations — without any subsidy if we had labor, but 
without labor we could not get along at all. 

Q. You would have to go out into the world and get cheap labor? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. You have been how long here — this last visit? 
A. Since April 18. 

Q. Have you met with any sugar-planters since your arrival? 
A. I have. 

Q. Those of them who are declaring themselves in favor of annexa- 
tion, how do they look at the labor question in connection with annex- 
ation? 

A. They think that the United States will make a different law for 
the islands. If they could not get labor they don't want annexation. 
Q. But they are satisfied they will get such legislation? 
A. Yes, sir ; they think and hope the United States will do that. 
Q. Tell me some gentlemen who jias argued that with you? 
A. Glade, of Hackfelt & Co. He is interested in sugar. 
Q. Who else? 

A. Mr. Shafer; he is opposed, if he can not get labor. 
Q. Does he believe he can get labor? 
A. He does not think so; not quite so as the others do. 
Q. Who else? 

A. We have about ten plantations in our control. They all do not 
want it. 

Q. What part of the sugar in these islands do they produce? 
A. Our plantations? 
Q. Yes. 

A. We have 45,000 to 50,000 thousand tons a year — fully one-third — 
Clans Spreckels, Irwin & Co. We have control of that much. We are 
agents for 20,000 tons more. 

Q. Now, other owners of plantations? 

A. Baldwin does not want it if he can not get labor. He has about 
20,000 tons. 

Q. Does Mr. Baldwin argue that the Government of the United 
States will relax the laws for these islands ? 

A. Yes ; he believes so. They say where there's a will there^s a way. 
We will get it. Now, Judge Widemann, he is against annexation any- 
how. 

Q. Is Campbell a sugar-planter? 
A. Yes ; he has interests. 

Q. Is it your impression that the calculation of all sugar-planters 
who are in favor of annexation believe that the United States will 



510 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

modify their general laws against contract labor so that they can 
maintain a system of contract labor in the islands '? 

A. I would not say contract labor. They say we may have to give 
up contract labor, but we can get all the labor we want from Japan. 

Q. How? 

A. They say: We send an agent there and send money and he sends 
them here, and when they are here then they can make a contract with 
them. 

Q. They think in that way they can evade the labor Jaws of the 
United States? 

A. Yes; they think they can get around it. My opinion is that they 
can not, but they think they can get around the United States laws. 
President Dole called upon me the Saturday before last and asked if I 
would not be kind enough to go before the ministry and talk the labor 
law with them on Tuesday. I went there and I asked President Dole 
whether he had studied the immigration laws and whether he found that 
I was correct. He answered that he found that I was correct in that 
way. u But," he said, "I have belief that the United States will give 
us a separate law that we can get laborers here." 

Q. Did that idea seem to be in the minds of other members of the 
cabinet ? 

A.. Yes; that the United States will give them anything they ask for. 

Q. You have been talking politics with these people here. What 
sort of idea have they as to the kind of government they want and 
expect for these islands in the event of annexation? 

A. Their idea is that when they are annexed to the United States 
they will have a governor — some of them will be appointed by the 
President — and leave it to them, so to say, to rule these islands. 

Q. Do they ever speak of the Washington, D. C, form of govern- 
ment as suitable? 

A. Some speak about that; that they would like to have a govern- 
ment like that. 

Q. Are they in favor of a system of government that allows the na- 
tives generally to vote? 
A. They do not want the natives to vote. 

Q. Would they be in favor of any form of government that would 
leave the natives a majority of the voters? 
A. No, sir; they would not. 

Q. Would they consider any such government a stable government? 

A. They think it would be stable witli the United States cutting out 
the Kanakas so that they could not vote. 

Q. This is, then, largely a struggle to take political power from the 
natives and put it in the hands of the whites ? 

A. Exactly. 

Q. And that is what they hope to get in the event of annexation? 
A. Exactly. 

Q. What is the feeling of the natives on the subject of annexation? 

A. I think that seven- eight] is at least would be opposed to it. Some 
are employed by the Provisional Government. They had to sign the 
annexation roll or be discharged. 

Q. And they signed to hold their places? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Is the argument made to the native that if he is annexed to the 
United States his right to vote will be preserved? 
A. That I can not say. 

Q. What is your opinion on this question : If a vote was had by 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 511 



persons who are qualified under the constitution just abrogated to vote 
for representatives under the Australian ballot system, in what pro- 
portion would annexationists appear to anti- annexationists? 

A. I think they would be only one-fourth against three-fourths, if 
left to a vote. 

Q. Have you been studying the question since you have been here? 
A. I have studied it very much. 

Q. What about whites in the islands — what proportion for and 
against annexation 1 ? I mean Europeans and Americans. 

A. That is hard to say ; I do not think the people would be more 
than half for annexation in Honolulu, but in the other islands very few. 

Q. What would be the proportion in Honolulu, do you think? 

A. In Honolulu it might be three-fourths in favor of annexation, 
for the simple reason that they are afraid of each other. If he did not 
do it he would lose trade. He is at heart the other way. 

Q. Would you say that there are as many as one-third of the whites — 
Europeans and Americans — that would be against annexation? 

A. I should say so. 

Q. Where people had surplus money have they been pretty generally 
investing in sugar stocks in past years? 
A. I do not think they have. 

Q. Is there much sugar stock owned in Honolulu? 

A. Yes; there is a great deal owned. 

Q. Is President Dole interested in sugar stocks? 

A. I hardly think so. He may have a few shares. 

Q. I notice at the mass meeting held here January 17 several per- 
sons made speeches, among them W. G. Wilder. Has he interest in 
sugar at all? 

A. I do not think so. He may have a few shares. 
Q. What is his occupation? 

A. They run this Wilder Steamship Company. They sell lumber. 
Q. They are interested, therefore, in handling sugar % 
A. Yes. 

Q. Mr. H. F. Glade; is he interested in sugar? 
A. Yes, sir. 

Q. He is consul-general of Germany? 
A. I believe so. 

Q. I see Mr. Young making a speech — what is he? 
A. He is a sugar planter. 

Q. Is he president of the Planters' Labor and Supply Company t 

A. No; I think Mr. Irwin is. 

Q. Has Bolte any interests in sugar ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Mr. H. P. Baldwin made a speech. Has he any interest in sugar 1 
A. Yes. 

Q. Large interests ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Mr. J. Emmeluth? 
A. No; he is a tinsmith. 
Q. A man of any means? 
A. I do not think he has. 
Q. A man of education? 
A. I do not know. 

Q, Mr. E. J. Greene. Is he interested in sugar? 
A. Not that I am aware of. I do not know him. He can not be of 
much consequence. 



512 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. Mr. P. C. Jones; has lie any interest in sugar? 
A. Yes; some. 
Q. Mr. J. A. King; any? 
A. I do not think he has. 
Q. Mr. W. O. Smith? 
A. He has an interest. 
Q. Mr. Henry Waterhonse? 
A. He may have a small interest. 
Q. Mr. Damon? 
A. I don't know. 
Q. Mr. Tenney any? 
A. Some. 

Q. Mr. McOhesney any? 
A. No 5 he is a groceryman. 
Q. A man of any means? 
A. I do not know. 
Q. Any education? 
A. I do not think he has. 

Q. Was Mr. Young at one time president of the Planters' Labor and 

Supply Company? 
A. Yes ; I think so. 

Q. Has there been any idea here of trying to get a treaty so as to 
let pineapples come into the United States at a low rate? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Do they hope to get much out of that? 
A. I really don't know. 

Q. Has there been any idea here among people as to any advantage 
coming out of annexation in connection with the Pearl River Harbor? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What do they look forward to in this connection? 
A. They think the United States would take Pearl Harbor and 
improve it and buy their property there for big prices. 
Q. Who are interested? 

A. Dr. MeGrew is about the principal owner there. 
Q. Any of the Waterhouses interested there ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. is Mr. Henry Waterhouse? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Any others? 

A. There is another, named Jake Brown, married to a native woman. 

Q. Is he for or against annexation? 
A. For annexation. 

Q. Is there an idea amongst these people that there would be a 
cable built to San Francisco if there was annexation ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Pretty strong feeling of that sort? 
. A. Yes. 

Q. What is the impression amongst business people — planters — as to 
the increase of the value of property in the islands by annexation? 

A. The idea is that property will advance about treble, and a great 
many are waiting to sell it. They calculate there would be a big boom. 

Q. They are holding their property with the idea that there will be 
big profits in the event of annexation? 

A. That is the idea. 

Q. The Planters' Labor and Supply Company is under the control of 
the planters, is it not? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 513 



A. In some ways it is, but they have made a political machine out 
of it, 

Q. But 1 mean to say that the stock is owned by planters, mostly? 
A. No, sir. 

Q. How is that stock generally held? 
A. I really do not know. 

Q. In what way is it used as a political machine? 
A. Well, they use the agents for their ends. The agents give the 
managers directions for the natives — how they shall vote. 
Q- That is the way it is generally done? 

A. Yes. And the managers will do what the Labor Supply Company 
say. Since 1886 I have never worried about politics. Stood entirely 
clear. 

Q. Please tell me the members of the Wilcox cabinet that was 
voted out before the prorogation? 
A. Cecil Brown, G. K. Wilcox, M. P. Eobinson, P. C. Jones. 
Q. What is Robinson's business? 

A. He is with Allen & Eobinson. They deal in lumber. 
Q. Is he interested in sugar? 
A. Very little. 

Q. Is he interested in bananas? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Interested in the labor question mainly in that connection? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Wilcox — is he interested in sugar? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Largely? 

A. Not very largely. 

Q. Jones — has he any sugar interests? 

A. Some. 

Q. Cecil Brown? 

A. I do not think he has any. He may have a share or two. 

Q. There is no indication at present of any hostilities between the 
people and the Provisional Government, so far as you have been able 
to observe? 

A. None whatever. 

Q. What is keeping the people quiet? 

A. They are waiting to see and hear the Commissioner's report that 
justice may be done to them by the President to put the Queen back, 
who would have stayed there if it had not been for Minister Stevens 
sending the troops ashore. I was not here, but am expressing the mind 
of the people as I understand it. Samuel Parker and others have 
told me. 

Q. And that is what keeps them quiet? 

A. Yes; they think justice will be done them when Cleveland hears 
the report, and the truth of Iioav the Queen was dethroned. 

Q. Suppose the Government of the United States were to decline to 
annex the islands, would the Provisional Government be able to main- 
tain itself without outside aid? 

A. If the money would hold out and the people were willing to pay 
what they pa} 7 for soldiers they could hold it. 

Q. You think, with an armj r maintained here, that the natives would 
stay quiet for all time? 

A. They can not help themselves. They have nothing. All ammuni • 
tion taken away from them. Everything like weapons forbidden. I 
10518 33 



514 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



can not bring a rifle here, lio native allowed to buy any firearms or 
powder. 

Q. Suppose they had arms? 

A. Then this Government could not stand. They would bring the 
Queen back to the throne. That is my idea. The Provisional Govern- 
ment would never be there if the United States troops were not landed, 
and they knew that long before they lauded. 

Q. What class of people make up this army? 

A. As far as I know, many who were in the chain gang — many who 
were in prison ; fellows of character you would not like to meet after 
dark. 

Q. The people of intelligence and wealth here don't participate much 
in hostilities; they hire these fellows? 
A. Yes; they leave it to them. 

Q. There are very few firearms in the island other than those pos- 
sessed by the Government? 

A. Very few. The natives are forbidden to have them. 

Q. The people, therefore, remain quiet because they have no arms. 

A. Yes; they think it better for them to leave it to the President 
to decide when he can see how they were wronged by Stevens. 

Q. What is the weight of public opinion here on the question as to 
whether or not the landing of the troops and the posting of them at 
Arion Hall had to do Avith the success of the revolution? 

A. It had everything to do with it. If the troops were not landed 
there would be no Provisional Government to-day. 

Q. Is that public opinion here? 

A. It is; but, of course, the other side would say different. 
Q. The wealth of the city of Honolulu — was it not largely built up 
after the reciprocity treaty with the United States ? 
A. Yes, about three fourths after the treaty. 
Q. Most of the nice homes built since then? 

A. Oh, yes; I should think something like three-fourths have been 
built up since that treaty. 

Q. Well, property holders as a general thing are in favor of annex- 
ation because the\ believe a great increase in the value of their private 
estates would ensue, and that large improvements would be made at 
Pearl Harbor by the United States? 

A. That is what they calculated. 

Q. And the cable? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Well, then you would say that this is a movement on the part of 
property holders to enhance their private interests? 
A. Yes, and a certain desire to rule this country. 
Q. Mr. Spreckels, do you know Mr. Samuel Parker well ? 
A. I do. 

Q. Ho you know his general reputation for truth and veracity? 
A. I do. 

Q. And from that would you believe him on oath? 
A. I would. 

Q. Ho you know Mr. Corn well the same way? 
A. I do. 

Q. Would you from his general reputation believe him on oath.! 

A. I would; yes, sir. 

Q. Do you know Colburn? 

A. I do not. 

Q. Ho you know Peterson? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 515 



A. I know liim by sight. 

Q. Yon know Parker and Cornwell well? 

A. Yes; I have known them since 1876. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate 
report of my interview with Mr. Blonnt. 

Claus Spreckels. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 

June 12, 1893, 

In pursuance of the agreement hereto attached, the said laborer did arrive in this 

country on the , 1892, and in accordance with the said agreement has been 

assigned to labor for as a laborer at ; and has accepted such 

assignment. 

Now, therefore, the said employer stipulates and agrees to and with the said board 
of immigration of this Kingdom, that he will faithfully pay to the said laborer 
twelve dollars and fifty cents per month for said period of three years, beginning 
from the commencement of such service. 

And the said employer hereby stipulates and agrees that he will faithfully keep 
and perform all the other stipulations in the said agreements set forth, to be kept 
and performed by the said board, in favor of the said laborer. 

And the said employer agrees with the board of immigration, that the contract 
for the service of the said laborer shall not be transferred to any third party during 
the term of this contract without the consent of the said board of immigration or 
its agent. 

And it is further understood, stipulated, and agreed, by and between the parties 
to this agreement, that it shall be the right of the said board of immigration, at 
any time, during the time in this agreement stipulated for its duration, upon the 
the representation of the said laborer, to cancel this contract for any cause deemed 
by the said board to be sufficient, refunding the said employer such proportional 
sum of the amount advanced by the said employer as the unexpired portion of the 
time of service agreed upon may bear to the whole time herein above set forth. 

But if the agreement shall be cancelled by a magistrate, for nonfulfillment or vio- 
lation of any of the conditions thereof on the part of the said employer, then no 
refunding will take place. 

And it is further understood and agreed that all personal taxes levied by the Gov- 
ernment shall be paid by the employer, without deducting the same from the wage 
stipulated. And further, during the continuance of this agreement the said laborer 
is to be properly lodged and provided with good medical attendance by the employer. 

In testimony, we have hereunto set our hands, at Honolulu, Oahu, this day of 

, 1892. 

The Board of Immigration, 

By , 

President. 

This memorandum of agreement between the Hawaiian Government, represented 
by Robert W. Irwin, Her Hawaiian Majesty's minister resident and special agent 

of the Hawaiian bureau of immigration, party of the first part and , a 

Japanese subject, party of the second part: Whereas, the said party of the second 
part has expressed a desire to proceed from Yokohama to Hawaii as an agricultural 
laborer; and, whereas, His Imperial Japanese Majesty's Government have given 
their consent thereto ; and whereas, the Hawaiian Government has agreed to furnish 
the wife and two children of the said party of the second part, if they accompany 
him, free transportation to Hawaii, and upon arrival there to secure for the said 
party of the second part agricultural employment, and employment for his wife; 
and whereas, it has been determined by and between the parties hereto, in order to 
avoid any misunderstanding which might otherwise arise, to conclude at once a 
contract for the purposes hereinbefore recited. Now, therefore, this agreement wit- 
nesseth : 

The Hawaiian Government, in consideration of the stipulations hereinafter con- 
tained, to be kept and performed by the said party of the second j>art, covenants 
and agrees as follows : 

I. — To furnish free steerage passage, including proper food, from Yokohama to 
Honolulu, to , his wife, , and to his two children, if they accom- 
pany him, which fact is to be noted at the bottom of this agreement, and also to pro- 
cure proper transportation for the said party of the second part and his family from 
Honolulu to the placo where such labor is to be performed. The vessel in which 



516 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



such passage from Yokohama to Honolulu is furnished to he subject to the approval 
of the Chiji of Kanagawa. 

II. — On arrival at Honolulu, the Hawaiian Government agrees to obtain employ- 
ment for the said party of the second part, as an agricultural laborer, for the full 
period of three years, from the date such employment actually begins, and also, 
proper employment for the wife of the said party of the second" part. Until such 
employment is obtained, the Hawaiian Government will cause to be provided for 
the party of the second part, and his family, lodgings commodious enough to secure 
health and a reasonable degree of comfort. The Hawaiian Government will, during 
the continuance of the contract, cause to be furnished to the said party of the second 
part and his family, fuel for cooking purposes free of expense. 

III. — The Hawaiian Government guarantees to the said party of the second part 
wages at the rate of twelve dollars and fifty cents per month," and to his said wife 
ten dollars per month, payable in United States gold coin, with lodgings, and an 
allowance of one dollar per month for each of the said two children. The said party 
of the second part shall furnish blankets and bed clothing for himself and his family. 

IV. — The Hawaiian Government agrees to cause to be provided for the said party 
of the second part ami his family medicines and good medical attendance free of cost. 

V. — The Hawaiian Government guarantees that twenty-six /lays often hours each 
actual work in the field, or twelve hours each in and about the sugar mill and sugar 
house, shall, within the meaning of this agreement, constitute one month's service 
as an agricultural laborer. Work overtime exceeding thirty minutes to be paid for 
at the rate of twelve and one-half cents per hour to the said party of the second 
part, and eight cents per hour to his wife. 

VI. — The Hawaiian Government guarantees to the said party of the second part 
and his family the full, equal, and perfect protection of the laws of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, and agrees that, during the continuance of this contract, the said party 
of the second part and his family shall be exempt from all and every kind of personal 
tax. 

VII. — Fifteen per cent of the sum payable to the said party of the second part, 
and to his wife, as wages, shall be remitted monthly by the employer directly to the 
branch of the specie bank (Shokin Ginko) established at Honolulu in the name of 
the said party of the second part, and for all amounts so remitted the said bank 
shall issue receipts to and in favor of the party of the second part. 

VIII. — The Hawaiian Government, having guaranteed employment and wages to 
the said party of the second part, shall have the right to assign, withdraw, and 
reassign the said party of the second part to such plantations for labor as it may see 
fit. In case of such" withdrawal and reassignment, all the expenses incidental 
thereto shall be paid by the Hawaiian Government. 

IN. — The said party of the second part agrees to proceed to Honolulu by the ves- 
sel provided for him in accordance with this agreement. 

N. — On arrival at Honolulu, the said party of the second part agrees to accept 
such employment as the Hawaiian Government may, under this contract, assign to 
him, provided no valid objection thereto exists. In the matter of any such objection 
he agrees to abide by the decision of the bureau of immigration. 

NI. — The party of the second part acknowledges to have received from the 
Hawaiian Government the sum of fifteen dollars and filty cents silver yen to meet 
his necessary expenses and for other purposes, and he agrees to repay the said sum 
in monthly installments after his employment actually begins, not exceeding fifty 
cents silver yen each month until the said sum is paid, which payments shall be made 
by the employer to the board of immigration; but in the event of sickness, pro- 
tracted over twenty days in any one month, the iastallment for such month shall be 
deferred. 

XII. — During the continuance of this contract the said party of the second part 
agrees to fulfill all the conditions of this agreement, and to observe and obey the 
laws of Hawaii, and he further covenants and agrees to diligently and faithfully 
perform all lawful and proper labor which may, under this agreement, be assigned 
to him by the Hawaiian Government during the full period of three years from the 
date such labor actually begins. 

Signed and sealed in quadruplicate in the English and Japanese languages, at 
Yokohama, this November 14th, A. D. 1892. Two copies to be retained by the 
Hawaiian Government, one copy by the party of the second part, and one to be left 
in the custody of the Chiji of Kanagawa. 

One man 

No woman 

No children 

R. W. Irwin, 

Her Hawaiian Majesty's Minister Berirfent and Special Agent of the Bureau of Immi- 
gration. 

Voluntary Emigrant. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 517 



I hereby certify that the foregoing agreement was executed by both parties in 
my presence, and that by virtue of the authority in me vested by his Imperal 
Japanese Majesty's Government I have approved the same. 

Kanagaiva Ken Chiji. 

(Attached to this is a Japanese translation.) 



No. 52. 

(Statement of Lieut. Commander William Swineburne, May 3 ? 1893, 
printed with Mr. Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1S93.) 



No. 53. 

(Statement of L. A. Thurston, March 16, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 2, dated April 8, 1893.) 



No. 54. 

Dr. Trousseau's statements. 

Mat 16, 1893. 

Hon. J. H. Blount: 

Sir : As you are not acquainted with me, I take the liberty of stating 
who I am. Born in Paris, France, in 1833, 1 am now a little over 60 
years of age. I graduated in Paris as a physician in 1858. If you ask 
who is Trousseau, you will be probably answered, why, he is one of the 
Royalists. 

In 1848 when 15J [years] old I enlisted in the first battalion of the 
Mobile nnder the Republic and fought under the presidency of Cav- 
aignac on the memorable days (three) of June, 1848, when the young 
citizens of Paris, three battalions, under command of McMahon, after- 
wards President of the Third Republic, defeated the insurgents. 

In 1852, at the coup d'etat, I was a medical student, was caught fight- 
ing against Napoleon III, narrowly escaped being court-martialed and 
shot or sent to New Caledonia. 

I have been and am to this day a staunch believer in republican 
institutions, always fought against monarchy, so did my father ; I am a 
great admirer of the United States Republic. Was I not a Frenchman, 
I would like to be an American. Indeed, if you decide on annexing 
the islands, in the straightforward, dignified way in which I know it 
will be done, I will probably be one of the first to swear the oath of 
allegiance to the United States. 

This is, Mr. Blount, the kind of royalist I am. 

From that point de vue I entreat you to consider my memorial, and if 
"I have bored you, as I am afraid I have, please consider that all I am 
after is justice and fair play and you will bear up with me. 
Yours, most respectfully, 

G. Trousseau. 



518 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Sunday mornino, May 21, 1893, 

My dear Nordhoef: 
Inclosed please find a rectified list of taxpayers. 
Take for granted — 

(1) That all Chinese and Japanese are against annexation. 

(2) That no corporation can have an opinion, as no one knows in 
many cases who are the shareholders; in cases where it is known I have 
stated it. 

(3) That no native estate, such as Lunalilo's, Mrs. Bishop, Queen 
Emma Kalakaua, although they may be administered by annexation- 
ists, can be considered as such as far as the capital is concerned. 

This list, therefore, is grossly misleading and insulting to the mem- 
ory of the chiefs. Now we have all the natives who pay a large amount 
of taxes, some quite a sum. 

The 35,000 Asiatics pay $5 apiece, say (the laborers alone) 8185,000. 
Some own property; anyhow they pay licenses to the extent of over 
$50,000. You can, therefore, form your opinion of who really pays the 
expenses of the Government mostly since Spreckels has declared him- 
self to you as against annexation. 

Now about my memorial to Mr. Blount. ' 

After inquiry yesterday I find that I had no right to give it to you 
to read just now. Therefore you will please not mention to anyone 
that you have read it, except to Mr. Blount, as you would put me to 
serious trouble indeed. It has for the present, anyhow, to be con- 
sidered as of a strictly confidential nature, and therefore you will please 
do so, and not use any part of it. 

When the time comes I will be glad to let you have it. 
Very truly yours, 

G. Trousseau. 

Ton found out yesterday that I had not deceived you about Spueck- 
els. The interview is a big thing for our side. 



Honolulu, June 27, 1893. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

United States Commissioner: 

Sir: In reference to your inquiries at the hotel this morning, I beg 
to state: That I was down town on January 16, 1S93, a little before 5 
p. m. There was a large gathering of foreigners about Fort and Mer- 
chant street corners. I inquired and was told that the United States 
forces would be landed at 5. Soon I saw C. L. Carter ride towards the 
wharf. I followed. Boats were landing troops, guns, and ambulance 
material; they were in undress campaign uniform. I saw C. L. Car- 
ter hand a letter to the commanding officer. The forces formed, 
marched up Fort street, then into Merchant street. I met Widenian; 
we jumped into a hack and drove at full speed to the palace, ahead of 
the forces. We met the Queen; she was composed; had already 
heard of the landing of the men, and said the United States minister 
means to support the committee of safety. Wideman and I said at 
once it must be the case ; but it would be such an outrage that surely 
your Majesty will get justice from the United States Government. We 
stood on the veranda facing King street. Soon the forces advanced 
and formed in this manner : 

We comforted the Queen; I left Widemann and others with her; 
drove hastily to the club. Met Wodehouse, Canavarro, and Yezzavona 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 519 



coming- from Mr. Stevens's. They told me they had just seen him 
about his reasons for landing the forces. Wodehouse said to me: "I 
told Stevens that the town was as quiet as a Quakers' meeting. I 
asked him (Mr. Stevens) if the Qneen's Government had asked for the 
landing of the troops. He answered no. What is the object then? 
Protect law and order. But there is no breach of law and order. 
Answer: Ladies about town are very nervous and fear trouble. Why, 
said Wodehouse, ladies are driving about as usual with their children. 
No answer. We left, said Wodehouse." What is your impression, I 
said. Why, said the three, no doubt but that Stevens means to help 
the committee of public safety. At the same time happened the inci- 
dent with Mr. Giffard and an officer of the Boston, fully related in my 
memorial. That same evening after seeing Chairman Carter at the 
hospital, as related also in my memorial, say about 9 o'clock, I went by 
request to the Government building to meet the ministers and a num- 
ber of persons friendly to the Queen's Government. 

After some discussion it was decided to make no resistance, as all of 
us understood that the United States forces who had then taken pos- 
session of Arion Hall were there to support any movement contem- 
plated by the committee of safety. Therefore, I can assure you in per- 
fect good faith that there was no doubt in anybody's mind but that if 
resistance was shown the United States forces would take the part of 
the revolutionists. Chairman Carter's statement was enough to prove 
that. The next day, January 17, only 25 men took possession of the 
Government house. When Mr. Cooper read the proclamation hardly 
that number were present. I was leaning on the fence of the Govern- 
ment building and saw the whole performance as related in my memo- 
rial. 

The United "States troops were under arms in Mr. Nacayama's yard, 
guns in position ready to advance, some of the men drawn up under the 
veranda of Arion Hall, and some with, I think, one gun in the alley 
from Nacayama's yard to Arion Hall. 

This is, Mr. Blount, a succinct report of what I know of the facts on 
January 16 and 17, 1893. For more details, I beg to refer you to the 
last part of my memorial. 

The men who had been instructed to provide the necessary force for 
the taking of the Government building are Mr. P. Gardiner, an Eng- 
lishman, and Mr. Harry Yon Verthern, an American by birth, of Ger- 
man origin. They are willing to give you full information about their 
action, the assurance they had of the support of the United States 
forces, etc. 

Respectfully submitted. 

G. Trousseau. 



Hon. J. H. Blount: 

Sir: I beg to be excused if, unbidden, I take the liberty of address- 
ing you. I understand that you wish to make a thorough investigation 
of our situation, and my position as a physician and old resident per- 
haps enables me to throw light on some obscure points. For over 
twenty years I am connected professionally with all political parties 
and the royal family. 

I arrived here in 1872, under the reign of Kamehameha V. His prime 
minister, Dr. Hutchinson, was his physician as well. The King was 
not well, and shortly after I was called to see him. I soon found out 
that his condition was critical. I told his ministers that his days were 



520 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



counted, and shortly after lie was himself acquainted with his own 
condition. 

According to the constitution, which he had himself promulgated 
in 1864, he had the right to appoint his successor. Urged to do so, he 
demurred. His nearest kinsman was Lunalilo, a Kamehameha by his 
mother. But he was addicted to drink, and somewhat of a wag. The 
King hated him, the feeling being reciprocal. How well I remember 
the scenes at the old palace the day before the King's death. Most of 
the chiefs were there, all of the pretendants to the throne. The dying 
King was urged to make an appointment; Mrs. 0. E. Bishop (Pauahi) 
urged her own claim. Friends of Kalakaua, of Queen Emma, widow 
of Kamehameha IV., urged their respective claims. Lunalilo kept 
silent, never went near the King's room. At last, in my presence, the 
King said: "The throne belongs to Lunalilo; I will not appoint him, 
because I consider him unworthy of the position. The constitution, 
in case I make no nomination, provides for the election of the next 
King; let it be so." He died the next morning. Thus ended the 
hereditary monarchy in the islands. 

To this very important point I beg to call your special notice, as I 
will refer to it hereafter. 

After a short interregnum, just long enough to get the Legislature 
together, Lunalilo was elected unanimously, and his election indorsed 
by public opinion, foreign as well as native. For the first time in 
many years our missionary friends and their sons and relatives mus- 
tered courage to recover their long-lost power. They used flattery, 
claimed recognition for their support towards the election, and Mr. E. 
O. Hall, father of the present W. Hall, had the formation of the new 
cabinet. 1 was the physician and friend of the King. I did not inter- 
fere in politics, and limited myself to my duties as such. I had a good 
deal of influence with him, but often, when I would be away, he would 
start drinking again in spite of me. Some good qualities in the man 
had strongly attached him to me. 

One night, after a bout on board one of the American warships in 
port, he returned to Waikiki, went to sleep under his veranda, with 
thin underclothing, exposed to the strong trade wind. Within twenty- 
four hours pneumonia set in and for €lays his condition was serious. 
He recovered, however, but remained suffering from chronic pheumonia 
and pleurisy. 

We decided on going to Kailua, Hawaii, a splendid health resort 
specially for lung troubles, and a favorite place of the Hawaiian chiefs. 
As soon as I decided to take the King off to Kailua, the chiefs and pre- 
tendants understood that his condition had become critical, and all in- 
sisted in following the King. 

Mrs. Bishop (Pauahi), Queen Emma, now dead, Liliuokalani, the 
deposed Queen, her sister Likelike, now dead, Kapiolani, wife of Kala- 
kaua, and others, came along with us, and none left the King's side 
either by day or night. We lived in a very large native hut, and I 
dare say not less than 30 or 40 people slept there at night. I was the 
only white man there, and it was, I assure you, interesting to watch the 
chiefs, their rivalries and intrigues. 

Lunalilo was constantly urged as Kamehameha V. had been, to ap- 
point his successor; he had a great regard and perhaps a softer feeling 
toward Queen Emma, and would, I think, have married her. had it net 
been the influence of an old mistress, a half- white, w4io was also there 
with us. Mr. 0. 11. Bishop, Dominis, Kalakaua, the cabinet ministers, 
and the chief justice made flying visits to us, never remaining more 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 521 



than a day or two. All made me promise not to let the King die at 
Kailua, but to bring him back in time to Honolulu. The King often 
pointed out to me the maneuvers of the chiefs. He often said to me: 
" If I appoint any one it would be Emma, but I shall leave it to the 
people. I have been elected and the next King must be elected." As 
he did not ask me to keep the secret, I would often say to the chiefs, 
to the cabinet ministers: " Please do not bother him; his mind is set; 
he will make no appointment." But they mistrusted each other and 
kept at him. In the meantime he kept failing, and I saw and told him 
he was nearing his end. I also said that I had promised to bring him 
back, to Honolulu. He said: " Why won't they let me die here?" I 
answered: "You have appointed no successor; the ministers say that 
there are many things to settle, signatures to give, and so forth." 

Yielding reluctantly to my entreaties, we started, the whole crowd of 
us, and safely reached Honolulu, where the greatest ovation was made 
to the dying King. He lived one more week, during which I never 
left him either by day or night. The very same scenes that had taken 
place when Kamehameha V died were renewed with perhaps more 
insistence. 

The premises — his father's house — were thronged day and night by 
natives and foreigners. At last the King asked me to allow no one to 
bother him and no one in his room except his immediate attendants 
and Queen Emma. They made sure that Queen Emma would be ap- 
pointed, but being appealed to constantly, I repeated, which I knew 
to be a fact, that he would make no appointment. 

Nearly the whole of the natives were in favor of Queen Emma. The 
whole of the foreigners, with few exceptions, were in favor of Kalakaua 
— the whole, anyhow, of the so-called missionary party. The King 
died without appointing his successor. 

The same interregnum took place. The legislature was called together 
and the election got through during the greatest excitement. 

All of the native members were instructed to vote for Queen Emma 
by their constituents. But for the first time in Hawaiian history bribes 
were used by the missionary party and only 6 Hawaiian members stood 
fast for Queen Emma; the rest followed the lead of the missionary 
party and Kalakaua was elected. When the result was proclaimed 
from the balcony of the legislative hall, a mob of natives invaded the 
house to punish the native members for the treachery, and had it not 
been for the United States marines, commanded by Captain, now 
Admiral, Skerrett, the native members would have been killed. As 
it was, three or four fared rather badly. No violence was manifested 
toward any white member. And here I make another strong point, 
that it would be impossible to mention one single case of violence 
committed by a single native against a foreigner in the whole history 
of the islands, even when foreigners were absolutely at their mercy. 
Capt. Cook was the first and only victim, and he surely brought it upon 
himself. 

Probably Kalakaua never would have reigned, and no one can possi- 
bly deny that his ascension to the throne was due to the foreigners 1 
influence and the quelling of the riot by the United States and English 
forces. 

I wish you to make another point of this well-known fact, which 
could be vouched for to you by Admiral Skerrett himself. Is this an 
hereditary monarchy? 

Kalakaua always thought, wrongly however, that my influence over 
Lunalilo had prevented the latter from appointing Queen Emma. Lu- 



522 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

nalilo's mind was settled on the subject. Kalakaua showed the great- 
est friendship to me, and was, up to his death, quite confidential. 

He soon found out that the missionary party who had put him in 
power wanted to get the upper hand and drive the natives to the wall, 
as has always been their wont. 

Several times he appealed to me to form a cabinet, once coming all 
the way from Kona, Hawaii, all alone, but a native retainer, to my 
place 5,000 feet up Maunaloa, where I had retired for rest. 

I returned with him to Honolulu, arid not wishing to enter into poli- 
tics, advised him to call on Mr. S. G. Wilder, now dead (brother of Mr. 
W. 0. Wilder, one of the commissioners of the Provisional Government 
at Washington), to form a cabinet. 

This was done in the middle of the night after our return from 
Hawaii. Wilder was a friend of the King, just to the natives, popular 
with all parties. 

But although himself quite the reverse of a missionary, his family 
associations (he had married a daughter of Dr. Judd) prevented him 
from fully renouncing the party. 

He was a clever man, but used his power mostly for his own benefit. 
However, it is nnder his ministry that an impulse was made in improve- 
ments that did benefit him personally, but benefited the country as 
well. 

But the King still resented the missionary influence and at last dis- 
carded it by appointing Mr. Gibson at the head of a new cabinet. 
The missionary influence ceased from that time, and Mr. Gibson be- 
came a great favorite of the King and the natives. He was a man 
of undoubted ability, a thorough politician, but a dreamer. 

Hawaii for the Hawaiians was his motto. The missionary party 
hated him, but until 1887 he matched them in every move. He pan- 
dered to every whim of the King, encouraged him to extravagant and 
useless schemes ; hence his power in retaining office. 

Nevertheless, no one can deny that it is under his detested rule, under 
the Kamajameha constitution, that the prosperity of the islands came 
to its height. The reciprocity treaty, the higher price of sugar, enriched 
everyone, and, although the missionary party kept active and anxious 
to regain power, the mass of the people did not otherwise object to 
Mr. Gibson's rule and to the extravagance at the palace by which the 
whole retail trade of the islands was largely benefited. 

The King was fond of display; had the military craze for show more 
than anything else. He organized several military companies. Our 
missionary friends did not lose their opportunity. 

Selecting officers that neither the King nor Mr. Gibson suspected, 
they asked for the organization of the " Honolulu Rifles" and obtained 
it. Mr. V. V. Ashford was the chief of the organization. 

The secret object was the overthrow of Mr. Gibson and of the King 
himself and the proclamation of a republic. 

A secret league was formed; I was asked to join, but refused. The 
price of sugar went down gradually from $120 to $80 a ton. This 
created some discontent and helped to made successful, in a certain 
degree, the revolution of 1887. 

The move was an overt act of treason. The " Honolulu Rifles " had 
sworn allegiance to the King ; had received from him presents, favors, 
and their flag. He had encouraged and helped them in every possible 
way, was proud of their appearance, and reviewed them often himself. 
When I was aske d to join the league and refused I knew what was com- 
ing; 1 knew that a constitution establishing a republic was prepared, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 523 

In refusing; I had assured tlie leaders that I would not betray 'them in 
giving their names, but that I was opposed to the movement, to the 
overthrow of the King- in particular, and that I would use whatever in- 
fluence I might have in bringing about a compromise. 

I advised the King to dismiss Mr. Gibson and appoint a ministry 
more in accord with public opinion, and warned him that in not doing so 
he was taking great risks. He thanked me but assured me that he was 
prepared; that he would make no attack, but if attacked would defend 
himself. I once more asked him to dismiss G-ibson but failed to per- 
suade him. In the meantime the fighting enthusiasm of the " Honolulu 
Bines" cooled down considerably when they heard from their spies and 
myself that they would get a rather hot reception at the palace. 

I then volunteered to bring about a compromise and was authorized 
to ask the King to sign a new constitution. I advised him to yield, 
representing to him that personal government was a thing of the past,- 
that if he resisted, although I did not doubt but he was able to do so, 
there necessarily would be bloodshed between natives and foreigners, 
and that he risked interference from the United States. He told me 
that he would sign a new constitution if presented to him. I so reported 
to the leaders. The constitution was hurriedly recopied, substituting 
monarchy for republic, and the King signed it, and Mr. Thurston was 
intrusted with the formation of the new cabinet. 

In the meantime, although I admit that the power of the King re- 
quired to be curtailed, the reading of the enactments of the Legislature 
under this detested administration will convince you that no measure 
was ever neglected or opposed that possibly could assist or forward the 
interest of the foreign residents. The motto, " Hawaii for the Hawaiians" 
never infringed on our rights except in the appointment to Government 
offices. 

In fact the Hawaiian statute book will show from the earliest period 
to this very time that always due regard has been paid to the prosperty 
of the white settler, and that every care had been taken to secure their 
comfort and happiness. I do not hesitate to say that the laws of this, 
little country, although enacted with a constant majority of native rep- 
resentatives, can compare favorably with those of any other civilized 
country. From 1887 has begun the real period of unrest. 

The establishment of a republic with the intention of immediate an- 
nexation to the United States was the object of the revolution. Ever 
since the missionary party, encouraged more especially by the attitude 
of Mr. Stevens, has been conspiring against the monarchy. 

Coming now to more recent events, I will consider them with abso- 
lute impartiability. 

The Legislature of 1892 was protracted and agitated by constant 
changes of cabinet. However, two measures only were passed that may 
be considered as harmful. I refer to the opium license bill and the lot- 
tery bill. All other measures demanded by the foreign residents as 
necessary to their welfare were passed without opposition by the native 
members. The missionary party alone used bribes to recover power 
with the well-known object of using it to do what they succeeded only 
in doing by revolution and treachery on January 16 last. Hence the 
resistance of the Queen and her friends to let them gain and retain their 
power. 

The opium bill was carried not only by the natives, but by a majority 
of the whole of the members. 

When I arrived in the country, opium was licensed. Any one ac- 
quainted as I am with the Chinese will know that the license is the best 



524 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and the only way to stop smuggling. Several foreign citizens, now 
strong supporters of the Provisional Government and strong annexa- 
tionists, whose names are in every body's mouth, have been more or 
less connected with opium smuggling, and although the Provisional 
Government itself had nothing to do with it, I am sure their chartered 
vessel, the Claudine, on which the commissioners went after the revo- 
lution, although manned by none but picked suprporters of the Provi- 
sional Government and none but white men, returned chockful of 
opium. 

Anyhow, as I said before, the opium bill was supported by some of 
the best white members, strong annexationists. I now come to the 
lottery bill. I believe you have seen the petition. I have seen it, as it 
was brought to me to sign, which I declined to do. You will notice 
that it was signed by nearly every shopkeeper in Honolulu. The mis- 
sionaries proper did not sign it. 

I, for one, as a Frenchman, had no particular dislike to the bill, ac- 
customed as we are in Europe to the working of it. Portugal, Spain, 
Italy, Austria, Prussia, and other continental nations have state lot- 
teries. France has no state lottery, but any one for a charitable or na- 
tional purpose can be authorized by the Government to draw a lottery. 

The City of Paris, the Credit Foncier, have drawings of their bonds 
every three months. Furthermore, the Louisiana lottery is still in ex- 
istence in the United States and $1,000 worth of its tickets are sold 
here monthly by the employes of some of our best mercantile firms. 
The natives were all in favor of it. Chinese lotteries are in full swing 
every day in Honolulu, and are patronized by foreigners as well as 
natives. Why in presence of a petition in favor of the bill should the 
Queen, who had vetoed no bill during the session, veto this particular 
bill? 

Now, the new constitution that the Queen wanted to promulgate is 
supposed to have precipitated the crisis. The constitution of 1887 in 
partially disfranchising the natives and giving a vote to all foreigners, 
without even a.resideuce clause, has always been distasteful to them. 
This you will readily understand. They wanted tbe old Kainehameha 
constitution back, the one indeed under ^\hich everyone in the islands 
except the natives themselves became rich and prospered. 

When it was abrogated in 1887, taxation, even with the ac- 
knowledged extravagance of Mr. Gibson's regime, w^s only § of 1 per 
cent on the value of real estate. 

In the year 1887 only it had to be raised to 1 per cent — a low enough 
rate you will admit. But even these low rates never have been paid, 
mostly by the planters, who always managed to have their friends ap- 
pointed as tax assessors, and I have known plantations which only 
paid the rate on their income, or dividends, instead of on their capital. 

Even then another fraud has been constantly committed with the 
tacit consent of even Mr. Gibson's administration. It consisted in 
this: Declarations of value have to be made on July 1, of each year; 
during the last part of June all the available vessels in port would be 
loaded and cleared at the custom-house before the evening of the 30th 
of June. Thousands of tons yearly escape taxation this way. 

Returning to the new constitution, the queen was constantly pestered 
by the native leaders to promulgate a new one. 

Her advisers, even Mr. Wilson, who, as you probably heard, had a 
great deal ot influence with the Queen, entreated her to give up the 
idea. Her excuse was in the constant verbal and written demands of 
her people, who as a whole have no objection to personal government 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 525 



as long as it is exercised by tlieir own chiefs. The prime and perhaps 
only real objection to the constitution of 1887 on the part of the 
natives is that it was exacted from the King by an armed force and in 
a revolutionary manner. 

However, granting that the queen was wrong in asking her minis- 
ters (she did nothing more) to help her in proclaiming the new consti- 
tution, she had abandoned the idea and made, I believe, a sufficient 
public retraction. 

TSo f Mr. Blount, these were not the causes of the revolution. 

The Missionary party, backed by Mr. Stevens and Capt. Wiltse, 
made the revolution to regain lost power. 

They were at the time backed by the planters and business men on 
account of the low price in sugar and the MeKinley bill. 

Almost daily, to my personal knowledge, meetings were held at Mr. 
Stevens' house in which the possibilities of a peaceful revolution with 
the prospects of annexation were discussed. Prominent at these meet- 
ings were the Chief Justice, Mr. Dole, Mr. Thurston, Mr. Hartwell, 
Charles Carter, and others, also Capt. Wiltse. 

The latter, for the last three months before the revolution a guest of 
the Pacific Club, of which I am a member, became so offensive that I 
and others took issue and expressed it to him and often asked him : 
u Well, captain, when are you going to hoist the American flag ? " Fully 
six months before the revolution Mr. Stevens asked Mr. George 
d y An glade, French commissioner, now consul for France in Xew Or- 
leans, and my friend Canavarro, the Portuguese charge d'affaires, to 
dinner. They went and found the only guests besides themselves Mr. 
Thurston and Mr. Hartwell. I met them the next day and they ex- 
pressed their thorough disgust at Mr. Stevens' action. 

They soon found after the first course the annexation question was 
slyly brought about and felt that they were asked there to commit them- 
selves. They kept on their guard and as soon as dinner was over with- 
drew and left Mr. Stevens and his two other guests. 

I now come to the condition of affairs on January 16, the day the 
forces were landed. 

After the two meetings the town was as quiet as ever it had been. 
The Queen had withdrawn the constitution. 

The natives "Hui Kalaiaiaina " had peacefully submitted. There 
was no breach of law and order. Being down town, I noticed some ex- 
citement in Merchant street by the post-office and corners of Fort street. 
I inquired the cause of it: "The United States forces will land in a 
short while," I was told. A few minutes after, Charles Carter rode 
down in a hack, I followed and saw him at the foot of Fort street wait- 
ing for the landing of the troops. He received the commanding officer, 
handed him a letter, and showed him where to go. A large crowd 
gathered. I went back, met Wideniann, and we drove hastily to the 
palace. 

Soon the forces with Gatling guns, etc., marched up and formed in 
the space between the palace, Kawaiaho church, and the Government 
building, and halted there under arms. After comforting the Queen, 
telling her that the United States could not possibly sustain Mr. 
Stevens's action, I left at once to find out more about the trouble. I 
drove hastily to the club, saw Wodehouse, ^Tanavarro, and Yizzavona in 
a hack. They alighted to speak to me. As we met, Mr. G-iffard, of Irwin 
& Co. (Spreckels) joined us. 

They said : u We just came from Stevens to find out about the Land- 
ing of the forces. We asked him at whose request they landed." He 



526 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 



said, "Ladies about town are very nervous and feared trouble" " Why," 
said I (Wodehouse speaking), "the town, Mr. Stevens, is perfectly 
quiet, as quiet as a Quaker's meeting." Continuing: "Were you asked 
by the Queen's Government to land the troops?" "No." "What is 
your object?" "Protect law and order." "Why," said Wodehouse, 
"there is no breach of law and order." No answer. The Frenchman, 
Yizzavona, said: 

"But why are the forces occupying an armed position on the prin- 
cipal square of the town commanding the palace and the Government 
building"?" No answer. "We left" said Wodehouse "and are satisfied 
that Stevens means to assist a movement from the committee of safety." 
The fi ve of us were standing on the sidewalk, corner of Beretania street 
and Alakea close to the clnb. All at once rides up an officer from the 
Boston and asks to speak to Mr. Giffard. After a short conversation 
with the officer, Giffard returned to us and said, "What do think they 
want?" Why the use of the Music Hall as quarters for the forces. I 
have refused." We went to the club. Within ten minutes the officer 
returned with a written request to Mr. Girfard for the use of the Music 
Hall. 

The request was from Mr. Stevens himself. Giffard answered "I can 
not grant the request. The Music Hall belongs to my principal, Mr. 
Irwin, who is away. And again the Music Hall commands the Gov- 
ernment building and the palace. I do not feel justified in giving the 
United States forces such a commanding position, entrenched at that, 
as long as I am satisfied that the forces are landed against the expressed 
protest of the foreign representatives and of the Queen's Government." 
(We knew from the cabinet members that they had protested.) This 
ended the Music Hall business. 

Later on Mr. Stevens also in writing requested the use of Arion Hall, 
close by, and it was granted for one night only. Instead of leaving on 
the morning as agreed upon, notwithstanding a protest from Mr. Naca- 
yania and Mr. Waller, the lessees of the premises, the troops held the 
premises until after the event of January 17. Is it not patent that Mr. 
Stevens and Capt. Wiltse meant them to support the movement which 
took place next day at 3 p. m. ? 

That same evening, January 16, at about 8 o'clock, I met Charles 
Carter at the hospital. I am his family physician. He asked me to go 
and see his wife, who was pregnant — close to her confinement — and felt 
very nervous on account of the part he, Charles Carter, was taking in 
the movement. He had been to my house and heard that I was at the 
hospital. I said I would go at once. I asked, "What are you about 
anyhow?" He said that they had asked Stevens to land the troops; 
that he would support them ; that they were going to depose the Queen, 
and never stop short of annexation at any cost. I represented to him 
that I doubted very much if the United States would sustain Stevens. 
He said, "It is all arranged beforehand, and we can carry our point 
with Foster and Harrison before the new administration comes in." 

Knowing poor Charley, as I do, from his boyhood (and a big over-fat 
boy he is still), 1 did not think it worth my while to argue with him. 
However, I said, "The Queen will do what is right if asked to do 
so." He said, "We will not give her the chance. We will depose her. 
Annexation is the word." 

The next morning, a patient of miue, P. Gardiner by name, an 
Englishman, called. He was under treatment. He said, "I am in a 
hurry to-day" (the office being pretty full); " try not to keep me wait- 
ing." This was about 10 a. m. He added, " To-day (January 17th) we 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 527 



depose the Queen. I have to be on hand any time after 12 o'clock. The 
call will be one tap of the bell. 4 Tower Bell.'" Knowing my man well 
as one of the unemployed, and knowing- that his sympathies were xhe 
other way, I said, "What do you get for that job"?" "One hundred 
dollars cash, $2.50 a day and board afterwards, and the promise of a 
billet of not less than $100 a month." " Who made you the promise?" 
"Thurston." The man is still connected with the revolutionists, and is 
willing to make the statement to Mr. Blount himself. 

I said u Do you mean fight?" Answer: "Why, the United States 
forces will support us." After 12 o'clock I kept on the lookout for that 
one tap of the bell. At 2 p. m. my assistant, whom I had sent to pay a 
bill to E. O. Hall & Son, rushed in and said, " John Good just came 
to Hall's to get arms, got them into his express wagon; a policeman 
went to stop the wagon and Good shot him in the breast." 

They drove up King street, supposed to go to the armory on Bere- 
tania street. I started on foot to the armory, which is close to my 
office. Saw a few men there, amongst them the man Gardiner, and 
went to the club, still watching for that one tap of the bell. I got to 
the club at 2 :15 p. m., met there several people, amongst them 0. A. 
Brown, who had been prominent in the 1887 revolution, and who, I 
knew by Charles Carter and others, to be one of the committee of pub- 
lic safety. He had no arms and wore a morning suit. 

1 said: "Well, Brown, you are going to depose the Queen at the 
stroke of the bell." He said: "How do you know?" I answered 
" Never mind." I added " I understood that you will be supported by 
Stevens." He said "Well you have got it pretty straight. That's just 
how it is." "You are waiting for the tap of the bell," said I. (The 
tower is close to the club.) He said, "Yes." 

At half past 2 o'clock I heard the one tap. He (Brown) started at 
a good pace. I followed. He went into the Government building and 
I stopped outside the fence in the street leading from King to Queen 
street. My glance could not count more than 20 people about, outside 
of the Boston men who were under arms in Mr. Eacayama's. yard, in 
the lane between the said yard and Arion Hall and under the veranda 
of Arion Hall. 

Gatling guns were drawn up in Eacayaina's yard. 

A few minutes before 3 p. m. an unknown person — Mr. Cooper, I heard 
since, a perfect stranger — now judge — read a proclamation of which I 
only heard a part. 

I went to the barracks. There were the Hawaiian troops, one hun- 
dred or so in number, ready for action if ordered out. 

I went to the station house, and saw a number of foreigners rushing 
in and putting themselves at the disposal of the marshal. Before an 
hour had elapsed I found out that Mr. Stevens had already recognized 
the Provisional Government and that the Queen had ordered, under 
protest, the surrender of the barracks and station house to avoid blood- 
shed. I can assure you, Mr. Blount, that the Queen's Government was 
perfectly competent to take care of the situation ; that the force in the 
Government building had no arms nor ammunition to speak of, and that 
the whole game was one of bluff, a surprise, a coup de main, as we call 
it in French. Why? The clerks in the Government building were at 
their desks; the routine of the various departments was going on. A 
handful of filibusters, backed by Mr. Stevens and Captain Wiltse, did 
the job 7 and the Queen and her friends, trusting to redress from the 
United States, yielded to avoid bloodshed, and with the full knowledge 



528 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

that if resistance was shown the United States forces would support 
the rebels. 

I am satisfied that by this time you have formed a correct opinion of 
all facts, and perhaps yon will rind this long memorial rather tedious. 

I will now try to conclude and spare your patience. It will be pre- 
sumptuous for anyone. Provisional Government, royalists, native, and 
so forth, to try to advise the United States about ourselves. 

The question, therefore, simplifies itself. If President Cleveland 
and yourself have made up your minds about the necessity of annex- 
ing the islands, very well; we have nothing more to say, and no one 
better than yourself, Mr. Blount, can bring it about. 

You must be well aware by this time that the Provisional Govern- 
ment is not a popular government. If you wish to go to the trouble, 
procure the roll of the annexation club and the very complete registry 
of voters made only a couple of years ago. A short comparison will 
show you the comparative number of voters on the annexation roll. 
After that, take into consideration that every business firm connected 
with the movement has compelled their employes under threat of dis- 
missal to sign the roll and you can form a pretty correct opinion of how 
the Provisional Government stands. 

Therefore, satisfied that the Provisional Government is only a revo- 
lutionary government put in power by the United States forces and 
without any support from the majority of the population, the United 
States can refuse to treat the question of annexation with the Pro- 
visional Government. 

Let the United States Government put things back where Mr. Stevens 
found them on January 17; restore the queen; let her call her Legisla- 
ture together and state to them, by special message, that in presence 
of the necessity in which the United States are placed to secure the pos- 
session of the Hawaiian Islands, she herself is prepared to abdicate in 
favor of Grover Cleveland. President of the United States, and expects 
the representatives of the people to make no opposition to the measure, 
and at once ratify a treaty of cession as agreed upon between yourself 
and herself 

Being done in that manner you will find little opposition, and all of 
us will assist in bringing the matter to a safe and peaceable solution. 

If, on the other hand, the United States only wish to secure supre- 
macy and absolute control of the islands without anne xation, thesame 
course can be safely followed. 

Restore the Queen and make with her, in accord with the Legislature, 
a cast iron treaty to suit yourselves. 

Take for instance the treaty between France and Tunis or England 
and Egypt; they are not exactly a protectorate, as the flags of the two 
countries do not fly either in Tunis or Egypt, but in both countries the 
native rulers and legislatures are under the complete and absolute con- 
trol of the European powers, and from my reading both systems work 
well, notwithstanding the jealouslv of France in Egypt and of Italy in 
Tunis. 

Here, where no other power means to interfere, I think such a system 
would answer. However, yon are the best judges. But whatever you 
wish you can get with the almost unanimous consent of this small 
nation, when, on the contrary, if you treat with the Provisional Govern- 
ment the large majority will feel that a great wrong has been committed 
towards a people who have always been friendly to the United States, 
are so now , and only wish to be allowed to attend to their affairs them- 
selves. 



REPOKT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 529 



A third solution is a protectorate, same as we (the French) had in 
Tahiti, until the ruling chiefs became extinct. The French nag was 
raised, but the Pomares enjoyed the use of the palace, a pension from 
the French Republic, and a kind of state befitting to the ancient owners 
of the land. 

But I understand that such a protectorate would not be agreeable to 
the United States statesmen. 

Further back I made a strong point of the fact that this was no more 
on hereditary monarchy. These people are truly the elect of their sub- 
jects, Kalakaua by direct vote, and Liliuokalani by his appointing her 
as his successor under, not only the Kamehameha constitution, but 
under the constitution 1887 made by the revolutionists themselves which 
confirmed his appointment. During the King's absence to the coast, 
when he died, these very people were in power, and Liliuokalani was 
by them accepted as regent. 

"A few words now about the capital (American) invested in this 
country. 

I do not hesitate to say that Mr. Spreckels represents the only really 
American capital invested here. 

The loan is English money, so are the tramways, and a large number 
of the plantations, principally in Kohala, on the island of Hawaii. 

The whole of Mr. Bishop's capital is Hawaiian. Mr. Bishop came 
here as a poor clerk, married Pauahi, and out of the Kanaka country 
made what he owns. He never lived in a house built by himself or 
owned by himself until his wife died, leaving him all. Not only that, 
but Mr. Bishop has invested very large sums in the States all out of 
this country's resources. 

Mr. Damon is also a creature of Mrs. Pauahi Bishop. 

Mr. James Campbell came here as a journeyman carpenter. 

The Ii estate — 0. A. Brown's wife is an Ii. 

The Robinsons estate, the Lunalilo estate, the Bishop estate, the 
Kalakaua estate, and Hawaiian capital represents a very large portion 
of the tax-paying capital, and are not represented in the annexation 
party. Take now the taxes paid by the Chinese and the Japanese, and 
if you will go to the trouble of consulting the tax assessors' books .you 
will find that the annexation club does not represent the wealth and 
influence of the country. 

None of the American firms or planters ever brought a cent from the 
United States here. In dividends and investments they have exported 
millions of dollars. 

As far as the missionaries proper are concerned, they brought exactly 
nothing. They were housed and fed by the natives, their children tended 
for them, and their churches built for them free of expense. They were 
given land by the people, who served them, nursed them, cookedfor them, 
did all the most menial work without compensation, drew them about in 
hand carts to church and to their social entertainments, and paid them 
besides a tax of 10 cents a week per head for each adult all through the 
districts over which they had spiritual control. When I lived in Hawaii, 
Mr. Bond, a missionary and wealthy planter, still collected from the 
natives of his district the weekly 10 cents himself. 

The revolution was made by Messrs. Dole, Thurston, W. O. Smith, 
C. L. Carter, Judd, etc., all sons of missionaries, who owe the whole of 
their social and pecuniary position to the natives. 

In their respective professions as lawyers they never were able to 
make a living. 

Dole, Thurston, and Smith's clearest income has been as trustees of 
10518 34 



530 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

various native estates, mentioned before. Of course all have interests 
in plantations, outside, I think, of Dole and Thurston. These people 
on the whole are good enough people, honest, I dar e say on any subject 
in which their ambition or their interest is not directly connected. 
But they are all suffering from a very serious complaint, a swelled 
head, incurable I am afraid. But I must not abuse your patience any 
longer, and will subscribe myself, 
Tours, respectfully, 

G. Trousseau. 

Since writing the above memorial I have had communication of a 
pamphlet shortly to be published by Mr. Stevens. I will not discuss 
the very lame apology he gives for his interference nor the absolutely 
false statements in which he indulges. These I believe sufficiently 
elucidated by your personal information. But his slanderous attacks 
on the private character of the Queen I will not leave unchallenged. 

In my memorial I referred to the undoubted influence Charles B. 
Wilson had over the Queen. I will now explain that influence. Wil- 
son persuaded the Queen, I believe, that she was safe in his hands. 
He is a determined man, has got plenty of personal courage, and often 
told the Queen that, had he been marshal of the Kingdom in 1887, the 
King never would have been compelled by the force of arms to sign 
the constitution 5 he would have nipped the conspiracy in the bud. 
Bight or wrong, the Queen believed him, hence his influence. 

I have known the Queen intimately for over twenty years. When I 
arrived here she had not been married long, and her husband, John O. 
Dominis, an American, and an intimate friend of mine, was fondly be- 
loved by her. John Dominis's character was unimpeachable — ask any 
one who knew him — Mr. 0. R. Bishop, Mr. W. F. Allen, and others. I 
am now speaking from a physician's point of view. John was, to use a 
euphemism, rather irregular as a husband — as many husbands in my 
experience are. He was fond of society, sometimes took more liquor 
than was good for him 3 and occasionally (although he never kept a reg- 
ular mistress) had some love adventures. In this small community they 
were reported to his wife, and I can vouch to how she suffered by it. 
She was exceedingly fond and jealous of him. But, like most unfaithful 
husbands, he would not have for one moment shut his eyes on even any 
sign of unfaithfulness on the part of his wife. As long as he was alive, 
any one slandering his wife would have, 1 assure you, been severely 
punished. If there has been any failing in the Queen's faithfulness to 
her husband it never has been known, and as far as Wilson is concerned, 
it is on the part of Mr. Stevens an unmitigated lie. Did I know that 
Mr. Stevens would resent it as we do in my country I would to day go 
and give him the lie. But he would probably have me arrested and 
convicted, and, busy as Iain with my arduous profession, I can't afford it. 

Mr. Wilson has a half-white wife, an intimate friend of the Queen. 
Although not a young woman, she is still attractive, and has been one 
of the prettiest half- white women in Honolulu. I have also been her 
physician and known her well. She is, and always has been, of a jeal- 
ous disposition, and notwithstanding Mr. Stevens' abominable state- 
ment, would never countenance an intimacy between her husband and 
any other woman, even were she the Queen. She is now more attract- 
ive than the Queen is or ever has been. 

That Mr. Stevens believes these stories I strongly doubt. They suit 
his purpose. If he is not wholly responsible for them, he has accepted 
them, without control, from Sereno Bishop, and others who know 
better. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 531 

The whole matter, Mr. Blount, is an outrage that makes an honest 
man's blood boil. 

G. Trousseau. 

May 16, 1893. 



No. 55. 

(Interview with Henry Waterhouse, May 2, 1893, printed with Mr. 
Blount's No. 4, dated May 4, 1893.) 



No. 56. 

Interview with G. B. Wells, of Waihilcu, Maui, May 15, 1893. 

Q. What is your business? 

A. I am manager for two sugar plantations. 

Q. Where were you born? 

A. In the State of New York. 

Q. How long have you lived in the islands? 

A. Over thirteen years. 

Q. Were you here on January 14, 1893 ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Were you here during the revolution? 
A. I was not in Honolulu. I was in Maui. 
Q. When did you first learn about it? 
A. About four or live days after it was over. 

Q. Then you could not give me any information about events here? 
A. Noue whatever. 

Q. What sort of laborers do you work on your plantations? 
A. Hawaiians, Japanese, Chinese, and Portuguese. 
Q. How many in all? 

A. It varies according to the work we have. We run as high as 425 
people. 

Q. How many are contract laborers ? 
A. About half, I think. 

Q. What is the character of the Japanese laborer? 

A. The Japanese are of very low caste indeed. I think they are the 
lowest people in this country in every respect — not only in morals, but 
in their relations to each other — in regard to the bond of sympathy. 

Q. Are they a combative people among themselves? 

A. Very. 

Q. How are they gathered up in Japan — from what class? 

A. Those who came to this country first were the riffraff of the cities, 
but later on they have been gathered from the interior and are a better 
class. 

Q. Are they intelligent? 
A. No. 

Q. Do they bring their women to any extent? 

A. No; not a large percentage. In lots of 50 there might perhaps be 
13 women. 

Q. What is the character of the women? 
A. A majority of them loose in their morals. 
Q. Do they work in the fields with the men? 



532 EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 



A. We try to separate them; put them to light work, such as irri- 
gating cane. I think a majority of the women who come here are not 
married to the men ; come here merely to live with them. 

Q. Loose women? 

A. Yes; that is my impression. 

Q. Why do you take them out of the fields? 

A. On account of their morals. They were likely to entice men to 
cohabio with them. I have caught several in the act. 

Q. Is that the character of the women generally ! 

A. That is my impression. My impression is that a majority of them 
are rather loose; that for a consideration they will sell their body. 

Q. What about the Chinese women? 

A. There are none here to speak of. 

Q. What about the character of the men — Chinese laborers? 
A. I think as a whole they are a peaceful, quiet race of people and 
reliable laborers. 

Q. Do they speak the English language much? 

A. No; a great many of them speak the Hawaiian language. Some 
speak pigeon English. 

Q. After their contract has expired do they remain here in any con- 
siderable number? 

A. Of late a good many have returned to their own country. 

Q. Those who remain here, what do they do? 

A. Some remain on plantations. A large majority of them — I don't 
know how they exist. I think through opium and gambling. 
Q. Any engaged in cultivating taro and rice? 

A. Yes. Many of them are crowding out the natives in making taro 
(poi). 

Q. Any engaged in fishing? 

A. Not to a great extent. They are certainly getting control of the 
raising of taro and the making of poi. 
Q. Do any of them get to be merchants? 
A. A great many of them. 
Q. Now, the Portuguese. 

A. They are the best class of laborers we have here. They are 
extremely industrious; they are sober; they practice strict economy; 
they save money and are a very desirable class of people. The only 
drawback is you have to pay them more wages. They can not live as 
cheaply as the Japanese and Chinese. 

Q. You have quit bringing them here on that account? 

A. Yes. 

Q. How are the Portuguese, educated or illiterate? 

A. As a whole they are illiterate. The rising generation is being 
educated and is quite bright. 

Q. Now, about the Hawaiians. How do they work? 

A. They are very good in certain work — irrigating and handling of 
water and driving bullock teams. 

Q. Not as good in cane fields as Chinamen ? 

A. Well, if they have good overseers and watch them they will do 
good work. 

Q. How about Chinamen ? 
A. They are faithful workers. 
Q, Without overseers ? 

A. No; no laborers are, excepting Portuguese. If you send 3 or 4 
Portuguese a distance to mend a fence or road they will do the work, 
but Hawaiians will talk and idle. Chinamen about the same. China- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 533 

men are very good. I am doing contract work with them. I give them 
watering and stripping to do at a certain figure. I find it works very 
satisfactorily. They work hard, and you don't have to have any over- 
seer. 

Q. If the question were submitted to the people who voted under the 
old constitution with the only qualification for a voter that he should 
read and write, what would be the result — for or against annexation? 

A. So far as the foreigner is concerned there would be a very large 
majority in favor of annexation, and the Portuguese would be a unit 
for annexation. As to the Hawaiians I think that a majority would 
not be in favor of it. 

Q. What would be the final result of these combined votes? 

A. That is a question that would be rather hard for me to answer. 

Q. Suppose it was done under the Australian ballot system? 

A. I am inclined to think it would be against annexation. It might 
be in favor of annexation, if the Portuguese were allowed to vote. 

Q. They vote whether they can read and write or not; don't they? 

A, Yes. 

Q. That has been so from the beginning? 

A. Since 1887. I am inclined to think if the Portuguese voted under 
the Australian system, as a large percentage are illiterate, that per- 
haps they would be voting against annexation when they meant to 
vote for annexation. 

Q. Do you think you could have good government here if you only 
required of a voter knowledge sufficient to read and write the English 
language ? 

A. I doubt it very much. 

Q. Why? 

A. Because I think we would go back to the old order of things. 

Q. What is the old order of things? 

A. The state we had under the deposed Queen. 

Q. What is that state? 

A. The Hawaiians getting control of the legislature and going in for 
extravagance which the foreigners were having to pay for. The money 
was not coming out of the pockets of the people who were voting the 
money. It was coming out of other pockets. The action of the Queen 
in wanting to spring this new constitution shows her feeling toward 
foreigners and her deliberate intention of making them pay the fiddler, 
so to speak, and without giving them any privileges. 

Q. What do you mean by privileges? 

A. That we could exist here and run our plantations. I have no 
doubt if she could have her way she would disfranchise every foreigner 
in the country and put it wholly in the hands of Hawaiians. 

Q. Why do you think that? - 

A. I think we have had sufficient evidence of it in her actions in the 
Legislature. In removing men from the Wilcox cabinet, men of stability 
of character and influence, removing them to put in men who were 
irresponsible and would soon wreck us. 

Q. You think then with the privilege of any native to vote who could 
read and write the English language that you would drift back to the 
condition of things you have iust stated? 

A. Yes. 

Q. What would you think of the Japanese as voters? 
A. I would most emphatically condemn any move toward giving the 
Japanese franchise. 

Q. Would it make the situation vou speak of worse? 



f>34 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. I think it would make it a very serious matter. 
Q. The Chinese allowed to vote — still worse? 

A. I do not think so. I think the Chinese would be the opposite of 
the Japanese. I think the Japanese would be controlled by their Gov- 
ernment. They would vote as they were directed to vote. The Chinese 
are not very friendly with the Japanese, and they would vote to the 
contrary. 

Q. Who would control the Chinese vote? 
\ A. I think they would be very largely controlled by their societies. 
Q. How many overseers have you on your plantations ? 
A. Nineteen. 

Q. Do you have to have men with every squad of hands during the 
hours of labor? 

A. There is an overseer with every gang of 20 or 30 people. I have 
a head overseer who looks after all the different gangs. 
Q. Suppose a fellow is idling in the held, what do you do? 
A. Well, if he is a day man, he is discharged. 
Q. If he is a contract laborer? 

A. We dock him. We give him half or three-quarters of a day and 
if they keep it up we resort to the law and have them arrested for 
refusing to work. 

Q. What do you accomplish by putting him in jail ? 

A. It has been rather unsatisfactory as a rule. The first offense he 
is merely ordered back to his work and the plantation has to pay the 
cost of the court and charge it to the man. He does not care. He has 
to work it off. 

Q. Well, what do you do then? 

A. If he refuses to obey orders and work he is arrested again. Per- 
haps a light penalty of two or three dollars fine is inflicted. That the 
plantation can pay and take out of his wages, or if the plantation 
refuses to do so he is put on the road to work it out. The third offense 
he is likely to have three months' imprisonment. That is a new law 
enacted in the last Legislature. Before that you could go on having 
him arrested and paying fines. It was better to drop the man than to 
go on with that. 

Q. At this time mofit of the laborers are Japanese? 

A. Yes; almost entirely. A few Chinese come in, but very few. 

Q. The Portuguese cost so much you do not get them? 

A. Yes. A large number leave the country and go to California. I 
venture to say that 25 per cent of the Poituguese have left this coun- 
try within the last eighteen months. The wages have been cut down in 
order that the plantations might exist, and I doubt if they could exist if 
they didn't have wives and children to work. By all working they 
can get along very well. Many more would leave the country if they 
had means. 

Q. Then the sugar-planters' best reliance for labor now is by nego- 
tiations with the Japanese Government? 
A. That is the only way we have now to speak of. 
Q. Are you in favor of annexation ? 
A. Strongly. 

Q. What would be the effect on property here — on values? 

A. Outside of sugar plantations I think lands would enhance in value. 
It would open up our crown lands and bring a desirable class of people 
here. 

Q. Are not the crown lands very largely leased out? 
A. A great many of them have not been leased out. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 535 



Q. They are good lands. 

A. A great many are yery good lands. 

Q. What is being done with them now'? 

A. Nothing in particular, A great deal of crown land is idle now for 
the reason that there is not large enough area for plantations, bat it 
would be large enough for the support of a family. It would be good 
for raising pineapples, bananas, etc. 

Q. Well, that population coming here to engage in that business 
vrould be a new condition of things 1 ? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. What do you think about the value of sugar lands ; would they 
go rip or not ? 
A. I do not think they would go uj) at all. 

Q. Do you not think that this influx of population you speak of 
would have generally the effect of increasing values of every sort? 

A. Well, that would very largely depend on the arrangement regard- 
ing our sugar going into the United States. If the plantation was 
realizing more for sugar it would increase the value of lands. There 
is no sugar land to take up. It is mostly taken up. 

Q. And the additional population that would come here would en- 
gage in the raising of fruit? 

A. Yes; fruit and coffee. I have great faith in the coffee industry. 
I think a thrifty farmer coming here could take small pieces of land. 
I think some plantations would be better off if they could go into some 
scheme of that character. 

Q. That would involve the building of houses for these people? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Then you would expect men to come with means enough to build 
his house? 

A. Well, I think if they only had partial means that a portion would 
be advanced to them. 

Q. Well, what abuux; his supplies while he was making a crop? 

A. I have no doubt the plantation would advance him a certain per- 
centage while he was making a crop. 

Q. Charging him interest, of course, on advances? 

A. Yes; certainly. I think probably certain portions would be 
advanced without interest. That would be a matter he would have to 
take his chances on. 

These notes have been read to me by Mr. Mills, and I pronounce them 
an accurate report of the interview between myself and Col. Blount. 

C. B. Wells. 

Honolulu, May 15, 1893. 

This was done because Mr. Wells was leaving the island. He could 
not wait until the notes were transcribed. — E. M. 



No. 57. 

Interview with Judge E. A. Widemann, Honolulu, May 20, 1893. 

Mr. Blount. Judge, where were you born? 

A. Hanover, Germany. 

Q. How long have you lived here? 

A. Forty-seven years. 



536 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. What offices have you held in that time? 

A. I have held every office this country can give. Sheriff of the 
island of Kanai in 1854; circuit judge there in 1863, and deputy gov- 
ernor of that island at the same time. I held, also, a great many smaller 
offices from 1854 to 1865 — tax collector, school inspector, road super- 
visor; chief clerk of the interior office in 1865; associate justice of the 
supreme court in 1869; minister of the interior in 1874. During those 
years I have been privy councilor; member of the board of health, and 
member of the board of education. I was a noble from 1881 to 1887, 
appointed by the King. I was elected noble in 1887 to 1892. Febru- 
ary, 1892, I was taken ill and Mott Smith took my place, and when he 
went to Washington I got well and took the place back. That brings 
us up to date. 

Q. On January 17, 1893, it is reported that the ministers of Liliuo- 
kalani, with the Hon. S. M. Damon, went to the palace and held a con- 
sultation with the Queen on the subject of her yielding to the move- 
ment for a provisional government. Were you there? 

A. I was there at the Queen's request. 

Q. Will you be kind enough to tell me in a general way what was 
said and done? 

A. There were present besides the ministers, Samuel Damon, Judge 
Carter, Paul Neumann, and myself. 

Q. What was the subject- matter of the interview? 

A. It was a communication from the Provisional Government touch- 
ing her being turned out of office, her deposition which had been sent 
her in the course of the day. I objected to reading the document; I 
didn't know but it might be insulting. The Queen's Government was 
then in possession of the barracks and the police station where the 
arms and ammunition were. The question was, whether she should 
make opposition to the Provisional Government. The advice given 
was that we were too weak to oppose the United States forces, and con- 
sequently that she should surrender. The police station was surren- 
dered immediately after the consultation. We were there perhaps an 
hour in this consultation. Whilst we were, Mr. Stevens's letter to the 
Queen's ministers, saying he had recognized the Provisional Govern- 
ment, was read by Sam Parker, Her Majesty's minister of foreign affairs. 
Mr. Neumann and Joe Carter were appointed a committee of two to 
draw up a protest for Her Majesty. We waited until they had done so. 
We all approved of that protest, and then the Queen signed it. 

Q. Was it dark then? 

A. It was after dark; lamps were lighted. 

Q. What was the condition of the city as to quiet when the troops 
were hmded on the day before? 

A. There were no people on the street. It was as quiet as things 
could be. I went to the palace to speak to the Queen. I told her that 
the soldiers had landed and were coming towards the palace. Fearing 
lest they should attack the palace, I advised Her Majesty to be ready 
to go with them if they should come to her and ask her to go with 
them. I said this in my consternation upon seeing foreign troops landed 
in a peaceful country when there was no show of any disturbance. 

Q. Was that consternation pretty general? 

A. Most decidedly it was. 

Q. Did that state of mind continue until the dethronement of the 
Queen and the surrender of the barracks and station house? 

A. Yes ; until we heard of the establishment of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment and then we knew what was what. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 537 



Q. Every tiling quiet after that! 

A. Everything was quiet. There was not a dogbark or a cock crow. 

Q. Were you in the Legislature in 1892 ? 

A. I was a member by appointment as a minister. 

Q. Will you be kind enough to tell me how many parties were repre- 
sented in that Legislature and by what names they were designated! 

A. Three parties and some independents, National Beforrn, Beforni, 
and Liberal. 

Q. How many members had each of these? 

A. Nine National Beform; 14 Eeform; 21 Liberals, and 4 Independ- 
ents. 

Q. Who were the 4 Independents? 

A. B. B. Hind, J. Marsden, W. H. Cornwell, and A. Drier. 

Q. How do those four gentlemen stand on the subject of annexation 1 

A. At the present moment? 

Q. Yes. 

A. Marsden is an annexation man. Hind is not, Cornwell is not, and 
Drier is not. I am sure of those two. I am not sure of Hind. 
Q. Twenty-five was a majority of the Legislature? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did any one of these parties have that number ? 
A. No. 

Q. How did it happen that so many cabinets were nominated and 
voted out on want of confidence in 1892? 

A. In the beginning of the session there was no possibility for unit- 
ing the parties to vote out a ministry. The first cabinet held until 
September. In September W. A. Whiting, attorney-general, resigiued, 
and Paul Neumann was appointed in his place. E. 0. Macfarlane, with 
several others of the National Beform party, sided with the Beforrn 
party, and got also a few of the natives to side with them, and voted 
out the first cabinet. 

Q. Wliy did Macfarlane make this move? 

A. He objected to Neumann, a party member, going into the cabinet 
without the consent of the party. 
■ Q. What party did Neumann belong to? 

A. The National Beform. The Neumann cabinet did not meet the 
approval of the Beform party. 

Q. Who were at the head of the new cabinet ? 

A. Sam Parker, Neumann, Macfarlane, and a man by the name of 
Gulick It did not meet the approval of the Beform party, and, in con- 
sequence, after a week or two they were voted out. 

Q. By what parties in the Legislature? 

A. Then it was a conglomeration, party lines completely gone. 
Macfarlane burst the party lines. They were voted out after a fort- 
night. The Beform party laid down the principle that the Queen 
should appoint a cabinet from the members of the party that voted 
out a cabinet. The Beform party never voted out any cabinet because 
they could not on account of lack of numbers. Then the new cabinet 
was appointed. They lasted about half an hour or twenty minutes. 
Thpy were voted out again. A new cabinet was appointed which sat- 
isfied the Beform party. 

Q. Was that the Wilcox cabinet? 

A. Yes. When I returned from San Francisco — I was gone about 
two months — they were voted out. They got just 25 votes to vote 
them out. 

Q. What party voted them out? 



538 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. The Liberal party — the native element. 

Q. They must have had some other party to help them. 

A. The National Reform party. 

Q. Then a new cabinet was appointed? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Was that ever voted out ? 
A. No. 

Q. It was appointed the day before the Legislature was prorogued ! 
A. Yes; on Friday. 

Q. What was the cause of all this turning out of cabinets'? 

A. The great desire on the part of a great number of the members of 
the house to get into the cabinet themselves. 

Q. The hope of getting into the cabinet made these combinations 
possible and successful ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Who were the members who wanted to be ministers? 

A. John Ena, E. C. Macfarlane, A. P. Peterson, J. A. Cummins, J. 
N. S. Williams, Paul Neumann, J. Marsden, Alex. Young, W. H. Corn- 
well, W. C. Wilder, C. W. Ashford, R. W. Wilcox, J. E. Bush, J. Na wahi, 
William White, and W. O. Smith. 

Q. Was this last Wilcox cabinet constituted wholly of Reformers? 

A. Yes. 

Q. This left out of the cabinet and representation from the National 
Reform or Liberal parties? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did that produce any dissatisfaction among aspirants for cabinet 
places? 

A. Decidedly. It produced strong dissatisfaction among the Liberal 
party. They had been told before they would come in. Bush would 
have cut his throat before he would have sided with the Reformers but 
for the idea that he would get in himself. 

Q. Is he an annexationist now? 

A. No; he is an antiannexationist. 

Q. On the voting out of the second cabinet, I think, you said they 
went all to pieces ; there were no parties % 
A. Yes. 

Q. Am I to understand that they just turned loose in a sort of scram- 
ble for cabinet places % 

A. That was the simple reason for it. 

Q. Was there ever a time when the Reform party had anything like 
a majority of that body? 
A. JSot in 1892. 

I have read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate report of my 
interview with Mr. Blount. 

H. A. WlDEMANN. 

Honolulu, June 10, 1893. 



Judge Widemann, June 15, 1893. 

Chief Justice Judd, who understands the native language, says "he 
heard the Queen's speech on the 14th of January. She said to the 
crowd she would proclaim a new constitution hereafter." She used the 
words "ma keia man la." These words may signify a few days, a few 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 539 



months, or a few years. Xhe term is indefinite. It may be one hun- 
dred years. It is equivalent to the expression, "one of these days." 
This conversation was at noon on Monday, January lb', 1893. 

H. W. WlDEMANN, 



No. 58. 

Interview with H. A.Widemann, 

I beg to state that I lived in Honolulu in January and February last 
past and took due notice of all the events that took place during those 
months. In the latter days of January and on the 1st of February 
everything was as quiet as could possibly be, and there was no reason 
whatsoever to fear or be apprehensive of danger to property or danger 
to life or limb of any man, woman, or child. 

I did consider then, and do consider now, that the hoisting here ot 
the American flag at that time for the protection of life and property 
was absolutely unnecessary. 

H. A. WlDEMANN. 

Honolulu, July 15, 1893. 



No. 59. 

Interview with Robert W. Wilcox. 

Honolulu, Tuesday, April 18, 1893. 
Mr. Blount. Mr. Wilcox, where were you educated? 
Mr. Wilcox. Partly in these Islands and partly in Italy, at the mili 
tary academy at Turin. 
Q. How came you to go there ? 
A. I was sent by the Hawaiian Government. 
Q. In what year? 

A. In 1880; the latter part of 1880. 

Q. When did you return? 

A. In 1887. 

Q. Are you a native? 

A. I am a native. My father is an American, from Rhode Island- 
Newport. My mother is a Hawaiian. 

Q. Then you are one-half Hawaiian and one-half white? 
A. Yes. 

Q. You came here in 1887. How long did you remain? 

A. About four months. 

Q. Where did you go then? 

A. I went to San Francisco with my wife. 

Q. How long did you remain there? 

A. About one year. 

Q. And then you returned here? 

A. I returned about April, 1889. 

Q. Was that the year in what occurred what is termed the Wilcox 
rebellion? 

A. Yes j on July 30, 1889. 



540 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. You were in what was called the A shford- Wilcox rebellion? 
A. Yes. 

Q. In what year? 
A. In 1892. 

Q. Were you in the Legislature at that time? 

A. I was in the Legislature at that time. I was in the Legislature 
in 1890. I was one of the youngest men from the island of Maui. 

Q. Then you have been identified all the while, from 1887, with pub- 
lic affairs in these Islands? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Do you understand the feelings of the whites and the natives ? 
A. Yes. 

Q. What was the cause, or what were the causes, which led to the 
dethronement of Queen Liliuokalani ? 

A. When what was called the Wilcox cabinet was ousted by the 
House in January — about the 12th — I do not remember the date, and 
then on Friday a new cabinet was formed by the Queen, composed of 
Sam Parker, Corn well, Colburn and Peterson. We met in the after- 
noon, and members of what we call the Reform party did not come, 
and we decided that the house should prorogue on Saturday at 12 
o'clock. At noon the Queen came in and prorogued the house. A 
good many members of the house were not there — nearly all the mem- 
bers of the Reform party were not there — and soon the house pro- 
rogued. One of the members came to me and told me we were wanted 
up at the palace. So we all went up to the palace. As soon as we 
got in there we found a big body of people, what is called Kalaiaina. 
We stayed in the reception room of the palace, and the English min- 
ister was there, the French commissioner was there, the Portuguese 
minister was there, but not the American minister. He had just come 
back from Hilo that very morning. So we waited, the Queen was in 
another room with the ministers. 

The rumor was whispered around that there was to be proclaimed a 
new constitution. The judges of the supreme court, two of them, 
were there — Chief Justice Judd and Bickertou. Of course we waited 
there until the foreign representatives went away. We heard the 
Queen insisted that the ministers should .sign and that the ministers 
would not sign this document. I stayed there until the whole thing 
ended, becaus 1 1 wanted to know what would happen. We stayed 
there until between 5 and 6, when the Queen came out and gave a 
little speech saying she wished to proclaim a new constitution, but was 
prevented. She would proclaim one in the future if the people would 
insist upon it. Then we went home. I went out with Mr. Parker and, 
in the meantime, I heard that they had got up an organization — the 
committee of safety they called it. I went home and stayed there. I 
did not care to go into any side, just hold myself neutral. 

On Sunday Mr. Colburn called on me. He asked me if I would 
assist the Government. He said Mr. Thurston had been there and 
wanted him to sign a document to call the Boston marines on shore 
and to proclaim the Provisional Government. Mr. Colburn wanted 
me to help them to stand by the Queen. I told him I had no objection. 
I would assist them as far as I could. He said their headquarters were 
at the station house. He went away. I stayed at home. I did not 
bother myself about the station house. 

Mr. Colburn called on me again in the evening. He wanted me to 
go to their meeting at the Government building. He took me down 
there. I saw there Dr. Truseau, Mr. Gulick, Mr. Macfarlane, Paul 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 541 



Neumann, John E. Bush, and Anton Bosa, and soma foreigners also 
were there. They were also consulting over the situation — what to do. 
Marshal Wilson was there. They stood up and talked. Wilson decided 
it was proper to arrest the committee of safety, but nobody seconded 
his motion, and they asked my opinion. I said the only thing was to 
suppress them before they made any progress. They said they are 
going to have a mass meeting at the armory on Beretana street, of 
the committee of safety. Then they came to the conclusion to have 
a meeting of the people who wanted to support the Government in the 
square right opposite the Government building, and some one talked 
about that the Government should proclaim martial law, and stop all 
these rebels and riots and all that kind of thing. Paul Neumann, who 
was present, said it would not be necessary; it would only create fric- 
tion. 

I told Paul Neumann that if there was any bloodshed the Government 
would be responsible for taking such a very weak stand. Paul Neu- 
mann said there was a document to be read there to dethrone the 
Queen, by the opposition party. He said, " that is no treason." I said, 
" if that is not treason we had better give up the whole thing." Then 
we came to the conclusion to have a mass meeting at the same hour 
with the others. That was on Monday. I went home with Mr. Bush. 
He asked my opinion. I told him, < 4 I think you can not do anything. 
I am not going to get myself in trouble. I would rather be neutral." 
So I went home. The next day — the 16th — I was called to make a 
speech in the meeting. It was merely to get the people to harmonize 
and keep the peace. 

Q. What meeting was that? 

A. The meeting of the people to support the Queen's Government. 
I did not make a speech. I told the people to behave and keep the 
peace and order, and they passed a resolution and I was appointed to 
be a member of that committee to see the Queen. So I went up that 
afternoon to see the Queen at the palace. She received us. Mr. Parker 
was there. She detained us a little while. Mr. Parker gave us a little 
champagne, and when we left there we went out toward the Govern- 
ment building. A native came up and told us the Boston men had 
landed. We went down to see the Boston's soldiers, and when we got 
around to the consulate we saw the Boston's men marching up. They 
halted there and divided the men ; sent part of them up to the legation. 
Some stayed, I think, at the consulate. The main body marched up to 
King street, marched up by Merchant street to the front of the Gov- 
ernment building, near the eastern corner of the palace fence. They 
stayed there awhile and then went as far as Atherton's place. 

In the evening Colburn called and asked me to go to the Government 
building. When we got there they were talking about the landing of 
the Boston's men. I saw the representatives of other countries there. 
Finally the Boston's men came back and took a house behind the Opera 
House near the Government building. They stayed there until the 
next day. Next day I went down town in the morning. I saw Mr. 
Damon, the present vice-president. I asked him about it. He told 
me the best thing was to take no side — neither the Government nor the 
committee of safety. He didn't want annexation, he said, lie had 
told me himself about that sometime previous to that. I didn't take 
any part. There were rumors around town that I was appointed com- 
mander in chief of the Queen's guard. Many of my friends asked me 
about it. I told them there was no truth in it. I stayed down the 



542 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



city nearly all that day. People were running about — all curious about 
seeing the Boston's men on shore. 

The committee of safety was working hard to enlist men for the new 
Provisional Government to be proclaimed. Peterson came up to me 
and asked me if I would use my services and see what is called the 
"Drei Hundred, 7 ' a German element — see them and get them to take 
part in this movement. 1 said. " What is the situation V' He said he 
thought lie could eucher the American minister, and it would be all 
right. I said, - 4 I think we are taking a very weak stand." I was afraid 
we were going to have bloodshed — on account of the weakness of the 
Government. I went home, and then went down the city again. I saw 
a cart coming from E. O. HalFs. A policeman tried to stop it. Capt. 
Good, the present captain of the guard, was on the cart. He fired and 
hit the native on the shoulder. They then ran up Fort street. There 
were no police that day — all kept down at the station house, and the 
soldiers were kept in the barracks. The streets were left at the mercy 
of anybody. The **Drei Hundred"' marched down on Beretania street 
to the armory. They got ammunition there and went down to Govern- 
ment building. 1 heard the new government was proclaimed in the 
Government building and supported by these thirty men. I went home 
and stayed home. 

Q. Were those all the troops that were there ? 

A. All that were there then. Others came in afterwards. 

Q. How long afterwards .' 

A. About an hour afterwards — about sunset. They kept on coming, 
little by little. Dole resigned that day as justice of the supreme court 
and joined in. I went home, but, of course, the news was abroad what 
they were doing. The Queen and ministers consulting, they gave up 
the Government under protest, which was published afterwards — next 
day. Gave up to the superior force of the United States. 

Q. Where were the United States troops at the time of the reading 
of the proclamation ? 

A. Eight behind the opera house, in a building they called Arion 
Hall. 

Q. In the house or on the street ? 

A. Some inside and some outside. They took possession of that 
quarter. 

Q. Were they formed or not ? 

A. Xo; they just guarded the place. 

Q. Had they arms I 

A. res: and one or two Gatling guns — one or two, I am sure of that. 

Q. At the time of the surrender of the Queen in the manner you 
have stated was she not in possession of the palace, barracks, and sta- 
tion house"? 

A. Yes. 

Q. ZSo attempt had been made by the Provisional Government to 
take them by force ? 
A. Xo. 

Q. What time in the day did Minister Stevens recognize the Pro- 
visional Government — how long after it was proclaimed? 
A. Nearly right afterwards. 

Q. Xow, when the Provisional Government was recognized by Mr. 
Stevens, what was the effect on the Queen and her followers? 
A. They all gave up. 

Q. And was it on account of the recognition by Mr. Stevens that 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 543 



there was no eifort on the part of the Queen to take the Government 
building 1 ? 

A. Yea; on account of the recognition by Mr. Stevens and the pres- 
ence of the United States troops. 

Q. Was it or not the opinion of both parties that the recognition by 
Mr. Stevens ended the contest? 

A. Yes; the recognition by Mr. Stevens ended the contest, because 
the Queen's Government knew they could not go against Mr. Stevens's 
recognition. 

Q. How many troops did the Queen have m all at the time of that 
recognition? 

A. She had a regular guard at the barracks ; I think about 150. 
Q. One hundred and fifty volunteers? 

A. One hundred and fifty in all; and down at the station house some 
200 or SCO men, with Wilson's police and volunteers. They were armed. 
They had guns aud Gatling guns. 

Q. Were you in the palace on the 14th. 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. What troops were about there? 
A. The Queen's guard. 
Q. How many? 
A. About 80. 

Q. There were certain of the members of a certain political society 
there asking for a new constitution. Was that a committee from that 
society ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Tot only from Honolulu but from the other islands? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Is it a large organization and has it much influence among the 
native population or not? 

A. So far as the question of the constitution was concerned it had 
nearly all of the natives. At every election that point was talked 
about by every member to secure election. 

Q. Why did they want a new constitution? What was the matter 
with the constitution of 1887? 

A. They felt that they were forced by the constitution of 1887, by 
the party who got up that revolution, and that the qualification for 
noble voter barred most of them from voting. 

Q. Tell me how that was? 

A. To vote for noble on these Islands a voter must have an income 
of $600. If riot an income, a property qualification of $3,000. 
Q. Unincumbered? 

A. Yes. Then there was a party called the Liberal party. We 
didn't mean a constitution giving all power to the Queen. We meant 
a constitution for equal rights. 

Q. Do I understand you to mean this : That there was a large party 
that wanted to give the Queen power to appoint the nobles, but the 
Liberals were opposed to giving her the power to appoint the nobles, 
but wanted freer franchise in the matter of electing nobles? 

A. Yes; and the Liberals held that the Qneen ought to let the strong- 
est party in the House form a cabinet, aud not appoint the favorites. 

Q. How was the bulk of the native population on that question? 

A. The bulk of the natives were Eoyalists. They held the old idea; 
the Queen must have all power. 

Q. Is that the general feeling among the native population? 



544 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. Yes, sir; except the enlightened natives. They have a different 
opinion. 

Q. Now, your own idea. What qualification did you want for voting 
for nobles? 
A. The qualification of learning. 
Q. What sort of property qualification, or any? 

A. I wanted about one-half of the present qualification; and the 
voter to know how to read and write and understand the constitution. 

Q. That was in order to give to the native element a larger liberty 
in the matter of electing nobles ? 

A. Yes, sir. 

Q. In the desire to proclaim a new constitution did the Queen seem 
to be meeting the wish of the native population? 
A. Yes. 

Q. She had, then, in her desire to have a new constitution the sup- 
port of the natives? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Did you see that constitution? 

A. I did not. I only heard from persons who read it. 

Q. What did you hear it was? 

A. Joseph Nawahi — the Queen gave it to him to read. 
Q. What did he report to you ? 

A. He reported to me that the nobles and representatives should be 
elected, but one-third of the nobles to be appointed by the Queen. 
Q. Who was to elect the other two-thirds ? 

A. The other two-thirds of the nobles were to be elected by the same 
people who elect representatives now. 

Q. What was to be the qualification of a person who voted for nobles 
under that constitution? 

A. The same as that for representatives. The judges of the supreme 
court were only for six years, to be recommissioned every six years. 

Q. And how about the cabinet? 

A. The cabinet was to be appointed by the Queen. 

Q. And to go out by a vote of want of confidence? 

A. Yes; and I asked him further about the exercise of suffrage. I 
understood him to say the foreigners must take the oath of allegiance 
and stay here five or six years, except those foreigners who came here 
and were allowed to vote by royal signature. 

Q. You say that since 1887 the natives have been wanting to restore 
the old constitution? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Giving to the Queen more power? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Have the parties been divided here on that line? 
A. Yes. 

Q. Why didn't the last Legislature do something in the matter of a 
new constitution? 

A. A majority opposed it. Even some of the natives dodged around. 
They said they would support (he convention for the new constitution, 
but when the thing came up they tried to dodge. 

Q. Why did they try to dodge? 

A. I suppose they were influenced by the Eeform party. 

Q. But if they had voted as they were expected to do by the people 
who elected them, would they have had the power to make a new con- 
stitution ? 

A. Yes; because there were two bills before the House to call a con- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 545 



vention of representative men all over the Islands to come and make a 
new constitution, but it was defeated on the compromise in 1890, and 
in 1892 they were defeated badly. 

Q. What was the compromise of 1890? 

A. To go by amendment. In 1890 we passed a good many amend- 
ments, and in ±892 those very people who promised to support it — they 
went back on their promises — so it was defeated. 

Q. What was proposed in these amendments? 

A. One proposed to reduce the qualification to $300. That was the 
principal point. 

Q. Are these amendments in print? 
A, Yes. 

Q. Will you bring them? 
A. Yes. 

Q. How did the Liberals manage to get these representatives of this 
new constitution movement to vote against these amendments? 
A. The Eeform you mean? 
Q. Yes. 

A. They used their influence against it. 
Q. What was their influence? 

A. They have a good deal of influence. Some of the men depended 
upon them. Many of the Reform party were sugar planters. They held 
mortgages on the property of some of the legislators ; some of them 
were dependent upon them for their pasturage. 

Q. Tell me about the voting out of the several cabinets in 1892. 

A. The first cabinet was called the Widemann-Parker cabinet. 
They were only voted out by combining the Progressive Liberals with 
the Eeform. The Progressive joined with the Eeform. They got a 
majority and ousted that cabinet. That was how that cabinet was ousted. 

Q. Be kind enough now to state to me the parties in the body on the 
assembling of the last Legislature, the points of difference between 
them, and why the first cabinet was voted out. 

A. They did anything to get the cabinet out. They had no confi- 
dence in it. Of course the Eeform didn't like that cabinet, and the 
Progressive Liberals didn't. Even the natives didn't like it. The Pro- 
gressive Liberals thought that by having a new cabinet their views 
would be carried out. Some of them wanted to form a convention for 
a new constitution. That was not brought up before because the Eeform 
opposed that. 

Q. Both the Liberal party and the Eeform party wanted a new con- 
stitution? 

A. The Liberal party wanted a new constitution and the natives did, 
but the Eeform didn't want a new constitution. 

Q. What is the difference between the Liberal party and the natives ? 

A. The only difference is the natives wanted to give the whole power 
to the Queen. The Liberal party did not believe in that. 

Q. Well, please go on. 

A. They voted out the cabinet. Then the Queen appointed another 
cabinet, what is called the Macfarlane cabinet. It took a week to form, 
it. That cabinet was voted out. 

Q. Why were they voted out? 

A. They did not like them; they felt they were ignored. They laid 
out a platform for the leader of the house to form a cabinet for the 
Queen. Then another cabinet came in — Oornwell, Nawahi, Oreighton, 
and Gulick. We had a meeting the night before of the Eeform and the 
Progressive Liberals. Nearly all the men who voted oat the former 
XQ5X8 35 



546 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

cabinet were at the meeting. They worked around about using- all their 
influence to work upon the native members by means of promises and 
money. Then the Macfarlane cabinet was voted out. The natives 
stuck together to hold that cabinet in. 

Q. How was the vote on that? 

A. Twenty- seven to twenty- eight. 

Q. Who furnished the money? 

A. Friends of the Reform people. The Eeform knew that their friends 
were using money to get some native votes to get that cabinet out. 
Q. How do you know that money was being used? 
A. I was told so, and I know it is a fact. 
Q..How do you know it is a fact? 
A. It was talked about. It was general belief. 

Q. Was it generally believed, as you do, that the majority was gotten 
by the use of money? 

A. Yes. (Continuing.) Then this cabinet of Cornwell, Nawaki, 
Greighton, and Gulick came in. We had a meeting the previous night. 
We all decided we would vote them out without ceremony. 

Q. Who decided that ? Who was the meeting composed of? 

A. Eeform and Liberal. Because we felt the Queen was ignoring the 
majority of the house. 

The cabinet was voted out in three hours. Then, afterwards, it 
took two weeks to form the Wilcox cabinet, which was composed of 
the Eeform party. The Liberal was left out this time. I was a Liberal, 
but I didn't kick. I said I would keep still ; I would pay them back in 
someway. Bush was a Liberal then; he was kicking. Ashford was at 
Hawaii. Finally the Queen's party commenced working against this 
cabinet. Mr. Parker asked me how I would vote. I told him I was 
tired about the cabinet, and I asked him if he was going to be in. He 
said 3^es. He asked me if I would take some position abroad. I told 
him I could not take a position except as minister. He said we were 
were going to have a new constitution. He said that as soon as they 
have a new cabinet they would proclaim a new constitution. 

I did not believe what he said. I think he was merely working to 
get people to vote the cabinet out. I told him there was no need of a 
new constitution for giving a friend a position abroad. He said they 
might send me out as consul-general to Hongkong. I said the cab- 
inet did not act right and could expect nothing from me. When they 
brought the resolution against that cabinet I stood and explained my 
vote. I explained where they stood, so we had 25 votes when that cab- 
inet was voted out. On the 13th, which was Friday, the new cabinet 
was formed by the Qeeen, Sam Parker, Cornwell, Colburn, and Peter- 
son. 

I want to explain the influence of the white population here about 
voting. Macfarlane and PaulNeumann, when their places were vacant — 
two candidates were put out by the Eeform party, called the Mis- 
sionary party, Mr. Waterhouse and Mark Eobinson, and the other 
party put up 

Q. What other party? 

A. The other foreign element here. They put up Mr, Maile and Mr. 
Hopkins. 

Q. What do you mean by this other foreign element? 

A. I mean non missionaries, as noble voters. They need to get foreign 
voters to elect nobles. All the missionaries stood solid to vote for their 
candidate. 

Q. Were the whites defeated in that election? 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLADDS. 547 



A. Yes; they are generally defeated. It is a question of prejudice 
with them. When the word " missionary " is raised that party would 
be defeated. 

Q. Well, the missionary element is an American element? 
A. Yes ; Boston men. They are the sons of missionaries from Boston. 
Q. Are there any other nationalities; what are they? 
A. Some Portuguese, some English, some Germans. 
Q. What is the feeling of the people here towards the native Govern- 
ment; take the native population? 
A. They are always for the native Government. 
Q. Then they are not in favor of this Government? 
A. No. 

Q. How about the whites? 

A. The whites in general do not favor the Government. Some of 
them are for annexation, and some of them would rather have inde- 
pendence of the country. 

Q. Well, now, the annexationists who are not for this Government 
here, why are they opposed to this Government; are they apprehen- 
sive that this Government is not inclined to give the franchise to the 
native people? 

A. Yes ; and besides they disapprove of the way it was brought about. 
Q. What do you mean by the way it was brought about? 
A. The way it was established. They have in mind that this Govern- 
ment was put in by Minister Stevens. 
Q. That is the opinion of the native population? 
A. A good many whites feel the same way. 

Q. There are a great many whites who feel that this Government 
was set up by Mr. Stevens? 

A. Yes; the landing of the Boston's men and the recognition on 
the same day before they got the station house and the barracks. 

Q. Was there any opinion on Saturday the 14th, or on Sunday, that 
the troops were going to be landed and would be in the interest of the 
dethronement of the Queen ? 

A. On Sunday the news came from Colburn. Thurston went up to 
him with a document to get him, Peterson, and Cornwell to send for 
the troops to support the Provisional Government. He assured him 
that Minister Stevens would do what is right to support them if they 
would only sign the document. Nobody had an idea that the troops 
were going to be landed, except by the request of the Government, 
until Monday evening. The lGth the troops were landed, and it was a 
surprise to everybody. Nobody knows who called them. 

Q. What was the condition of the city at the time as to peacefulness? 

A. Peaceful ; just the same as before. Nobody was thinking about 
revolution. On Sunday Mr. Parker asked me if I would take the post 
of commander-in-chief. I told him I would take it if I had the appoint- 
ment in writing. He told me he had to see his colleague. Cornwell said 
he would have to consult other members of the cabinet and let me know 
the day afterwards. I never heard anything from them any more. I 
met Sam Parker. I blamed them for not acting — suppressing the 
people before they got in the Government building. They said the 
reason was they could not do it. I said if they had appointed me I 
would have suppressed it before anything happened. I would have 
gone and seen Mr. Stevens myself. Mr. Stevens told them he would 
not assist them. 

Q. Told them on Sunday ? 

A. No ) Monday. That is what Parker told me; the American Gdt- 



548 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



ernment would support the committee of thirteen, because they were 
the only wealthy people of the country; would not suppol*t the Govern 
ment. He told me lie did not know what to do. We could not fight 
the United States. I blamed them. I attacked them in the newspapers 
on their weakness. Many of the natives accused the Government of 
being slow — not energetic. 

Q. Going back to the voting out of the Wilcox cabinet — the Progres- 
sive Liberal party united with the native element in the Legislature 
and voted out the Wilcox cabinet because they had no representation 
in the Wilcox cabinet? 

A. They all represented one side — the Eeform side. 

Q. When that shifting of the Liberal party and the native element 
took place and the Eeform element lost the cabinet, how did they 
accept it? 

A. The Eeform — they accepted it in bad grace. They never appeared 
any more. They quit the house. None of them appeared around 
there. 

Q. Now the Legislature was prorogued, when would another assem- 
semble? 

A. In 1894; in two years, unless a special session be called. 

Q. That would leave the Queen with the last cabinet for two years'? 

A. Yes. 

Q. And that was the situation which offended them? 
A. Yes. 

Q. W^as there an y understanding between the Liberal element and 
the native element that if this Wilcox cabinet was voted out that she 
was to proclaim a new constitution? 

A. It was talked over. 

Q. By whom? 

A. It was whispered around. Sam. Parker said there would be a 
new constitution. I do not like to talk. He talked confidentially as a 
friend. 

Q. That is all right. This is not for local consumption. 

A. And some of the members who had been up to see the Queen 
told me also about the new constitution; that the wish of the people 
would be fulfilled by a new constitution. 

Q. Now, was the Liberal element favoring a new constitution? 

A. They had already done so. 

Q. Were they in favor of the Queen doing it by proclamation? 
A. Yes. 

Q. The Progressive Liberals? 
A. Yes. 

Q. They were for ;fche native element when it narrowed down to a 
controversy between the reform element and the native element? 
A. Yes. 

Q. And they were willing for a new constitution? 

A. Yes; the whole thing was promised since after 1887. It was 
promised by candidates running for office. 

Q. Do you mean to say that popular elections were all on the line of 
a new constitution? 

A. Yes. In 1890 the Thurston cabinet was a strong one, but on 
that alone it was defeated; a majority was elected and the cabinet was 
ousted out, and of course the members did not carry out the wishes of 
the people; they tried to promise the people the other way. 

Q. Who did that? 

A. Those in 1890 who were in the cabinet — Widemann and the others. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 549 



Q. What is the reason the whites say they do not want the natives 
to have suffrage? 

A. They have an idea that the natives would have control of the 
Legislature. That is the whole idea. They wanted to have the whole 
thing in the hands of the sugar-planters. 

Q. The sugar-planters are not many in numbers. How would they 
have it in their hands? 

A. Of course, they have the high qualifications. 

Q. Were many sugar-planters elected nobles to the last Legislature? 

A. Some of them. I don't know how many. On the islands of 
Hawaii, Maui, and Kauai the nobles are controlled by sugar-plant- 
ers. This is the only island they can not control. 

Q. All the islands except this elected candidates of sugar-planters — 
nobles? 

A. Yes. Here the most popular would be elected. Generally sugar- 
planters are not popular on account of cheap labor. 

Q. They do not like the sugar-planting interest because it brings 
cheap labor? 

A. Yes; the workingmen are against that. 

Q. Do the Chinese intermarry much with natives? 

A. Not very much. The Chinese merchants marry natives. 

Q. How about the Japanese? 

A. Not very much. 

Q. Do the Portuguese and natives marry very much? 
A. They marry among themselves, principally. 

Q. The principal intermarriages are between the natives themselves? 

A. They marry sometimes with foreigners — nearly all half-castes are 
Americans — that is, their fathers are Americans. 

Q. What is your attitude in the matter of the present Government? 
I mean, how do you feel about it? Do you feel that it ought to be con- 
tinued or ought to have been established? 

A. For myself, I tell you frankly, I am not for the present Govern- 
ment. 

Q. What is your objection to it? 

A. My objection is that this Government is a government de facto of 
the Missionary party. It is not a popular one. It is against the wishes 
of the natives and a good many white people. It was established by 
Mr. Stevens, and in my heart I could say I am a lover of justice. I do 
not believe in a government established by a strong hand. If lam 
defeated I am all right. I am a revolutionist. 

Q. What do you mean by saying "I am a revolutionist?" 

A I mean that I have started several. 

Q. What was your motive for the revolution of 1889 ? 

A. The constitution. 

Q. What did you want then ? 

A. I felt something like the people here felt about the constitution 
of 1887, that it was forced upon them. Kalakaua was forced to sign it. 
Q. What was your plan to change it? 

A. My plan was to restore the old constitution, with some little 
amendments, to suit the view of the people — not to have a high qualifi- 
cation of voters. 

Q. Well, to do that you took the Palace, and then, what was your 
next step? 

A. I took the Palace with a view that I would be supported by the 
King's guard. Of course, if I had that I would have had everything 
in my hands. 



550 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Q. Why did you think they would support you? 

A. I had some understanding with them. The King hinted to join 
with the matter. Then we were to join with Ashford and have no 
opposition. 

Q. Did you take the Palace by an understanding with Kalakaua? 
A. Yes ; when I got there Kalakaua went down to the boathouse. 
Q. Did you see him ? 

A. No. He sent word to go — that he would not allow me inside the 
Palace. 
Q. Who? 

A. The King. He sent E. H. Baker with a message that I must not 
go in the Palace — and those in the barracks told me to stay in the yard — 
but do not take possession of this place. I said to Baker to go and see 
Kalakaua again. He went down to see the King, and I never heard 
anything until the rifles commenced around. A party of sharpshooters 
took possession of the opera house. They were whites. The first thing 
I was fired upon by them — fired upon without any notice, I had twelve 
men who took possession of the Government building. When fired upon 
some men ran away — got shot. My men were unarmed. Had only a 
few arms. We sent off shell up on the opera house. I wanted to take 
the Palace at that time. I had no men at that time. My men were 
scattered. 

Q. Why did they scatter? 

A. They were fired upon and they all jumped over the wall and went 
away. I went into the bungalow and stayed there. 
Q. What was Kalakaua doing all this time? 
A. He stayed down there until I gave up in the evening. 
Q. Who was he siding with? 

A. Well, I do not know. He could go back and take possession of 
the whole Government. 

Q. Did Liliuokalani have anything to do with it in anyway? 

A. No; she was a confidential friend of mine then. She knew some- 
thing about it. I told her we had a little difficulty with her brother. 
I told her to go and see Kalakaua and make up the difference. I told 
her if Kalakaua got it into his head that the movement was to put her 
on the throne, I might be in a bad position. 

Q. What has become of Baker, the go-between between you and 
Kalakaua? 

A. He is living here. 

Q. What is his position in the present Government? 

A. Nothing. He was the man who went with Kalakaua, when he 
died in San Francisco. 

Q. There was never any understanding between you and Liliuoka- 
lani that she was to take the place of Kalakaua if you were successful? 

A. No; but before that the Reform people wanted to put her on the 
throne. The people talked, but it was all talk. 

Q. Is Ashford the man in whose behalf the British minister inter- 
fered, in the matter of having him tried by a foreign jury, in 1892? 

A. Yes; Y. Y. Ashford. 

Q. Is he here now? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Where is his brother? 

A. Here — Clarence — he was with him in 1892. He was a Liberal. 
Q. What was the object of the movement in 1892? 
A. The object was to establish a republic, with a view, when the peo- 
ple were educated to it, to favor annexation with the United States. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 551 



Q. You proposed to experiment with a republic and in the course of 
time to get into the American Union? 
A. Yes. 
Q. As a State? 

A. Yes. When I was in prison in 1892 Mr. Stevens made a speech 
in my favor at some Grand Army affair. 
Q. Bid he want you discharged? 

A. He did his best. He said they did not arrest people in America 
for such things. 

Q. There was no force used in that Ashford- Wilcox conspiracy in 
1892? 

A. No; it was one object to have equal rights— that was all. 

Q. It is sometimes said that natives are signing petitions for annexa- 
tion here, and that they are in favor of it. What have vou to say about 
that? 

A. It is not true; they may sign under some influence against their 
will. 

Q. What sort of influence? 

A. They hold positions; they would have to give up positions; they 
have no other occupation. Besides, they do not like these people to 
annex t! em. 

Q. They hate the people who want to? 

A. They hate the Provisional Government. They remember what 
the Commissioner said when he went to Washington. 
Q. What is their idea? 

A. They did not like Thurston speaking against them. He said they 
were like Indians. It brought great prejudice against them. 

Q. Are they suspicious that this is a movement in which they will 
lose very largely their political power ? 

A. Yes. 

Q. And that it is intended to put the foreigners in control? 

A. Some of them think so. They think they would be disfranchised, 
something like Alaska Indians. 

Q. The movement of 1892 — did that contemplate the use of force in 
overturning the Government? 

A. Fo; we talked about education. We thought we had a big fol- 
lowing and would be supported by the people. Of course, the Govern- 
ment took an active part in it — took an active part in suppressing it. 

Mr. Blount. I think I have asked all I want to ask you. Is there 
any statement you would like to make yourself in connection with this 
matter ? 

A. Ko. 

April 27, 1893. 

Q. Do the natives generally have some stock — horses and cattle f 
A. Yes. 

Q. How do they graze them ? 
A. On land; they lease it; — pay so much a year. 
Q. Who are the people who own the land; are they corporations or 
individuals ? 

A. Some individuals, some corporations. These sugar-planters, they 
have long leases on what is called crown lands. 

Q. And the natives have no other means of grazing a cow or a horse? 

A. Except by letting it go on tiieir land and paying so much a year. 

Q. Does this fact enable the sugar-planters and owners of plantations 
to exert any influence over the native vote? 



552 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. They have great influence on those points. 
Q. How! 

A. In the election of 1892 at Kauai, Messrs. Gay and Bobinson, who 
owned large amount of property there, told a good many of the natives, 
who voted against their candidate for representative, to take away 
their horses and the few cattle they had on their land. 

Q. What did they do with them? 

A. They sold them — they had no place to keep them. 

Q. Does that appear to enable them to control the native vote to a 
considerable extent? 

A. Sometimes, but we have secret vote in this country now. They 
can not control it so well as they used to. 

Q. Would that enable them to get natives to sign a petition for 
annexation? 

A. In that way they sign petitions because they are obliged. They 
have their horses and cattle. 

Q. The only chance the native has to get his stock grazed is on land 
belonging to large planters; sometimes individuals and sometimes cor- 
porations. 

A. Yes. 

Q. Generally corporations? 

A. Yes; planters, generally corporations. 

I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate 
report of my interviews with Mr. Blount. 

Robert W. Wilcox. 

Honolulu, April 27. 



No. 60. 

Statement of C. B. Wilson. 

FACTS IN RELATION TO THE REVOLUTION OF 1893, AND THE CAUSES 

WHICH LED TO IT. 

Two years ago the nation was preparing its decorations to joyously 
celebrate and welcome the home-coming of His Majesty King Kalakaua, 
who was away on a visit of business to the United States, endeavoring 
to benefit his country and people by working for a modification of the 
existing treaty of reciprocity with the United States, in the direction 
of securing the admission of more Hawaiian products and manufac- 
tures free of duty into the United States. He had gone on this errand 
a sick man — at the direct instigation and strong pressure of the plant- 
ers and their friends, led by Thurston and others. They hoped that 
through his royal rank and genial bonhomie to gain those privileges 
from the American Government which they themselves when in power 
as the cabinet of 1887 had failed to secure. 

On the 29th of January, 1881, the U. S. S. Charleston, bearing the 
body of the deceased monarch, in charge of Bear- Admiral George 
Brown, arrived in Honolulu harbor. The Charleston was draped in 
mourning and her yards were cockbilled, which was the first intima- 
tion to the Hawaiian people that their monarch had laid down his life 
in the attempt to benefit the sugar planters. The arrangements for 
the celebration of his return with rejoicing were changed to that of 
mourning for Hawaii's dead. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 553 

Hurried arrangements were made to carry out the change in the form 
of government that the sad circumstances had made necessary. His late 
majesty's cabinet called a meeting of the privy council of state to be 
held at the palace on that day at noon. To this meeting the princess 
regent, now Queen, by hereditary right and the provisions of the 
superseded constitution of 1865, as well as by the direct provisions of 
the constitution of 1887, was summoned to be present in order to take 
the oath of office and to be sworn in as sovereign, as provided for in 
the constitution which had been forced on her late royal brother at 
the point of the bayonet during the uprising of 1887, at the instiga- 
tion of the same Thurston and his associates. 

At this meeting her troubles began. .Naturally and properly opposed 
to a constitution promulgated by her late brother under compulsion of 
force, to which she had never consented, and feeling secure in her right 
to ascend the throne under the provisions of the superseded Kameka- 
meha constitution, she hesitated to sign the constitution or to take the 
oath which might bind her to acknowledge the validity of that docu 
ment. The chancellor of the Kingdom, Chief Justice A. F. Judd, ad- 
vised her to sign it, as the oath was merely the same as in the previous 
constitution, and hinted to her that the then ministry could not hold 
office under the commissions signed by the late King. Thus induced, 
she reluctantly but finally sigiied the document and took the oath. 
* Picture the scene: The dead body of her brother and late sovereign 
still on board of the Charleston, no definite arrangements yet made to 
bring it ashore; men at work in the very palace where they were drap- 
ing it with mourning; no relatives near or far save a child. niece 8,000 
miles away in England and an invalid husband who died a few months 
later; a subtle tempter promising — you shall do as you want if you 
willingly give in on this one point; and a grief- stricken and lonely 
woman in the first pangs of mourning, bereavement, and the bewilder- 
ment of a sudden change called upon to assume the duties of head of 
the nation. 

Could anyone doubt the result*? The chief justice's advice was fol- 
lowed. The oath was taken to support the Constitution of the Hawaiian 
Islands, and immediately on the adjournment of the Privy Council, 
the politicians both in it and out of it were at work. The chief 
Justice at once stepped up to Her Majesty and whispered to her that if 
the ministry resigned, as they could not legally hold their portfolios 
unless commissioned by her, she should ask them to hold their portfo- 
lios until after the funeral. This was indeed a most remarkable action 
of the chief justice toward a woman thus suddenly called on to attend 
to matters of the most important and serious nature possible, as 
well as a singular prejudgment of matters which have to, and did, 
come before him in his official capacity as head of the supreme bench. 

For not without a struggle did the late King's cabinet give up the 
reins of power, bowing only to the decision of the supreme court. It 
was appealed to, as provided for in the Constitution. It will be remem- 
bered that Mr. J. A. Cummins was the minister of foreign affairs and 
nominal premier in this cabinet which was now compelled to retire. 
This fact accounts for much which happened later, as will be related 
in due time. Considerable feeling ran through the community at the 
time of the discussion, on the claim of right by the late King's minis- 
ters to hold office in defiance of the Queen. The Thurston faction saw 
that their power was slipping surely and slowly from them, and they 
made every effort, privately and publicly, to prevent the Queen from 
acting contrary to their wishes and plans. 



554 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



However, as before stated, tlie supreme court decided that His late- 
Majesty's cabinet could not hold office by virtue of their commissions, 
signed by the deceased King, and Her Majesty exercised her un- 
doubted privilege of selecting new counsellors. These were Messrs. 
S. Parker, H. A. Widemann, Charles Spencer, and W. A. Whiting. 
It was a most conservative cabinet, although not at all favored by or 
favoring the Thurston faction. Mr. 0. X. Spencer, since deceased in 
February, 1893, the minister of the interior, an American and a very 
old resident of this Kingdom, was a member of the cabinet appointed 
by the late King, who had just resigued on account of the decision of 
the supreme court. He had previously, however, signified both his 
absolute willingness and his deliberate intention of resigning his office 
as a matter of courtesy to the sovereign, even though the supreme 
court should decide that the King's cabinet had the right to continue 
their offices under the Queen. None of his colleagues had expressed 
such opinions and seemed determined to hold their seats at all hazard; 
this no doubt influenced Her Majesty in her determination to select 
new advisers. 

Troublous indeed were the scenes at the opening of her reign, and 
now she had to meet trouble from without as well as from within. 
His excellency, John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and minister 
plenipotentiary of the United States of America, had by virtue of his 
office an official audience of the bereaved and mourning sovereign in 
the palace on the day following the burial of the body of the late King, 
on which occasion he addressed Her Majesty as follows: 

Madam: It is my official duty to offer to Your Majesty congratulations on your 
accession to the throne, in accordance with the provisions of the constitution of 
your Kingdom. Turning from the funeral scenes through which we have just passed, 
I address Your Majesty words of hope as to the future of your reign. Standing on 
the borderland of death and the future world, of which we have been so solemnly 
reminded by what has just transpired in our midst, and reverent towards the Su- 
preme God, to whom all are accountable, the minister of the United States expresses 
his earnest gratification that Your Majesty has taken the firm resolution to aid in 
making your reign a strictly constitutional reign, to maintain the constitutional 
right of your ministers to administer the laws, and always to acknowledge their re- 
sponsibility to the Legislature in the performance of their sworn obligations. Iu the 
wish thus to respect the supreme authority of the constitution and the laws, Your 
Majesty places yourself in the exalted rank of the best sovereigns of the world, and 
thus will avoid those embarrassments and perplexities which have so often disturbed 
the peace and crippled the prosperity of countries not blessed with free and enlight- 
ened constitutions. It is my earnest prayer that Your Majesty maybe able to carry 
ont your noble resolution, and thus have full time and opportunity to discharge the 
duties which Your Majesty justly regards necessary to the success of your reign and 
beneeficial to your whole people. In endeavoring to make good these auspicious 
promises, Your Majesty will have the full sympathy and the good wishes of the Gov- 
ernment which I have the honor to represent at this capital. 

Picture to yourself the time and scene. An elderly editor of an ob- 
scure country journal, accidentally pitchforked into the position of the 
national representative of one of the greatest nations on earth — and a 
republic at that — lecturing a monarch born and educated to the purple, 
a woman in the hour of deepest bereavement, in the style and with the 
ideas that he would have used to a Sunday school class of little children 
or possibly to a benighted heathen from the depths of barbarism. 

From this time forward he showed by every means in his power at 
every opportunity the determination to make himself obnoxious to the 
Queen and her Government by his high-handed and dictatorial actions 
and speeches, both to herself personally and everyone in her Govern- 
ment that he had to deal with officially. 

His mode of doing this was generally characterized by pettiness, as 



KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 555 

the following instances will show: He once asked permission of the 
Queen to introduce to her two or three friends. What was the aston- 
ishment of the officials to see him drive into the palace yard with all 
the tourist guests of the hotel, about 30 or 40 in number. As it so 
happened the Queen was indisposed, so that they had only the privi- 
lege of seeing through the palace. Upon receiving the excuses of the 
Queen, Minister Stevens announced the fact to his guests, and in a 
few minutes afterwards withdrew, leaving the party in the charge of 
the palace officials. On another occasion the Queen was holding a gen- 
eral reception. Several influential and wealthy American visitors to the 
Islands were desirous of being presented to Her Majesty. Minister 
Stevens met them at the palace, and when he got to the door of the 
throne room he left the party standing in the hallway while he marched 
in alone, and standing before the Queen hastily read over a list of names 
and marched out again, leaving his amazed countrymen and ladies to 
their own devices, from which awlrward position they were rescued by 
the courtesy of the Queen's officials, and ushered into her presence. 
Again, at a state dinner at the palace, he signalized himself by killing 
mosquitoes, clapping both hands together with a loud report, letting 
the mosquitoes fall into his soup, from which he afterward picked them 
out. The onlookers and others at the table were siurply paralyzed by 
his coarse breach of etiquette. 

Upon another occasion at a luau given on the palace grounds, to 
which himself, wife, and family w r ere invited, he created great irrita- 
tion by his ungentlemanly and dictatorial insistence on having seats 
placed at the Koyal table, when a table had been specially set apart 
for the families of diplomatic representatives, tor his second daughter 
and lady friends. He expressed himself in language quite unbecoming 
a gentlemen of his position. 

When raiding a Chinese gambling den, the police at one time 
arrested a murderous-looking inmate of the place, armed with a spe- 
cially sharpened immense sheath knife. He was placed under arrest 
with a second charge of carrying a deadly weapon contrary to law. 
Minister Stevens immediately insisted on his release without trial, 
and the return of the deadly blade, as the Mongolian was an attache 
of the legation, to-wit, his coachman, and was therefore privileged from 
arrest, notwithstanding the fact that he was not registered at the for- 
eign office as such according to international law and custom. To 
avoid any further fuss with the American dictator, the murderous 
Celestial highbinder and criminal servant over whom had been unwar- 
rantably thrown the aegis of the American eagle, was released. 

In April last, when V. V. Ashford, E. W. Wilcox, and others were 
under arrest on a charge of treason, a vagabond hoodlum, better known 
as "the bad man from Alabama," who had been parading up and down 
Merchant street, the principal business street, with cartridge belt stuck 
full of cartridges, and a Springfield rifle, loudly uttering that he was 
prepared to fall in when the word was given for a move to be made, on 
which he was promptly arrested by a police officer. Minister Stevens 
interfered in this man's behalf also, to secure his release, as he would 
no doubt have of the rest could he have even furbished up the slightest 
claim to interfere, and thus show his sympathy with revolutions and the 
enemies of Her Majesty's throne and life. 

When it came to attempting to search for a missing boat from the 
wreck of the American ship W. A. Campbell, which contained six or 
seven men, a woman, and a young child, he refused to allow the Boston 
to go, on the grounds that he feared a revolution and damage to life 



556 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



and property in its absence. This was during the Macfarlane-yeumann 
and the Corn well-^awahai cabinets regime, when the Thurston faction 
were in opposition. A few weeks later, when they had got into power, 
he took occasion to use the Boston to convey himself and family to 
Hawaii. The incident caused strong comment amongst Americans in 
Honolulu on Ms heartlessness and cowardice in taking care of Ameri- 
cans and American interests, and called forth several communications 
which were published in the Daily Bulletin, a leading newspaper 
owned by a private corporation. The articles referred to are as follows : 

In the legislative assembly on Tuesday, the 27th of September, 1892, Noble Corn- 
well, under suspeusion of the rules, moved the folio wing resolution: 

"Whereas, information from authoritative sources has been received that an 
American vessel has been wrecked near the coast of Hawaii, and by reports of one 
boat's crew of survivors that another boat containing the captain and his wile, and 
other people, was still missing: 

"Resolved, That Her Majesty's Government is hereby requested to inquire into the 
expediency of assisting the castaways, and is hereby authorized in that behalf to 
employ the services of one of the Inter-island steamers for the purpose of searching 
for the missing people, to render assistance if possible: 

" Besolved, further. That the Government be authorized to incur the necessary 
expenses connected therewith.''" 

On motion of Noble Baldwin the words " if deemed necessary ■ were added, and 
the resolution passed, and referred to the cabinet. 

On the 28th of September the following communication appeared: 

Editor Bulletin : 

I would like to ask through your columns "of those who have the authority" why 
the U. S. S. Boston is not sent out in search of the missing boat of the American ship 
JVm. A. Campbell. I will venture to say that if the U. S. minister's or consul-general's 
wife and child were in that boat the Boston would have steamed to sea in search of 
it several days ago. 

As* Indignant American. 

In its issue of the 29th was this editorial s 

The U. 8. S. Boston leaves port this afternoon on a cruise in search of the missing 
boat of the lost ship Win. A. Campbell. This movement is to be placed to the credit 
of the action taken by the Hawaiian Legislature on a resolution introduced by Noble 
Cornwell. While there is no certainty that the captain's party have either perished 
or been picked up. there is a chance that they may be found alive on the wide ocean 
bj- the cruiser. Better late than never that the search is instituted. 

The above was one of the specifications in Minister Stevens' libel 
suit. "Another Indignant American,*" on the 30th says: 

Editor Bulletin: 

It is just one week ago to-night since the American Minister Stevens. Consul-Gen- 
eral Severance, and the (J. S. S. Boston were communicated with on the subject of 
instituting search for the missing boat's crew of the wrecked W. A. Campbell, a 
report of which appeared in the Bulletin first on last Friday afternoon. The 
answers were vague and indefinite, except such as received from the Boston which 
supplied the information that no instructions had been received. >ow. this after- 
noon, the Boston starts on her belated trip in the cause of humanity. The excuse 
can not be offered that the attention of these officials was not drawn to the need for 
humane action, nor can poverty of the nation they represent be advanced, in atone- 
ment for disgusting quiescence. If the Boston comes across a ship's boat containing 
fourteen grinning ghastly corpses, including those of a loving mother and her babe — 
a woman and her child—it will not be a pleasant picture to contemplate, nor will it 
be a source of satisfaction to Hubites when they reflect upon the odium which has 
already been cast upon the namesake of the capital city of the old "Bay State." by 
the senility and Chinese -like stolidity of the man from Maine. 

On October 1 "Looker-On" writes: 

Editor Bulletin: 

Last Friday, news was brought of a terrible disaster at sea. One boat was picked 
up off the Hawaiian coast, and the exhausted survivors were able to tell of the still 
more desperate condition of the occupants of another boat, supposed to be following 
the first. A woman in a delicate condition and a baby were sharing the awful hard- 
ships of the open sea in a small ship's boat. The vessel was American. In the port 



KEPOET OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 557 



of Honolulu was lying a ship of the much-vaunted Navy. Moreover, a large number 
of local steamers were anchored in the harbor w aiting for employment. Thanks to 
private charity and generosity a short ineffectual search was made by the steamer 
Kinau, whose owners declined to receive remuneration for what, in their opinion, was 
the performance of an act of common humanity. Meanwhile, the Bot-.ton lies calmly 
as if nothing had happened. Her searchlights sweep the heavens at night, resting 
for a moment on the hotel cupola, then another moment on the rising to we. of the 
American church, then flash away to far Waikiki or elsewhere, calculated no doubt 
to strike terror into the Hawaiian breast, and to show the futility of trying to evade 
the searching eye, not of Providence, but-of Uncle Sam. There were those who said 
that it had been better if that light had swept the horizon beyond Hawaii for that 
speck in the wide ocean to which were clinging a mother and her child. How r ever, 
nothing absolutely is done, except that some theories are propounded by the Ameri- 
can consul-general. Besides this, nothing. 

It is said on good authority that the captain of the Boston offered his ship, but that 
the American minister declined the offer. He was afraid, it is said, that something 
might happen if the Boston were to leave port. Here, then, two reflections arise. 
First, why is the Boston here at all? and, secondly, is it not manifest now that there 
are occasions when we are deprived of the maternal protection of the United States 
and need a small force of our own? Finally, seeing that humanity was being sacri- 
ficed to miserable considerations of politics, a member of the Hawaiian Legislature 
moves that steps be taken immediately to attempt relief to the unfortunate captain 
and his family. This poor little Kingdom, not in anyway connected with the dis- 
aster, was about to rescue citizens of the United States because the representatives 
of their own country would not move hand or foot. And this is the country to which 
the Advertiser invites us all to address ourselves for permanent protection and relief. 
An English man-of-war would have been under weigh within two hours of receiving 
the intelligence. The fact is, the American Republic has so much to think of at home 
that it has no I ime to spend over such trifles as shipwrecks. And, if in an unfortu^ 
na'te moment of mental obstruction Hawaii were ever to seek admission to the Union, 
she would find that this little Kingdom would be too small to occupy the absorbing 
interest which, according to the Advertiser, would be directed to her interests. 

Minister Stevens took such exceptions to those articles that he forth- 
with visited the minister of foreign affairs, and stated that he wished 
a personal interview with Her Majesty, without informing the minister 
of the nature of his proposed visit. On the appointed day and hour, 
Minister Stevens, accompanied by Consul- General H. W. Severance, 
arrived at the palace. He was ushered into the Queen's presence with 
a document in one hand, which subsequently proved to be the articles 
that had been printed in the u Bulletin," already referred to, and a vol- 
ume under his other arm. He was asked politely to take a seat, and 
did so, flinging one leg over the arm of the chair, and in this uncouth 
position before a lady he most heatedly announced to the Queen, and 
to her amazement, that he was there not as plain Mr. Stevens but as 
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States 
of America. Then drawing himself up to an erect posture, proceeded 
in a very un gentlemanly tone to inform the Queen that it " was the 
President of the United States of America addressing the Queen of 
Hawaii.' 7 He then went on to say that he was not to be insulted by 
any newspapers in her realm, and said he referred to certain articles 
which had been published in the "Bulletin, " copies of which he had 
brought with him to place before Her Majesty. He expected an apol- 
ogy from the Queen, and also that she give him redress for the insult 
he had received. He then read extracts on u international law" from 
the book which "he had carried under his arm. He also read an 
•-amende honorable," which he insisted should be published in the 
u Bulletin," but was not. It was as follows: 

We desire to express our deep regret for the admission to our columns of com- 
munications reflecting on official American representatives relative to the wrecked 
ship Wm. A. Campbell. We are satisfied that the insinuations and reflections con- 
tained in those communications are entirely unwarranted and unjust. The United 
States officials now at Honolulu are responsible to their own Government at Wash- 
ington, and not to residents of foreign countries. Nor are they at liberty to explain 



558 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



the reasons of their official actions in the public prints. Both the present minister and 
the consul-general, so far as we know, during their residence here, have always 
conducted themselves with discretion and propriety. These anonymous assaults 
upon them are wholly unjustifiable, and if this paper has in any way implied a 
reflection upon their official conduct we think it just to withdraw all such implica- 
cation, and frankly make this "amende honorable." 

Their excellencies Samuel Parker and Paul Neumann, Cousul-Gen- 
eral Severance and Her Majesty's chamberlain were witnesses to this 
extraordinary scene. At the conclusion of this most insane and un- 
heard of proceeding, charging her with something that she neither 
knew of or had any control over — namely, the conduct of a newspaper 
with which she had no connection — Her Majesty properly referred him 
to her ministers. 

The cabinet, at Mr. Stevens' request and instance, commenced crim- 
inal proceedings for libel against the editor of the paper in question. 
The suit was afterwards withdrawn at the request of Mr. Stevens, when 
he found what a scrape he had got himself into, both at home and 
abroad, by his tyrannical and insolent action towards Her Majesty, and 
towards suppressing the privilege of Iree comments of the press on 
public men, which when an editor himself he had freely availed him- 
self of, and which the Hawaiian, like the American, Constitution, 
expressly guarantees. His violation of diplomatic etiquette, by going 
direct to Her Majesty, without first stating the nature of his interview 
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and his violent and personally 
insulting language, would anywhere else have caused his recall, as a 
persona ingrata to the Sovereign, but the Queen good-naturedly over- 
looked the insult and forgave his ignorauce and ill-temper. 

His actions were privately apologized for by Consul General Sever- 
ance at a social at Fort Street Church, who said that if he had known 
the nature of the errand he would never have accompanied the minister. 
Previous to this incident he had been selected by American residents 
for the honor of giving an address at the decoration -day services. On 
that occasion he took the opportunity to air his antimonarchical senti- 
ments by condemning all monarchies in general, and greatly reflected 
on the Hawaiian monarchy. Noble E. C. Macfarlane brought the mat- 
ter up in the Legislature on a question of privilege, and a resolution was 
passed calling on Minister John L. Stevens to make an explanation to 
Her Majesty's Government, but influences were brought to bear, and 
the subject-matter was dropped from the records, on the ground that 
America might take it as an ungrateful action on the part of Hawaii, 
and it might influence the safety of a pending treaty then in the pro- 
cess of negotiation. He had made a somewhat similar public expose 
of his sentiments in an address at the Young Men's Christian Asso- 
ciation Hall previously. We shall now drop Minister Stevens' pecu- 
liar actions, and take up the consideration of Her Majesty's reign from 
the time when he first began his uncalled for interference with herself 
and her Government. 

After the period of mourning the Queen went on several tours of 
inspection, visiting all of the islands and the most important dis- 
tricts on each. In every place she was most enthusiastically received 
by the foreigners as well as by the native Hawaiians. The evidences 
of her popularity with every class in every place were universal and 
sincere. The only ones who expressed any dissent were disappointed 
and disgruntled politicians w 7 ho had failed to get any office or influence 
with her, such as Messrs. J. Bush, R. W. Wilcox, the Ashfords, and 
Rev. S. E. Bishop, but even these found the tide of popular feeling in 
her favor too hard to stem and too openly expressed to be disguised or 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 559 

covered up. It may be stated here that after having showered on the 
Queen the most constant, and unlimited, and unparalleled abuse both 
in their newspapers and in the Legislature to which they were elected 
members, that towards the close of the session Messrs. Bush and Wil- 
cox, with Mr. 0. W. Ashford, proffered their services to help her in any 
way she deemed advisable, and professsed extreme loyalty to and affec- 
tion for her. 

In due time the biennial election took place in February, 1892, and 
when the Legislature met in May it was found that the house was 
divided amongst three parties, the planting missionary element with 
Messrs. Thurston, Baldwin, and Smith at their head; the liberals, and 
the national reform party. The ministry were supported by the 
latter, and Thurston's party, in order to oust them and get into power, 
formed an unholy alliance with their political enemies, the liberals, by 
promising them a share of the power so gained and pledging themselves 
not to abandon the agreement until the Queen had given into their 
desires and appointed a cabinet of their nomination. 

In order to give a fictitious color of constitutionality and liberty to 
their nefarious office and power-seeking schemes, Mr. Thurston enun- 
ciated the astonishing principles, not to be found in the Hawaiian con- 
stitution, that the Queen must appoint her cabinet on the dictation of 
whomsoever a majority of the legislature should nominate in caucus as 
the leader to select a ministry. In pursuance of this object ministry 
after ministry was rejected by a vote of these combined parties in the 
house, not with any regard to the merits of the gentlemen comprising 
them, but solely with a view towards compelling Her Majesty to assent 
to their return to full and uncontrolled power, although they repre- 
sented but a minority of both the noble and the representative voters 
of the Kingdom. To secure their ends and keep their majority together 
the Thurston Baldwin faction entered on a career of the most shame- 
less corruption and bribery ever known in a Hawaiian Legislature, and 
by so doing defeated cabinet after cabinet. Finally, however, on a 
cabinet being selected by Her Majesty, every member of which either 
belonged to or strongly favored the interests of their clique, the alleged 
principle vanished into thin air, and they basely deserted their quon- 
dam liberal allies without compunction, having, as they thought, 
secured their return to power untrammeled till the following election 
in 1894. 

Amongst the cabinets thus unceremoniously overthrown in their 
greed for office was that known as the Macfarlane -Neumann cabinet, 
consisting of Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, Samuel Parker, Charles T. Gulick 
and Paul Neumann. This cabinet for talent, executive ability, honesty, 
patriotism, and integrity is probably unequaled in the history of the 
Kingdom. Every man in it was American, being either an American 
citizen or the descendant of one. It had the support and confidence of 
the financial and business circles. Yet by unblushing bribery and cor- 
ruption, to the disgust of everyone, they were forced out of office on a 
second vote of " want of confidence," after the first one had failed. At 
this time, if the Queen had promulgated a new constitution and dis- 
solved the Legislature she would have had an overwhelming support 
both from foreigners and Hawaiians. 

It is to this period that we must also go for evidence that Messrs. 
Stevens and Wiltse had been for along time engaged in conspiring to 
overturn the Monarchy here; for on the failure of the first vote of 
want of confidence in the Macfarlane-Neumann ministry, and before 
bribery had got in its work to secure a majority in favor of a second, 



560 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

a provisional government was proposed to Messrs. Stevens and Wiitse 
by Messrs. J. A. Cummins and others of the then united faction of the 
liberals and Thurston crowd. They pledged themselves then to sup- 
port such movement with all the forces at their disposal if the move 
could be made. This statement is made on the authority "of a state- 
ment under oath by one who was present at a caucus held at Mr. Alex. 
Young's place at that time, when Mr. J. A. Cummins announced the 
fact to the meeting. The movement, however, was not made, as the 
public feeling of all classes at the time was so strong and bitter against 
the tactics of Messrs. Thurston and Co. that they knew that they would 
have suffered severely from the popular indignation if they attempted 
to do anything of the kind. They went as far as to try how many 
men they could enlist to serve their purpose, but met with such rebuffs 
and rebukes as to cause them to desist. Most of those whom they 
approached told them that thev had not forgotten their behavior in 
the 1887 affair. 

In the mean time the bribery had succeeded, tbe Macfarlane-Xeu- 
mann cabinet were out, and after a short interval Messrs. Nawahi, 
Cornwell, Gulick, and Creighton were appointed as the cabinet, but 
were promptly voted out in a couple of hours after taking their seats. 
Although unwilling to surrender her constitutional prerogative at the 
demand of the Thurston faction, the Queen determined, in the inter- 
ests of peace, to appoint her next cabinet from amongst the more mod- 
erate of their number, and did so, in the vain hope that that would 
cause them to run the country's business at least fairly to every party 
and stop. The ministry now appointed (the Brown- Wilcox ministry) 
was entirely satisfactory to the so-called reform party, but as their late 
allies (the liberals) had not been consulted in its formation, and were 
not represented in its composition, they refused to support it, and a 
spectacle was presented of a ministry governing the country who rep- 
resented a minority in the house, and these but a feeble minority of 
the voters of the country. Such a state of affairs could not last, except 
under the peculiar electoral conditions of Hawaii, and only by political 
trickery and extensive bribery was it kept up. 

Finally, however, the National Beforin party and the Liberals coa- 
lesced and by the requisite majority, twenty-five out of forty-eight, 
voted the Brown- Wilcox pro-missionary combination out of office. 
Personally, I was sorry to see them retire from office, as I considered 
them moderate men, who would exercise their power in a conservative 
way until the following election in February next year, but the actions 
of the Eeform party had been so unscrupulous that their opponents de- 
termined to force them out. They first tried to get them to resign by 
passing bills obnoxious to their policy, such as the opium license law, 
which was opposed by all but Cecil Brown (attorney-general), and the 
lottery bill; but finding them determined on holding office they united, 
as I before stated, and by appealing to the patriotic sentiments of the 
Hawaiian members prevented the Eeform party's gold from having any 
effect, and carried the vote of "want of confidence" by a considerable 
majority and by the requisite legal number (twenty-five) of members of 
the House. I may now here mention the circumstances attending the 
formation of the new ministry and the new Constitution proposed to 
be promulgated. 

My first kuowledge that Her Majesty had received at this time any 
idea of promulgating a Constitution was about the 8th of January last, 
when we had some conversation on the subject, in which I objected to 
its suitability and feasibility at the time. Although I knew that she 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 561 



thoroughly believed slie was doing her duty in the matter as a Queen 
toward her people, her race, and her country, and that she was right 
in thus acting toward her people, who had come to her as a last resort, 
having failed to get their desires after trying every other means. I 
knew that she had received petitions from all sections of the group 
with over 10,000 signatures, praying her to help her people with their 
desires for a new Constitution. 

The liberal party, which was elected on a platform in which the main 
plank was the calling of a constitutional convention, were at this time 
under the perfect control of the missionary wing of the reform party, 
under Thurston's leadership, had gone back on their pledges and refused 
to grant a constitutional convention for the purpose of preparing a new 
constitution satisfactory alike to Hawaiians and foreigners in a proper 
and amicable manner, and afterwards placing it before the people for 
its ratification and promulgation, although the petitions in favor of it 
had over 4,000 signatures of voters. To meet such treatment by the 
Legislature after these thousands had signified their desire for it, was 
hard for her people. The people appealed to her for redress, and she, 
in her sympathy for her people, although in the beginning of her reign 
j was taunted as being too much in favor of and under the advice and 
influence of the foreigner, and against her own people and race, deter- 
mined to show them that a Hawaiian monarch's chief care was to 
redress the wrongs of the Hawaiian people whenever they were in the 
right, and especially as she was advised that it simply needed the royal 
mandate to relieve the oppression. To find me, whom she considered 
would acquiesce to her every behest, opposing her,, was a severe strain 
for a monarch, especially as she knew that I myself was in sympathy 
with the general idea of amending the constitution by having a new 
one. To be met with opposition when one expects acquiesence and 
obedience, is a severe strain to anyone, but more especially to a monarch, 
who is also a lady, accustomed, therefore, to have her slightest wishes 
regarded as law. 

As nothing further was said until the 13th, I considered that the 
matter had dropped, but on that day, in talking over the matter of the 
new cabinet, which was to be appointed in presence of Her Majesty, 
the matter was brought up again ; I again urged the objections which 
I felt to the step, and, as I thought, successfully. 

On the 14th of January, while at the palace waiting with the other 
invited guests, after the ministers had retired for consultation, owing 
to the prolonged wait, Governor A. S. Oleghorn urged me to go into 
the blue room and see Her Majesty, and find out what was the cause 
of the delay. I saw Her Majesty and Minister S. Parker, and, after 
hearing the state of affairs, I said : " I'll make this proposition, as you 
have here only a native copy of the constitution; have you an English 
version?" She replied: "Yes." "Then send for it," I said, "and 
send for the rest of the Cabinet and let them look it over, and if they 
find there is nothing radically wrong in it, you then sign it and we 
will stand by its results ; but if it is not right, you follow the advice of 
your ministers." To this proposition both Her Majesty and My. Parker 
agreed, and Mr. Parker sent for the other ministers, who returned to 
the palace. The English version of the constitution was sent for and 
brought in by a messenger. 

The proposition was laid before the cabinet by myself, which they 
accepted and began to inspect the proposed constitution. Just then I 
received a message that I was wanted outside. I went out, when a 
note was handed to me stating that I was required immediately at the 
10518 36 

- 



562 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



police station. I therefore excused myself and left the blue room. I 
was met by the chief justice and others, who wanted to know what had 
taken place. As I was in haste, I simply told them that the ministry 
had returned and were now in the blue room with Her Majesty, and 
that the rumor of their resignation was untrue. I then went on to the 
station house, and on my arrival there I was informed that Messrs. 
Thurston and W. O. Smith of the missionary party were organizing 
and enlisting men to overthrow the Queen and her Government. After 
making inquiry, I found that they alleged they were organizing simply 
to support the ministry in opposing the Queen, in the event of her pro- 
mulgating a new constitution, in defiance of the ministry, by force of 
arms, as Minister Colburn had called upon Mr. Thurston that afternoon 
for advice, and informed them that the Queen intended to promulgate 
a new constitution. Mr. Thurston had advised Mr. Colburn to oppose 
the measure, and not to resign; that they would render all the assist- 
ance necessary. Hence they were enlisting the men at W. O. Smith's 
office for that purpose. 

As this seemed to me to be a legitimate purpose I did not make any 
arrests, but as 1 saw from the excited condition of these men (Thurston, 
Smith, etc.) that they saw an opportunity to raise trouble, and now 
that the news had spread around town and knots of men Avere dis- 
cussing the situation on the street corners, I felt it my duty to make 
every preparation to preserve the peace and safety of the town if they 
attempted to proceed to any violent acts. I therefore ga ve my instruc- 
tions to the police and the specials to be carefully on the lookout for 
any symptoms of this kind, and returned to the palace to see how 
matters were proceeding there. On my way there I was informed by 
those whom I met that the Queen had given way to the advice of her 
cabinet and that the constitution matter was postponed. 

When I arrived at the palace I found all the guests had gone except 
a Hawaiian social club, who had prepared a "luau" in the basement of the 
palace to celebrate the prorogation, and that Her Majesty was just 
seated as I entered. I was shown to a seat opposite Her Majesty, but 
had no sooner sat down than I was telephoned for to go right back to 
the police station, as I was wanted on an important matter. On my 
arrival at the station house I was informed that Thurston and his party 
were holding another meeting at W. O. Smith's office, and were still 
enlisting men. This was at 5 p. m. I therefore sent out my special 
officers with instructions to report at once on the slightest sign of a 
disturbance, and putting the regular police force on double duty I kept 
an extra guard all night at the station house, and made every prepara- 
tion necessary to quell immediately any disturbance which might arise. 
Other specials were sent out to shadow the principals in the move, and 
instructions were given to the police to arrest all persons on the streets 
found with arms and ammunition, and to keep a strict watch on the 
dealers in firearms and their places of business until otherwise ordered 
by myself. 

By the advice and consent of the cabinet I ordered the saloons 
closed at 9 o'clock p. m., two hours and a half earlier than usual, in 
order to induce the usual Saturday night crowd to disperse to their 
homes, and so keep the streets clear. These precautions were taken, 
as I could not foresee what their next move would be. As matters had 
settled down to their normal condition, and peace and quietness pre- 
vailed throughout the city, I could not understand why the Thurston 
faction should continue to hold meetings and enlist men. NTothmg oc- 
curred that night to denote any signs of disturbance, except the meet- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 563 



ings of the Thurston faction, and on Sunday, the 15th, I received in- 
formation from one special that a meeting had been held at Thurston's 
residence the night previous, and kept up until late, at which a major- 
ity of those afterwards known as the committee of safety were present. 

I have learned since from one of those who were present that the object 
of the meeting was to overthrow the Queen by force and bring about an- 
nexation, Mr. L. A. Thurston being the leader. Mr. A. S. Hartwell, who 
was present, opposed the move, as he Jhought it was not the proper 
way to bring about annexation, but Thurston and the others did not 
agree with him and ridiculed his objections, in consequence of which 
Mr. Hartwell had withdrawn from the compact and stated that he 
could not be a party to any such action, and retired from the meeting. 
At this meeting Thurston stated that Minister Stevens had promised 
to support them, it* they proclaimed a provisional government, with 
troops from the U. S. S. Boston, and that their cause could not be a 
success without those troops and Minister Stevens's assistance. 

Another special brought in word that they were still recruiting and 
arming, and that they could only rely on about seventy-five men and 
not over eighty stand of arms. From another I received information 
that L. A. Thurston, W. O. Smith, W. E. Castle, J. H. Soper, John 
Good, 0. W. Zeigler, H. Waterhouse, 0. L. Carter, J. A. McCandless, J. 
F. Morgan, A. Brown, W. W. Hall, J. H. Fisher, J. Emmeluth, W. Chan, 
and C. T. Wilder were all out working the matter up round town among 
people to see how many stood on the matter; that some were on horse- 
back and others in hacks. Other specials reported that some of the 
above named gentlemen were constantly in and out of Minister Stevens's 
house (the United States legation), also those of W. W. Hall, L. A. 
Thurston, F. W. Wundenberg, and H. Waterhouse. Another special 
reported that Messrs. Thurston and Colburn had visited A. P. Peterson's 
house early that morning, but could not learn what their course of 
action was, but something serious was under foot. 

On receipt of these reports, more special officers were detailed to 
procure further information, and report as soon as possible. I then 
sent immediately for Capt. Nowlien, and telephoned for Mr. Peterson, 
the attorney- general, and arranged for a meeting of the cabinet at 
the police station. On Capt. ]STowlien's arrival I imparted to him the 
information I had received, and requested him to prepare and get the 
barracks and his men ready for active service, as it was evident these 
people (the Thurston faction) meant business. I also asked him to lay 
the state of affairs in town before Her Majesty, as I had to go myself 
to the police station immediately. 

On my arrival there, I found everything in regular order and the 
men fully prepared for any emergency. The attorney- general arrived 
shortly after, as also did the other members of the cabinet. I laid 
before them the reports of the situation furnished me by my special 
officers. They were not much surprised at receiving such information 
as they were in possession of similar facts themselves and also of 
documentary evidence of the same, which Mr. Peterson produced and 
which I considered was sufficient cause for the arrest of these men on 
a charge of treason. 

After a short consultation, I made a proposition to swear out war- 
rants for the arrest of the ringleaders of the plot at once. The attor- 
ney-general objected to the proposition, giving the following reasons, 
stating that he had been called on by Minister Colburn and Mr. L. A. 
Thurston early that morning at about 6 or 6:30 a. m., who made a 
proposition to him showing a course of procedure fully prepared, 
which, if carried out, would cause the overthrow of the Queen and her 



5G4 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Government, and the establishment of a Provisional Government in 
its x>lace. That Thurston had then stated to Minister Colburn and 
himself that the American minister, Mr. Stevens, would snpport 
such a move with the United States troops from the U. S. S. Boston. 
And that he had also showed them a form or draft of a letter or 
request to be sent to Minister Stevens, requesting him to land the 
troops from the Boston, to assist Ministers Colburn and Peterson 
under the guise of maintaining order and protecting life and property, 
if they (Peterson and Colburn) would consent to sign it as attorney- 
general and minister of the interior. 

I could see at once that this was a bait offered them to swallow to 
legalize the landing of the United States troops, and for them to nomi- 
nally remain as cabinet officers of the Queen's, but actually seceding 
from her and thus dividing the executive, so that they being still in 
authority would support the cause of the rebels, and it would be an easy 
task for them to accomplish their ends without risking their lives, as 
their rebellious act would be termed a legal resistance, and thus they 
held out these inducements to Messrs. Colburn and Peterson to become 
traitors to the Queen and her Government. Mr. Peterson also said that 
the arrest of these parties would precipitate a conflict with the United 
States troops, if Mr. Thurston's statements were true, which he (Mr. 
Peterson) was satisfied they were, and that the troops would be landed 
in any case. I then said we can protest against their landing, and if 
they insist on landing for any other purpose than for that of protecting 
the United States consulate and legation, that this Government will 
resist them, and so, in other words, the United States would have to de- 
clare war against this Government, and 1 doubt whether they would 
fire a shot in that case, as I doubt that Minister Stevens has the au- 
thority to declare war against a friendly nation, and furthermore we 
are in a position to resist all the troops that can land, as their comple- 
ment, all told, is not over 250 men, and not more than 175 of these could 
be landed at the outside. 

We can oppose them now with over 500 men, two Galling guns, and 
a battery of artillery of about 12 pieces (rifled Austrian breech-loaders), 
with six or seven hundred rounds of ammunition, shot, shell, and 
shrapnel, and about fifty or sixty thousand rounds for Springfield and 
Winchester rifles, to say nothing of what the volunteers may have. The 
ministry then decided to inquire from Minister Stevens himself how 
far he was supporting the plotters with the United States troops, and 
to seek advice from and consult with those prominent business men 
who were friendly to the Queen's government, and also with the con- 
suls and members of the diplomatic corps. Here our interview ceased 
for that morning, and Colburn, Cornwell, and Parker started off' to 
arrange a meeting with those just mentioned for 2 p. m. that day. 

When making my rounds about the city that afternoon in a hack 
with Mr. S. F. Chillingsworth, who became my deputy on the following 
day, while on our way down Fuuanu avenue I drew his attention as 
also that of the hackman when passing the United States legation to 
the presence of Messrs. L. A. Thurston, W. O. Smith, and A. S. Hart- 
well inside, and to that of Mr. C. L. Carter on horseback outside in the 
street apparently waiting for instructions. What were these people 
doing there, especially at that time on a Sunday, about 3 p. m. or a 
little after! 

After returning to the office Mr. Colburn came along looking for W. 
O. Smith or Thurston. I told him I had just seen them at Minister 
Stevens's (the United States legation). About 1 p. m. I saw posters 
being put up which the conspirators had drawn up and had printed 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 565 

that day, calling for a mass meeting on Monday afternoon, and signed 
u committee or safety." I met the cabinet at dinner at the Hawaiian 
hotel, and they stated to me that the result of their meeting at 2 p. m. 
had been satisfactory, and that they had decided that the Queen should 
issue a proclamation in the morning to the effect that she would not 
attempt to promulgate a new constitution again, as a guarantee of 
good faith to the diplomatic and consular corps, and that the course of 
the cabinet had the support of the merchants and business men who 
had attended the meeting. They also informed me that they had 
arranged for another meeting at the attorney-general's office for that 
evening at 8 o'clock. 

After dinner, a little after 7 o'clock, we all left the hotel to go to the 
meeting at the attorney- general's office, excepting Ministers Parker and 
Peterson, who proceeded to the United States Legation to see Minister 
Stevens in regard to the situation, and get some definite answer as to 
his action in the event of an uprising. The meeting did not take place 
until 8:30 p. m., although Messrs. Parker and Peterson returned from 
Mr. Stevens's about 8 o'clock, as we waited for the arrival of the Hon. 
Paul Neumann. On his arrival at 8 :30 o'clock the meeting opened for 
business. Mr. Peterson stated the object of the meeting w as to devise 
ways and means to overcome the action of the conspirators in the event 
of an uprising. He also stated that he had been to see Mr. Stevens, 
the American minister, as to tbe stand he would take in regard to the 
conspirators, and the reply wmich Mr. Stevens had given Mr. Parker 
and himself was that he was ready to support a pro visional govern- 
ment with United States troops from the Boston, which meant no doubt 
that he was against the continuance of the Queen's government, and 
he also stated to me that I was a scoundrel. When asked the reason 
of this statement, he said that it was because I had arrested his coach- 
man, a Chinese, and other matters which he did not specify. We then 
discussed the question of the Boston landing its troops in regard to its 
legality, violation of international laws, etc. The force we had at our 
disposal was also discussed, as were other matters, such as the propriety 
of holding a mass meeting, the x>roposed proclamation by the Queen 
and cabinet, the proposed Provisional Government by the conspirators, 
the subject of arms and ammunition, and other cognate matters. 

More information was supplied here, as to the force and strength at 
the command of the Thurston faction. I proposed that the ringleaders 
should be arrested at once, and that all arms and ammunition in the 
town be seized, and the island put under martial law till the arrests 
were effected. Messrs. Peterson and Neumann both objected, on the 
grounds that it would precipitate a conflict, as Minister Stevens had 
already declared himself, and that we must at all hazards avoid a con- 
flict with the United States troops. A committee was appointed to 
draw up a resolution and to call a mass meeting in support of the 
cabinet's action, and other matters. The meeting then adjourned, and 
the committee met at once for the transaction of their business. 

After the meeting at the attorney- general's office I went to the po- 
lice station with those of my staff, and prepared a map and an outline 
of defense showing the outposts and the number of the men required 
to guard the town in the event of martial law being proclaimed by the 
Queen. The cabinet had concluded to make the police station their 
headquarters. The map also showed the number of pickets required 
for each guard, also the distance to and from all important buildings, 
as the station house, palace, barracks, Government buildings, and other 
strategic points, also the U. S. S. Boston from the same points. The 
police station itself was safe from the line of fire of the Boston, as there 



566 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

were brick buildings full of sugar or other goods of a similar nature be 
tweeu the two spots, and the building was safe from being undermined, 
as the foundation is one solid mass of concrete from the coral of bed 
rock, and it would take months to undermine this, even with the most 
improved implements. As on the previous evening, I kept an extra 
guard at the police station all night. That night I received informa- 
tion that a caucus had been held at Mr. Henry Waterhouse's. 

The following Monday, the 16th, I received information that the com- 
mittee of safety were to meet at Thurston's office. I went over shortly 
afterwards to Mr. Thurston's office and met him and asked of him what 
they intended to do to-day, and also said to him that they had gone too 
far, as the matter of the promulgation of a new constitution was now 
settled and there would be a proclamation issued by the Queen to that 
effect. Thurston said, "I am sorry for the country, but what guaranty 
have we that this will not happen again. It is living on a volcano; 
there is no telling when it will explode." At this, I said if the foreign 
representatives are satisfied with the proclamation, that you people 
should be, and also as long as I was there it would not occur again in 
that way. He then replied: " Suppose you were to die to-night, what 
then 1 ?" I said " That is going to extremes; you are unreasonable, and we 
can not come to any terms." He said: "Charlie, it can not be helped 
now; it has gone too far and there is no one to blame but herself." I 
said: "I am sorry we can not agree about that," and left him. While I 
was talking with him I could see the members of the committee com- 
ing upstairs and going into the office formerly occupied by Mr. Frear, 
and close the door after entering. I then went over to the police station 
and gave instructions for the enlistment of men as special constables, 
and also sent an armed guard to the attorney- general's office in charge 
of Capt. E. P. Waipa, to receive instructions from the attorney-general, 
Mr. A. P. Peterson. 

At 10 a. m. a committee from the conspirators had a meeting with 
the cabinet in the foreign office. I sent for Capt. Nowlien and told 
him to enlist volunteers and to send me 75 stand of Winchester re- 
peating rifles, and for him to take what ammunition was wanted for 
the artillery (as it was then in my custody), and to get all the powder 
he required from the Government public powder magazine, and put it in 
the magazine at the barracks. By 12 m. the above was carried out and 
T had 700 men and over enrolled, mostly Hawaiians ready to take up 
arms in support of the Queen's Government, and a reserve of about 
500 men, mostly foreigners. At about 12:30 p. m. the Queen's procla- 
mation was printed and circulated throughout the city. It read as 
follows : 

BY AUTHORITY. 

Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the quiet and order 
which has prevailed in this community since the events of Saturday, and are author- 
ized to say that the position taken by Her Majesty in regard to the promulgation of 
a new constitution was under the stress of her native subjects. Authority is given 
for the assurance that any changes desired in the fundamental law of the land will 
be sought only by methods provided in the constitution itself. Her Majesty's minis- 
ters request all citizens to accept the assurance of Her Majesty in the same spirit in 
which it is given. 

LlLIUOKALANI, 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
W. H. Corn well, 

Minister of Finance. 
John F. Colburn, 
Minister of the Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Iolani Palace, Jvnuary 16, 1SBB. Attorney- General, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO TCIE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 567 



As both mass-meetings were called for 2 p. in., I sent a squad of 
police to each place to preserve the peace and keep order if necessary. 
About 3:30 p. m. the meetings had both adjourned, and the city was 
quiet, there were no signs of any disturbance or disorder of any kind. 
The attendance at the Thurston meeting was reported to me by count 
as being between five and six hundred people, mainly foreigners, and 
that at the Palace Square was estimated as numbering about 3,000. 
Both meetings were conducted in a very orderly manner, and there 
was no call for the services of the police at either meeting. 

The meeting at the new armory, on Beritania street, was presided 
over by the Hon. W. G. Wilder, a member of the Legislature, and was 
addressed in several inflammatory speeches against the Queen by the 
Hons. W. C. Wilder, L. A. Thurston, A. Young, and H. P. Baldwin, 
also by Messrs. H.F. Glade (the German consul), G.Bolte, J. Emmeluth, 
and B. J. Greene. No hint, however, was given of the proposal to 
change the form of Government, although the Queen's proclamation 
was read and referred to as being of no value. The following resolu- 
tions were passed at the meeting : 

(1) Whereas Her Majesty Liliuokalani, acting in conjunction with certain other 
persons, has illegally and unconstitutionally and against the advice and consent of 
the lawful executive officers of the Government, attempted to abrogate the existing 
constitution and proclaim a new one in subversion of the rights of the people; 

(2) And whereas such attempt has been accompanied by threats of violence and 
bloodshed and a display of armed force, and such attempt and acts and threats are 
revolutionary and treasonable in character; 

(3) And whereas Her Majesty's cabinet have informed her that such contem- 
plated action was unlawful and would lead to bloodshed and riot, and have im- 
plored and demanded of her to desist from and renounce such proposed action; 

(4) And whereas such advice has been in vain, and Her Majesty has in a public 
speech announced that she was desirous and ready to promulgate such constitu- 
tior., the same being now ready for such purpose, and that the only reason why it 
was not now promulgated was because she had met with unexpected obstacles and 
that a fitting opportunity in the future must be awaited for the consummation of 
such object, which would be within a few days; 

(5) And whereas at a public meeting of citizens held in Honolulu on the 14th day 
of January instant, a committee of thirteen, to be known as the "committee of 
public safety," was appointed to consider the situation and to devise ways and 
means for the maintenance of the public peace and safety and the preservation of 
life and property ; 

(6) And whereas such committee has recommended the calling of this mass 
meeting of citizens to protest against and condemn such action, and has this day 
presented a report to such meeting denouncing the action of the Queen and her sup- 
porters as being unlawful, unwarranted, in derogation of the rights of the people, 
endangering the peace of the community, and tending to excite riot and cause the 
loss of life and destruction of property: 

Now, therefore, we, the citizens of Honolulu, of all nationalities, and regardless 
of political party affiliations, do hereby condemn and denounce the action of the 
Queen and her supporters ; 

And we do hereby ratify the appointment and indorse the action taken and re- 
port made by the said committee of safety ; and we do hereby further empower such 
committee to further consider the situation and further devise such ways and means 
as may be necessary to secure the permanent maintenance of law and order and the 
protection of life, liberty, and property in Hawaii. 

Many of those present did not vote, and I was informed that the 
enthusiasm and applause came only from those who were previously 
acquainted with the objects of the leaders and were instructed to 
applaud at the proper time and place. 

At the meeting at Palace Square the assembled multitude were 
addressed by the Hons. A. Eosa, J. E. Bush, J. jSTawahi, and B. W.Wilcox, 
who severally cautioned the people against any acts of violence or 
turbulence, and urged them to support the course of Her Majesty's 



5G8 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



cabinet. The Queen's proclamation was read and heartily indorsed by 
all present, and the following resolution was unanimously passed: 

Resolved, That the assurance of Her Majesty, the Queen, contained in this day'i 
proclamation is accepted by the people as a satisfactory guaranty that the Govern- 
ment does not and will not seek any ruoditkation of the constitution by any other 
means than those provided in the organic law; 

Resolved, That accepting this assurance the citizens here assembled will give their 
cordial support to the administration and indorse them in sustaining that policy. 

A committee was appointed to present it to Her Majesty, which they 
immediately proceeded to do. 

The meetings seemed to have been safety valves for letting loose 
whatever excess of feeling there may have been in the popular mind, 
for by 4 p. m. it seemed as if the dissatisfaction was all over, as there 
was scarcely anyone to be seen on the streets. It was like a calm after 
the storm. About 4: 30 p. m. I got information that the Boston's men 
were ordered to land. A watch was set to give the signal as soon as 
signs of activity should be shown on board the Boston, and in the mean- 
time I sent for the cabinet. It was difficult to find them, not having 
seen or heard from them all day. and they could not be located as soon 
as they might have been. 

About 4: 40 p. m. the signal was given that the boats were being got 
ready on board the Boston, and that the artillery and gatling guns 
were being put into the boats, also the men were armed with small arms. 
At a little before 5 o'clock they were landed at the regular landing near 
Brewer & Co.'s and Charlton's wharf. 1 therefore sent a messenger down 
to find out who permitted them to land, or requested them to do so. 
The messenger returned and stated that they did not know themselves, 
but that they were to receive their instructions from shore, and that 
Mr. 0. L. Carter had just got there and was giving instructions to the 
officers, as he judged by their actions. 

About this time the cabinet arrived at the station house, and I 
reported what had taken place to them. Mr. Cornwell suggested that 
Messrs. Parker and Colburn go and see Mr. Stevens and protest 
against such actions. They started on that errand at once, Mr. Corn- 
well remaining at the station house. A little after 5 p. m. the American 
forces marched from the boat landing along Queen street and turned 
up Fort street and halted at the corner of Merchant and Fort streets, 
two doors off of which is the United States consulate. 

There were three companies of blue jackets with Springfield rifles or 
small arms, one company of blue jackets with the Gatling guns and 
artillery, and a company of marines in full arms, having a total strength 
of 150 to 155 men in all ranks, fully equipped for actual service, with 
full belts of ammunition, and the caissons attached to the artillery 
were also full. At this point the company of marines were left to 
occupy the consulate. A company of blue jackets were ordered to the 
United States legation, and the remaining companies were marched 
up Merchant street into Palace Square, thence along King street 
between the palace and the Government buildings, and were halted in 
front of Mr, Hopper's residence, on the south corner of the palace 
inclosure, in full view of Her Majesty the Queen, about 200 yards away 
from the palace and the Government buildings. They remained there 
till after dusk, when they were marched out along King street to Mr. 
Atherton's residence, a distance of about 600 yards, and then stopped 
until they had some light refreshments of bananas and lemonade. 
Afterwards they were marched back to town and took up quarters for 
the night at the Arion Hall, a building separated from the Government 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 56!:' 

buildings by a lane known as Mililani street, about 20 feet wide, and 
not more than. 200 yards directly in front of the Queen's palace. 

Messrs. Peterson, Parker, Oolburn, and Cornwell, after returning 
from the Government building, reported to me that Mr. Stevens had 
stated that he had landed the troops at the request of Mr. Thurston 
and the committee of safety, and that they (the cabinet) had protested 
against the landing of the troops, and requested the XT. S. minister to 
withdraw the United States forces from the shore, but were refused or 
did not get any reply. Then the cabinet left me to attend another 
meeting of the Queen's friends. After the meeting the attorney- gen- 
eral, Mr. Peterson, returned to the station house, and remained with 
me there during the night. At 11 :30 p. in. a special officer reported to 
me that the conspirators were now recruiting at Klemme's lodging 
house on Fort street, and that Mr. J. H, Fisher and J. B. Castle were 
there. I again proposed to Mr. Peterson to proclaim martial law in the 
morning and get out warrants for the arrest of the conspirators, and 
showed him a proclamation to that purpose, ready prepared for the sig- 
natures of the Queen and the governor of the island of Oahu. I also 
proposed placing an armed force in the Government building, but he 
thought that it was no use to send armed men there, as it was a bad 
building to defend, especially if Minister Stevens insists on continuing 
to support the conspirators, as we can not afford to fight the United 
States of America. Better let the matter rest until the morning and 
see what may develop. 

Perfect quietness reigned through the city, there being a band con- 
cert at the hotel, which was attended by a large and peaceable crowd, 
as usual. The city was patrolled as usual by the regular police force, 
and, as before, 1 had a strong guard at the station house in case of a 
night attack. There were no unusual incidents during the night, with 
the exception of two fire alarms, neither serious, one a little before 12 
m., and the other about 3 a. m., which were promptly extinguished by 
the fire department, which, by order of the cabinet, had been kept 
ready for immediate service ever since Saturday night, as also were the 
waterworks employes kept on duty in case these people might, in the 
fury of defeat or with a view of creating an occasion for the United 
States troops to interfere, attempt to create an incendiary scare. Every 
precaution was taken by Her Majesty's cabinet and every means that 
lay in their power was made use of to secure the protection of life and 
property, and nothing was lacking in this respect, so that nothing war- 
ranted the landing of troops from the Boston, as the Queen's govern- 
ment was in a position to put down any insurrection if left without 
interference from any foreign power. On Tuesday, the 17th, everything 
appeared very quiet, so much so that I dismissed the extra guards at 
the police station, but I still kept on the watchers on the stores of the 
dealers in arms and ammunition. 

About 9:30 a. ra. I received information that a meeting was held at 
the residence of Mr. H. Waterhouse, at which were present H. Water- 
house, T. F. Lansing, S. B. Dole, W. E. Castle, C. L. Carter, J. H. Soper, 
F. W. Wundenberg, W. W. Hall, J. A. McCandless, J. Emmeluth, and 
a number of others. I afterwards learned from one who was present at 
that meeting that discussion of various plans was had, and a committee 
of three was appointed to personally confer with Minister Stevens, and 
received his direct and personal assurance that they would get the sup- 
port of the United States troops if they went on with the affair. Messrs. 
Soper, Carter, and Waterhouse were the committee. They went over 
to the United States legation, which is on the premises adjoining that 



570 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

of- Waterhouse, and returning immediately reported that Mr. Stevens 
had given them such assurance. At this meeting, also. 3Ir. S. B. Dole, 
was offered the presidency of the proposed Provisional Government. 
He said that he really was not an annexationist, and asked time to con- 
sider the proffer. The meeting adjourned to meet again in the morn- 
ing to discuss matters, and appointed a committee to meet the Queen's 
cabinet at 10 a. m. at the foreign office. 

The conspirators had agreed to proclaim a Provisional Government 
to overthrow the Hawaiian monarchy perpetually, and place either 
Chief Justice Judd or Justice S. B. Dole at its head, and that they were 
to hold another meeting before noon. At 11 a. m. I was informed that 
they had concluded to accept S. B. Dole as president of the Provisional 
Government, and that they had a guarantee from Minister Stevens of 
his support, backed by the troops, and that they would make a move 
on the Government House at 3 p. m. and on the police station at Ip. m. 
I also received information at the same time that they would rendez- 
vous at the armory on Beritania street. I immediately sent tor the 
cabinet, and also for Gapt. Xowlien; ^Nowlien came, but there were 
no signs of the cabinet. 1 gave Capt. Xowlien instructions to have 
25 or 50 men in the basement of the palace ready for immediate service, 
as I expected the conspirators would make an attempt this afternoon. 
I also explained that I had been waiting for the ministers or a word 
from them ever since morning, and had sent several messengers to them, 
but they were closeted in the foreign office in consultation, and had 
received in return promises to come or send me word, but as yet there 
had been no appearance of anything of the kind. Capt. Xowlien then 
went back to the palace to get ready, as I told him his men might be 
required to be sent to guard the Government building as soon as the 
cabinet finished their meeting there, and if so I would let him know. 
I then sent out word for all the volunteers to report for duty promptly 
at 12 noon at the station house, and called in all of the regular police 
who were off duty to be at the station house at once. 

At 1 p. m. I had 221 men under arms, and more men were coming in 
than I could find guns for, and fresh volunteers were coming in so fast 
that I finally instructed my men in charge not to register any more, as 
we had more than enough already. A little after 2 p. m. the ministers 
came down to the station house, and a few minutes later word was sent 
in that a police officer had been shot by John Good. A little later the 
officer came down the street, supported by a brother officer and Mr 
P. M. Boouey to the station house. The officer, whose name was Leia> 
loha, was at once attended to by Dr. C. A. Peterson, the police physi- 
cian, who was on hand at the time. Leialoha was then sent to the 
Queen's hospital. He was one of those who were on special detail, 
watching the stores of the dealers in arms and ammunition, and was 
shot in attempting to make the arrest of Mr Good, when he with 
others was removing firearms and ammunition in a wagon from the 
store of E. O. Hall & Son, limited, for the use of the insurgents. It 
was a very fortunate thing for Good and the others that the police on 
street duty were kept without fireams by my orders, as I had no desire 
to excite or terrify the people by any display of arms or armed men on 
the streets. 

This occurrence, however, brought the people's excitement up to fire- 
heat, and people of both natives and foreigners flocked down to the 
station house by the hundreds to volunteer, and were in such an excited 
state that I was compelled to close the doors of the station house, for 
fear that the mob of volunteers would interfere with the discipline of 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 571 



the men already under arras, and so begin a disturbance which would, end 
in a conflict which foreign forces would call an opportunity to interfere 
in, under the pretence of upholding law and order. At 2:15 p. m. I 
received information that the conspirators were holding a meeting in 
W. O. Smith's office, and about 2:45 p. m. Mr. C. J. McCarthy came 
down from the Government building and stated that a Provisional Gov- 
ernment had been proclaimed, with Mr. S. B. Dole as president. This 
was confirmed shortly afterwards by Mr. F. P. Hastings, secretary of 
the foreign office, and also by Mr. E. Norfie. 

Previous to the proclamation of the Provisional Government, the 
forces from the Bosto?i were drawn up in line of battle under command 
of Capt. Wiltse, facing the side of the Government building, and that 
prior to the proclamation, Mr. C. L. Carter, one of the conspirators, 
afterwards one of the commissioners to Washington, rode up on horse- 
back and handed a large official document to Capt. Wiltse. This con- 
tained his orders from Minister Stevens presumably. I received infor- 
mation a little later that the proclamation had been read by H. E. 
Cooper, a lawyer recently arrived in the country, who had been an 
unsuccessful candidate for the office of circuit judge, and that thirty-five 
of the men, known as the "Drei Hundred," were then armed and in 
possession of the Government building. 

After hearing of these actions of the now open rebels against Her 
Majesty and her Government, I proposed to the cabinet to send our 
armed forces out from all quarters, surround them, and shoot them 
down, as they were only a handful. Mr. Peterson, as before, urged 
•that it would only accelerate a conflict with the United States troops, 
as he and Mr. Parker had been told by Mr. Stevens that the Provis- 
ional Government would be supported by the United States forces. On 
this the cabinet, with the cooperation of Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, 
A. Rosa, and others, after consultation, decided to address a letter to 
Minister Stevens at once, to find out if he had recognized the Provis- 
ional Government. The letter was as follows : 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 

Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

Envoy Extraordinary and, Minister Plenipotentiary , etc.: 
Sir: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Government having been informed that certain per- 
sons to them unknown have issued proclamation declaring a Provisional Govern- 
ment to exist in opposition to Her Majesty's Government, and having pretended to 
depose the Queen, her cabinet and marshal, and that certain treasonable persons at 
present occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and pre- 
tending that yoxrr excellency, on behalf of the United States of America, has recog- 
nized such Provisional Government, Her Majesty's Government asks respectfully : 
Has your excellency recognized said Provisional Government, and, if not, Her 
Majesty's Government, under the above existing circumstances, respectfully requests 
the assistance of your Government in preserving the peace of the country. 
"We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants. 

Samuel Parker, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs, 
Wm. H. Cornwell, 

Min ister of Finance, 
John F. Colburn, 
» ' Minister of the Interior, 

A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney- General. 

Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 

The Hon. 0. L. Hopkins was the bearer of the above communication 
to Minister Stevens, and was instructed to wait until he had received 
a reply. He returned to the station house with Mr. Stevens' reply at 



572 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



about 3:30 p.m. or later, and handed it to tlie attorney-general. It 
was shown me by Mr. E. 0. Macfarlane, and was substantially to this 

effect : 

That he acknowledged the receipt of the letter from the cabinet, and 
that a Provisional Government had been duly constituted in the place 
of the Queen's Government, and that that Government was in posse- 
sion of the Government building, the treasury and the Government 
archives, and was in control of the islands; and that he recognized that 
Government as the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands. He 
signed this simply as John L. Stevens, envoy extraordinary and min- 
ister plenipotentiary of the United States. 

The governor of the island of Oahu sent the following protest against 
the landing of the troops from the TJ. S. S. Boston on the evening of 
the 16th of January : 

Office Governor of Oahu, 

Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 
Sir: It is my duty to solemnly protest to your excellency against the landing this 
evening without permission from the proper authorities of an armed force from the 
United States ship Boston. Your excellency well knows that when you have desired 
to land naval forces of the United States for the purpose of drill, permission by the 
local authorities has been readily accorded. On the present occasion, however, the 
circumstances are different, and ostensibly the present landing is for the discharge 
of functions which are distinctly responsible duties of the Hawaiian Government. 
Such being the case, I am compelled to impress upon your excellency the inter- 
national questions involved in the matter and the grave responsibility thereby 
assumed. 

AVhile solemnly protesting to your excellency against this unwarrantable pro- 
ceeding to which I have referred, 
I have the honor to remain, sir, your excellency's obedient and humble servant, 

A. S. Cleghorn, 
Governor of Oahu. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary United. States of America. 

Minister Stevens's reply to Governor Cleghorn was as follows : 

United States Legation. 

Ho nolulu, January 1 7, 1893. 
Sir: Yours of yesterday, the 16th, regarding the landing of the United States 
naval forces in Honolulu, is received. I have carefully read its terras and import. 
My responsibility as the United States minister plenipotentiary at this critical time 
in Hawaiian affairs it is impossible for me to ignore. I assure you that in whatever 
responsibility the American diplomatic and naval representatives have assumed or 
may assume, we shall do our utmost to regard the welfare of all present and inter- 
ests concerned. 

Yours sincerely, and with the kindest consideration, 

John L. Stevens. 

Hon. A. S. Cleghorn, 

Governor of Oahu. 

About 4 p. m. a committee from the Provisional Government met Her 
Majesty's cabinet, and made a proposition for the settlement of the 
crisis. After the committee meeting Mr. S. M. Damon, on behalf of the 
rebels, made demand on me to surrender, which I refused to do. He 
said that Her Majesty's cabinet were willing that I should do so on the 
following terms, which he proposed, viz: That the Queen be deposed 
under protest, and remain in her palace with her guards until the 
affair was settled by decision of the United States Government. I 
stated to Mr. Damon and Mr. Macfarlane, who accompanied him, that 
if Her Majesty and the ministers were satisfied with those terms I 
would surrender, but only on the written order of the whole cabinet, ap- 
proved by Her Majesty; and that unless I received such order in writ- 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 573 



ing I would fight first, and would commence operations at once and 
order Captain ^owlien, who was awaiting orders, to open fire at once 
from our artillery on the Government building, and that the Boston's 
men must keep out of harm's way or suffer the consequences. They then 
left me to meet the cabinet again, and said they would let me know 
later. About 5 :30 or 6 p. m. Messrs. Peterson and Macfarlane returned 
and handed me the following written order from the cabinet: 

C. B. Wilson, Esq., 

Marshal of the Kingdom, 

You are hereby authorized to surrender to the so-called Provisional Government this 
day established, headed by S. B. Dole, esq., the police station and Oahu prison and 
Government property in your possession or under your control. 

Dated at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893. 

LlLIUOKALANI R. 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
John F. Colburn, 

Minister of the Interior. 
Wm. H. Cornwell, 

Minister of Finance. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney-General. 

However, I did not make up my mind to give in finally until about 7 
p. m. About 6 p. m. martial law was proclaimed by the Provisional 
Government. About 6.30 p. m. or later the cabinet returned to the 
station house in company with Messrs. E. C. Macfarlane, P. Neumann, 
A. Eosa, and others, and we held a council over the situation, as I was 
not yet quite satisfied what- was the best course to pursue. On the ad- 
vice of the cabinet and the above-mentioned gentlemen I gave way, 
and surrendered under the terms of the Queen's protest, which was 
shown me by the cabinet. It was as follows : 

I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against 
myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain 
persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this 
Kingdom. 

That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister 
plenipotentiary, his excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to 
be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional 
Government. 

Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces, and perhaps the loss of life, I do 
under this protest and impelled by said force yield my authority until such time 
as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, 
undo the action of its representative and reinstate me in the authority which I 
claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. 

Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D., 1893. 

Liliuokalani R. 
Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Wm. H. Cornwell, 

Minister of Finance. 
Jno. F. Colburn, 
Minister of the Interior. 
A. P. Peterson, 

Attorney -General. 

To S B. Dole, Esq., and others composing the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands. 

This was received by Mr. Dole on behalf of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, and indorsed as follows : 

Received by the hands of the late cabinet this 17th day of January, 1893. 

Sanford B. Dole, 
Chairman of Executive Council of Provisional Government. 



574 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



About 7:15 p. m. I disarmed all the volunteers I had under my com- 
mand at the station house, and in dismissing them to their homes I 
made a few remarks to them explaining the situation, that in order to 
save useless bloodshed Her Majesty had, on the advice of her cabinet, 
determined to submit to the United States force, and that she had 
ordered me to submit also and surrender the arms, ammunition, and 
other Government property to the Provisional Government, awaiting 
the decision of the United States, and that I would recommend them to 
go quietly to their homes and say or do nothing to cause any trouble to 
or irritation on the part of those now in power. They promised this 
unanimously and gave three hearty cheers. Mr. Peterson, the attorney- 
general, also made a few remarks, showing that it was not cowardice 
or fear on the part of those in authority that had caused them to take 
this action but simply the action of the United States representative 
and troops, with whom we desired no conflict. Mr. Neumann and others 
also spoke in the same strain, and after giving three hearty cheers 
again, the men dispersed quietly. 

About 7:30 p. m., Messrs. J. FT. Soper and J. A. McCandless came to 
the station house, and I formally delivered to Mr. Soper, as com- 
mander-in-chief of the Provisional Government's forces, representing 
the Provisional Government, the police station and the inanitions of 
Avar stored therein. At about 8 p. m., a detachment of the Provisional 
Government's troops took possession. In the meantime, I introduced 
Mr. Soper to the regular police force as the person from whom they 
must take their orders in the future, in the following speech, which was 
interpreted to the men by Capt. A. S. Mahaulu: 

Officers and members of the police force of Honolulu: It is with deep regret that 
I have to infoin you that I have been requested by Her Majesty the Queen and her 
cabinet to surrender to Mr. Soper, commander in chief of the forces of the Pro- 
visional Government, all arms and ammunition, the police station, and all property 
under my control. 

Gentlemen, it is not because I thought that you would not stand and fight, it is 
not because I could not trust you, and not because I was afraid that we would tot 
win if we did fight, it was not for any of those causes, but it was in the cause of 
humanity that I gave way, especially when it was pointed out to me that we would 
have to fight a great nation like the United States with her millions of men, and to 
do this would only cause the sacrifice o'f hundreds of valuable human lives, which 
this country can not afford to lose without achieving finally the result we hope for. 
But, gentlemen, I was perfectly satisfied that you were ready, nay, more than ready, 
willing to stay by me in the defense of our Queen and country. I am satisfied if 
we had had a conflict to-day with the rebels we would have won, notwithstanding 
the aid of the Boston's men ; but what would have been the result? We would have 
been forced to give way in the end, after having caused a great loss of life, and 
among the victims would have been many of our personal friends, and perhaps our- 
selves. It is better, therefore, to give way to the forces of the United States, and 
await patiently the time until our Queen's protest shall have been heard by that 
great and good nation, the American Bepublic, from which I have no doubt we will 
receive justice, and that they will have restored to us our country and Government. 

In conclusion^gentlemen, I thank you for your attention, and especially for obedi- 
ence to orders and instructions during my incumbency, and for the loyalty to your 
Queen and country you have always shown, but especially to-day. And I ask of you 
all to remain in the police force, to be as loyal to my successor as you have been to 
me, and to assist him and the new Government in perserving the peace and in main- 
taining law and order. With these words, I thank you again for your attention. 
Aloha. 

The men then gave three hearty cheers, after which Mr. Soper took 
formal charge of the police station and made a short address to the men. 
This concluded the events of the day as far as I was personally con- 
cerned, and I went to my home. 

On Wednesday morning Her Majesty received a verbal message from 
the executive and advisory councils, through her chamberlain, to the 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 575 



effect tliat it was the desire of the councils that she should move from 
the palace to Washington Place, her private residence, on Beritania 
street; and also, that the royal standard was not to be hoisted. The 
above action was contrary to the terms of the surrender. At about 11 
o'clock a. m. Her Majesty went out for a drive and did not again return' 
to the palace. 
Eespectfully submitted. 

0. B. Wilson. 

May 15, 1893. 



No. 61. 

Interview of F. Wundenherg. 

Q. What were the reasons which caused the Queen to desire a new 
constitution? 

A. Her native Hawaiian subjects urged the measure. A great num- 
ber of petitions, numerously signed, from all parts of the Kingdom were 
presented to her praying for a new Constitution, and delegations of her 
people waited on her, all clamoring for the restoration of the rights 
enjoyed and exercised by the native rulers and people under the Con- 
stitution of 1861. 

Q. What objection had the native Hawaiiaus to the constitution of 
1887? 

A. The natives looked upon the Constitution of 1887 as having been 
illegally forced upon the nation, as it was not submitted to the vote of 
either the people or the Legislative Assembly. They felt that it was 
an outrage and denounced it as "the bayonet Constitution." The 
"Hui-Kalaialna" (National Party) was a native organization started 
shortly after the revolution of 1887, having branches in the remotest 
parts of the Kingdom. The avowed object of the party was to oppose 
the Constitution of 1887, and its supporters and candidates for Legis- 
lative honors were required to pledge themselves to work for a new 
Constitution. 

Q. Was any action taken in the Legislature relative to a new Con- 
stitution? 

A. Several native members presented resolutions in the Assembly 
having for their object the election of a Constitutional Convention. 
These resolutions were either ruled out on technicalities or voted down 
through the influence of the people now in power. Consequently very 
strong and bitter speeches were made by several native leaders such 
as Bash, Wilcox, Kaunamano, White, and others, which convinced the 
Queen that a crisis had arisen which left her no choice but to give heed 
to the unmistakable wish of her native subjects, or throw herself 
wholly into the hands of those who had promulgated the Constitution 
of 1887, and abandon forever her native subjects to their fate. 

The murmurs against the Queen were growing louder from day to 
day, showing a gradual alienation of the natives from their Sovereign 
on account of her inaction. 

Q. Did the natives thinkthe Queen had the right to promulgate a 
new Constitution at her own will? 

A. They most certainly did. They would have been satisfied, in fact 
would have preferred, that the whole matter should have been handled 
by a Constitutional Convention; but they could not see why a Consti- 
tution proclaimed by their Sovereign would not be fully as legal and 



576 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



binding (if not more so) as a Constitution proclaimed by a self eonsti 
tuted committee and maintained by bayonets against the will of both 
tlie Sovereign and people. 

The committee of safety met at the office of W. O. Smith, in Fort 
street, Honolulu, at about 4 o'clock in the afternoon of Monday, the 
16th day of January, 1893, for the purpose of discussing the necessary 
steps to be taken in forming a new government. 

Shortly after the committee met, it was decided that they were not 
ready for the landing of the American troops, and a committee of 
three, with Thurston as the chairman, was immediately dispatched to 
the American legation to prevail upon Mr. Stevens to delay the land- 
ing of the Boston's men. The committee returned shortly, and 
reported that Mr. Stevens had said to them: " Gentlemen, the troops 
of the Boston land this afternoon at 5 o'clock, whether you are ready 
or not." The foregoing report of Mr. Stevens' reply to the committee 
is as nearly literal as can be remembered, and gives a correct idea of 
the meaning conveyed. The committee of safety adjourned to meet the 
same evening at 7:30 o'clock, at the house of Henry Waterhouse, in 
Nuiianu valley. The American troops landed at 5 o'clock, as Mr. 
Stevens had told the committee they would, and marched up Fort 
street to Merchant, and along Merchant street, halting in King street, 
between the Palace and Government buildings. 

At the time the men landed the town was perfectly quiet, business 
hours were about over and the people, men, women, and children were 
in the streets, and nothing unusual was to be seen except the landing 
of a formidable armed force with Gatling guns, evidently fully pre- 
pared to remain on shore for an indefinite length of time, as the men 
were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition, also 
haversacks and canteens and were attended by an hospital corps with 
stretchers and medical supplies. The curiosity of the people on the 
streets was aroused and the youngsters more particularly, followed up 
the troops to see what it was all about. Nobody seemed to know, so 
when the troops found quarters the populace dispersed, the most of 
them going to the baud concert at the hotel, which was fully attended 
as it was a beautiful moonlight evening, all who were not in the 
secret still wondering at the military demonstration. 

The committee met at Mr. Water house's residence, according to 
adjournment, at 7:30 o'clock p. m. of the same day, January 16. The 
formation of some sort of government was under discussion and it was 
decided that a commander in chief of the forces supporting the pro- 
posed new government should be appointed. The position was offered 
to Mr. John H. Soper, who demurred, as he did not pee any backing 
whatever to support the movement. Mr. Soper was answered by mem- 
bers of the committee that the American minister would support the 
move with the troops of the Boston. Mr. Soper still doubted, so a 
couple of the committee escorted him over to the legation, which, by 
the way, was in the adjoining premises, and the three came back after 
a time, reporting that Mr. Stevens had given them the full assurance 
that any proclamation of the Government put forward at the Govern- 
ment building, or any other building in Honolulu for that matter, 
would receive his immediate recognition and the support of the Boston's 
men. This assurance seemed to satisfy Mr. Soper, and he accepted 
the position. 

On Tuesday afternoon, January 17, the committee of thirteen or Com- 
mittee of Safety, proceeded from the office of W. O. Smith up Merchant 
street to the Government building and read the proclamation of a new 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 577 



government at 2:40 o'clock, there being practically no audience what- 
ever. As the reading proceeded, a dozen or so loungers gathered, and 
near the close of the ceremony about thirty supporters, variously armed, 
came running into the side and back entrances of the yard and 
gathered about the committee. 

At this moment the United States troops, in the temporary quarters 
in rear of the Music Hall (less than 100 yards from where the committee 
stood), appeared to be under arms and were evidently ready for any 
emergency. 

During all the deliberations of the committee, and, in fact, throughout 
the whole proceedings connected with plans for the move up to the 
final issue, the basis of action was the general understanding that 
Minister Stevens would keep his promise to support the movement 
with the men from the Boston, and the statement is now advisedly 
made (with a full knowledge of the lack of arms, ammunition, and men; 
also the utter absence of organization at all adequate to the under- 
taking) that without the previous assurance of support from the 
American minister, and the actual presence of the United States troops, 
no movement would have been attempted, and, if attempted, would 
have been a dismal failure, resulting in the capture or death of the 
participants in a very short time. 

Having been present at the several meetings referred to in this state- 
ment, I hereby certify that the same is correct in every essential par- 
ticular. 

F. WUKDENBERO. 

At about 8 o'clock in the evening of January 16. 1893, a meeting of 
some of the members of the Committee of Public Safety and a few others, 
was held at the residence of Henry Waterhouse. As my memory now 
serves me the following members of the committee were present, to wit : 
Henry Waterhouse, W. O. Smith, Andrew Brown, F. W. McChesney, 
C. Bolte, T. F. Lansing, J. A. McCandless, Charles L. Carter, John 
Emmeluth, and H. E. Cooper. There were also present James B. Cas- 
tle, Cecil Brown, John H. Soper, J. H. Fisher, and F. Wundenberg, 
though not as members of the committee. 

The discussion was general, no regular organization of those present 
being formed, the general drift of the conversation showing the object 
of the gathering to be the overthrow of the existing Hawaiian Govern- 
ment and the setting up in its place of a new one of some sort, not very 
clearly defined. 

The choice of a leader was discussed and after a little conference it 
was decided to offer the same to S. B. Dole. Mr. Dole was accordingly 
sent for and invited to attend the meeting, to which he responded in 
person, and later when the offer of leadership was made to him he said 
he would take it into consideration and give an answer at noon of the 
next daj'. 

The position of military commander was offered to Soper as pre- 
viously described. 

The general feeling of the members of the Committee of Safety, as 
repeatedly expressed by them during the meeting, was that Stevens 
would recognize any move they made in forming a new government 
and would support them with the U. S. S. Boston's troops. 

The Attorney- generalship was offered to Cecil Brown ; he declined, and 
shortly after left the meeting. 

Throughout the whole meeting the discussion was quite irregular, 
each one speaking and interrupting without order or method. 
10518 37 



578 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



The principal object of the meeting being- the selection of a leader 
and a military commander, when these two matters were disposed or 
the parties separated informally. 

F. WUNDENBERG. 



No. 62. 



(Statement of F. Wundenberg printed with Mr. Blount's 2s o. 3, dated 
April 26, 1893.) 



No. 63. 



(Interview with F. Wundenberg May 15, 1893, with Mr. Blount's No, 
9, dated June 6, 1893.) 



LIST OF PAPERS— MISCELLANEOUS. 



1. Letter from A. F. Judd et al. to L. A. Thurston, January 25, 1890. Subject : San- 
ford B. Dole et al. on voting* laws. 

2. Draft of constitution of January 14, 1893. 

3. Committee of Safety to Mr. Stevens, January 16, 1893. 

4. John L. Stevens to William Gifford, January 16, 1893. Subject: Asking for use 
of opera house for troops. 

5. John L. Stevens to Mr. Walker, January 16, 1893. Subject: Asking for use of 
Arion Hall for troops. 

6. Samuel Parker to John L. Stevens, Januarv 16, 1893. Subject: Protest. 
7 A. S. Cleghorn; Protest. January 16, 1893. 

8. John L. Stevens to Samuel Parker. 

9. John L. Stevens to A. S. Cleghorn, January 17, 1893. 

10. Liliuokalani to S. M. Damon, January 31, 1893. 

11. Annexation Club to Mr. Blount, March 31, 1893. Subject: Forwarding reso- 
lution. 

12. Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount, April 1. 1893. Subject : Lowering the flag and 
withdrawing the troops. 

13. Capt. C. L. Hooper to Mr. Blount, April 2, 1893. Subject: Lowering the flag 
and withdrawing troops. 

14. E. W. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April 6, 1893. In re Conspiracy, May, 1892. 

15. E. W. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April 7. 1893. 

16. Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount, April 8, 1893. 

17. Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April 19, 1893. 

18. Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount, April To. 1893. 

19. C. J. McCarthy to C. B. Wilson, May 1, 1893. Subject: Position of Boston's 
troops Januarv 16. 

20. J. C. Quinn: Events of Mav 2, 1893. 

21. Edmund Xorrie to C. B. Wilson. Subject: Events of Januarv 17, 1893. 

22. H. P. Baldwin to Mr. Blount, April 25, 1893. Subject: Annexation. 

23. Theo. C. Porter to Mr. Blount, May 11, 1893. Subject: Land ownership, taxes, 
etc. 

24. J. W. Jones to Mr. Blount, May 15, 1893. Subject: Annexation. 

25. A. Hassinger, June 20, 1893. Subject: In re Naturalization. 

26. Thomas G. Thrum to Mr. Blount, June 20, 1893. Subject: Capital in sugar 
industrv ; tabular statement. 

27. W. D. Alexander to S. M. Damon, June.24, 1893. Subject: Lands. 

28. John H. Soper to Mr. Blount, June 20, 1893. Subject: Arms and ammunition. 

29. C. J. Jaukea to Mr. Blount, June 21, 1893. Subject: Public debt. 

30. J. A. King to Mr. Blount, June 22, 1893. Subject : Naturalization. 

31. James W. Eobertson to Mr. Blount, June 23, 1893. Subject: Landing of 
troops. 

32. Hawaiian corporation tables. 

33. J. O. Carter to Mr. Blount. Subject: Elections prior to 1887. 

34. J. W. Jones to Mr. Blount, July 9, 1893. Subject: Census. 

35. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount, July 13, 1893. Subject: Party classification 
of members of Legislature. 

36. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount, July 13, 1893. Subject: Taxation. 

37. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount, July 13, 1893. Subject: Statement of moneys 
expended on account of immigration. 

38. Lieut. Young to Mr. Blount, July 16, 1893. Subject: Events of 17th of Jan- 
uary. 

39. E. C. MacFarlane to Mr. Blount. Lottery petitions. 

40. Memorandum of persons killed, revolution of 1889. 

41. Officers of tne Planters and Labor Supply Company. 

42. Petitions against annexation. 

579 



PART IV-HISCELLANEOUS. 



Ko. l. 

Mr. A. F. Judd et ah to Mr. Thurston. 

January 25, 1890. 

His Excellency L. A. Thurston, 

Minister of the Interior: 

Sm : Your cominuni cation of the 23d January on behalf of the cabinet 
addressed to justices of the supreme court, is received. 

The first question upon which our opinion is asked is : 

Whether section 24 of the act of 1888, "To amend and consolidate 
the election laws of the Kingdom," requires that in order to vote for a 
noble an otherwise qualified elector of nobles must have resided in one 
and only one of the "election districts" described in section 13 of the 
act, or does the context prohibit such sense and does it mean that lie must 
have resided for three months within the district for the election of 
nobles, i. e., the island of Oahu. 

Subdivision first of section 24 contains the proviso that he (the voter 
for nobles) shall have resided in the country not less than three years, 
and in the district in which he offers to vote not less than three months 
immediately preceding the election at which he offers to vote. 

The first section of the act defines "district" to mean an "election 
district" as prescribed in this act, unless the context prohibit such 
sense. The election districts are defined in section 13 : they are twenty- 
four in number, and one representative is allowed for each district, and 
can be voted for by only the voters of the particular district. 

But the nobles, twenty-four in number, are not apportioned to be 
voted for singly by the voters of the respective election districts, but 
nine nobles are to be voted for by each voter (who is qualified) on the 
island of Oahu, and six by each voter on the island of Hawaii, and so 
on throughout the group. For the purpose therefore of voting for 
nobles, the island of Oahu is the "district" as is also the island of 
Hawaii, etc. 

If all the voters qualified to vote for nobles can vote for the number 
of nobles prescribed for the island on which the voter lives, it can make 
no difference in which "election district" within the island or group of 
islands he may reside, and any change from one to another of these 
districts into which the island is divided can not affect his right to vote 
for nobles, provided he has resided on the particular island where he 
offers to vote for three months immediately preceding the election. 

We are, therefore, of the opinion that the sense requires that the 
word "district" mentioned in the first subdivision of section 24, re- 
specting qualifications of voters for nobles, means the island or group 
580 



REPOET OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 581 

of islands from which the nobles are to be elected, and not the a elec 
tion districts' 7 mentioned in section 13 of the act. 

Before answering the second question we desire more time to con- 
sider it. 

Respectfully submitted, 

A. F. Judd. 
L. McGully. 

ElCH. F. BlCKERTON. 

Sanford B. Dole. 



iso. 2. 

Draft of constitution of January 14, 1893, 

PREAMBLE. 

Whereas the constitution of this Kingdom contains many provisions 
inconsistent, ambiguous and contradictory in its terms, and is subver- 
sive and restrictive of civil and popular rights, and incompatible with 
enlightened constitutional monarchical government 5 and 

Whereas the prayers of my people, coming in the form of petitions 
from all parts of this Kingdom, to myself and to the Legislature, ask- 
ing for a new constitution embodying in its provisions equal rights 
among all my subjects; which prayer to the Legislature of this King- 
dom has not been duly recognized by that body through undue and 
unjust influences; and 

Whereas it has become imperative m order to restore order and 
tranquillity, and to gratify the just demand of my subjects for a new 
constitution to be remodeled upon the most liberal and popular form 
of Constitutional Monarchical Government, that a new constitution be 
at once promulgated. 

Kow, therefore, I, Liliuokaiani, Queen of the Hawaiian Islands, in 
my capacity as Sovereign of this Kingdom, and as the representative 
of the people, and in accordance with their almost universal desire, 
and in conformity with their wishes, do annul and abrogate the con- 
stitution promulgated by Kalakaua on the 7th day of July, A. D. 1887, 
and do proclaim and promulgate this constitution. 

CONSTITUTION. 

Article 1. God hath endowed all men with certain inalienable 
rights; among which are life, liberty, and the right of acquiring, pos- 
sessing, and protecting property, and of pursuing and obtaining safety 
and happiness. 

Article 2. All men are free to worship God according to the dictates 
of their own consciences; but this sacred privilege hereby secured shall 
not be so construed as to justify acts of licentiousness or practices in- 
consistent with the peace or safety of the Kingdom. 

Article 3. All men may freely speak, write, and publish their sen- 
timents on all subjects, being responsible for the abuse of that right, 
and no law shall be enacted to restrain the liberty of speech or of the 
press, except such laws as may be necessary for the protection of Her 
Majesty, the Queen, and the royal family. 

Article 1. All men shall have the right, in an orderly and peace- 



582 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

able manner, to assemble, without arms, to consult upon the common 
good, and to petition the Queen or legislative assembly for redress of 
grievances. 

Article 5. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus belongs to 
all men, and shall not be suspended, unless by the Queen, when in case 
of rebellion or invasion the public safety shall require its suspension. 

Article 6. No person shall be subject to punishment for any offence, 
except on due and legal conviction thereof in a court having jurisdic- 
tion of the case. 

Article 7. No person shall be held to answer for any crime or 
offence (except in case of impeachment or for offences within the juris- 
diction of a police or district justice, or in summary proceedings for 
contempt), unless upon indictment, fully and plainly describing such 
crime or offence, and he shall have the right to meet the witnesses who 
are produced against him face to face; to produce witnesses and proofs 
in his own favor; and by himself or his counsel, at his election, to 
examine the witnesses produced by himself and cross examine those 
produced against him, and to be fully heard in his defence. In all 
cases in which the right of trial by jury has been heretofore used, it 
shall be held inviolable forever, except in actions of debt or assumpsit 
in which the amount claimed is less than S50. 

Article 8. No person shall be required to answer again for anjn 
offence of which he has been duly convicted, or of which he has beei^ 
duly acquitted. 

Article 9. No perso* shall be compelled in any criminal case to be 
a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property 
without due process of law. 

Article 10. No person shall sit as a judge or juror in any case in 
which his relative, by affinity, or by consanguinity within the third 
degree, is interested, either as plaintiff or defendant, or in the issue of 
which the said judge or juror may have either direct^ or through such 
relative any pecuniary interest. 

Article 11. Involuntary servitude, except for crime, is forever pro- 
hibited in this Kingdom ; whenever a slave shall enter Hawaiian ter- 
ritory he shall be free. 

Article 12. Every person has the right to be secure from all un- 
reasonable searches and seizures of his person, his house, his papers, 
and effects; and no warrants shall issue but on probable cause, sup- 
ported by oath, or affirmation, and describing the place to be searched 
and the person or things to be seized. 

Article 13. The Queen conducts her government for the common 
good, and not for the profit, honor, or private interests of any one man, 
family, or class of men among Her subjects. 

Article 14. Each member of society has a right to be protected by 
it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, and property, according to law, 
and therefore he shall be obliged to contribute his proportional share 
to the expense of his protection and to give his personal services or 
an equivalent when necessary; but no part of the property of any in- 
dividual shall be taken from him or applied to public uses without his 
own consent or the enactment of the legislative assembly, except the 
same shall be necessary for the military operation of the Kingdom in 
time of war or insurrection; and whenever the public exigencies may 
require that the property of any individual should be appropriated to 
public uses, he shall receive a reasonable compensation therefor. 

Article 15. No subsidy, duty, or tax of any description shall be 
established or levied without the consent of the legislative assembly, 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 583 



nor shall any money be drawn from the public treasury without such 
consent, except when between the sessions of the legislative assembly 
the emergencies of war, invasion, rebellion, pestilence, or other public 
disaster shall arise, and then not without the concurrence of all the 
cabinet and of a majority of the whole privy council ; and the minis- 
ter of finance shall render a detailed account of such expenditure to 
the legislative assembly. 

Article 16. No retrospective laws shall ever be enacted. 

Article 17. The military shall always be subject to the laws of the 
land, and no soldier shall in times of peace be quartered in any house 
without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner 
to be prescribed by the Legislature. 

Article 18. Every elector shall be privileged from arrest on elec- 
tion days, during his attendance at election and in going to and return- 
ing therefrom, except in cases of treason, felony, or breach of the peace. 

Article 19. in o elector shall be so obliged to perform military duty 
on the day of election as to prevent his voting, except in time of war or 
public danger. 

Article 20. The supreme power of the Kingdom in its exercises is 
divided into the executive, legislative, and judicial ; these shall always 
be preserved distinct, and no executive or judicial officer or any con- 
tractor or employee of the Government or any person in the receipt of 
salary or emolument from the Government shall be eligible to election 
to the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom, or to hold the position of 
an elective member of the same, except members of the privy council, 
notary public, attorney at law, and agent to take acknowledgment. 
And no member of the legislative assembly shall, during the time for 
which he is a member, be appointed to any civil office under the Govern- 
ment, except that of a member of the cabinet. 

Article 21. The government of this Kingdom is that of a constitu- 
tional monarchy, under Her Majesty Liliuokalani, her heirs and suc- 
cessors. 

Article 22. The Crown is hereby permanently confirmed to Her 
Majesty Liliuokalani and to the heirs of her body lawfully begotten, 
and to their lawful descendants in a direct line; failing whom, the Crown 
shall descend to Her Eoyal Highness the Princess Yictoria Kaiulani 
and the heirs of her body lawfully begotten, and their descendant in a 
direct line ; failing whom, the Crown shall descend to His Koyal High- 
ness the Prince David Kawananakoa and the heirs of his body lawfully 
begotten, and their descendant in a direct line; failing whom, the Crown 
shall descend to His Eoyal Highness the Prince Jonah Kuhio Kala- 
mianaoie and the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, and their lawful 
descendant in a direct line. The succession shall be to the senior male 
child and to the heirs of his body; failing a male child he succession 
shall be to the senior female child and to the heirs of her body In 
case there is no heir, as above provided, then the successor shal be 
the person whom the Sovereign shall appoint, with the consent of the 
nobles, and publicly proclaimed during the Sovereign's life; but should 
there be no such appointment and proclamation, and the Throne should 
become vacant, then the cabinet council, immediately after the occur- 
ring of such vacancy, shall cause a meeting of the legislative assem- 
bly, who shall elect by ballot some native alii of the Kingdom as suc- 
cessor to the throne; and the successor so elected shall become a new 
stirps for a royal family; and the succession from the Sovereign thus 
elected shall be regulated by the same law as the present royal family 
of Hawaii. 



584 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Article 23. It shall not be lawful for any member of the royal 
family of Hawaii who may by law .succeed to the Throne to contract 
marriage without the consent of the reigning Sovereign. Every mar- 
riage so contracted shall be void, and the person so contracting a mar- 
riage may, by the proclamation of the reigning Sovereign, be declared 
to have forfeited his or her right to the Throne, and after such procla- 
mation the right of succession shall vest in the next heir as though 
such offender were dead. 

Article 24. Her Majesty Liliuokalani will, and her successors upon 
coming to the Throne shall, take the following oath: "I solemnly 
swear in the presence of Almighty God to maintain the Constitution 
of the Kingdom whole and inviolable, and to govern in conformity 
therewith." 

Article 25. ISTo person shall ever sit upon the Throne who has been 
convicted of any infamous crime, or who is insane, or an idiot. 

Article 26. The Queen is the Commander-in-Chief of the Army and 
Navy, and of all other military forces of the Kiugdom by sea and land, 
and has full power by herself, or by any officer or officers she may 
appoint, to train and govern such forces as she may judge best for the 
defense and safety of the Kingdom. But she shall never proclaim war 
without the consent of the legislative assembly. 

Article 27. The Queen, by and with the consent of her privy coun- 
cil, has the power to grant reprieves and pardon, after conviction, for 
all offenses, except in cases of impeachment. 

Article 28. The Queen, by and with the consent of her privy coun- 
cil, convenes the Legislature at the seat of Government, or at a differ- 
ent place, if that should become dangerous from an enemy or any dan- 
gerous disorder; and in case of disagreement between Her Majesty and 
the legislative assembly, she adjourns, prorogues, or dissolves it, but 
not beyond the next ordinary session; under any great emergency, she 
may convene the legislative assembly to extraordinary sessions. 

Article 29. The Queen has the power to make treaties. Treaties 
involving changes in the tariff or in any law of the Kingdom shall be 
referred for approval to the Legislative Assembly. The Queen appoints 
public ministers, who shall be commissioned, accredited, and instructed 
agreeably to usage and law of nations. 

Article 30. It is the Queen's prerogative to receive and acknowl- 
edge public ministers; to inform the Legislative Assembly by royal 
message, from time to time, of the state of the Kingdom, and to recom- 
mend to its consideration such measures as she shall judge necessary 
and expedient. 

Article 31. The person of the Queen is inviolable and sacred. Her 
ministers are responsible. To the Queen belongs the executive power. 
All laws that have passed the Legislative Assembly, shall require Her 
Majesty's signature in order to their validity. 

Article 32. Whenever upon the decease of the reigning sovereign 
the heir shall be less than eighteen years of age the royal power shall 
be exercised by a regent or council of regency, as hereinafter pro- 
vided. 

Article 33. It shall be lawful for the Queen at any time, when she- 
may be about to absent herself from the Kingdom, to appoint a regent 
or council of regency, who shall administer the Government in her 
name,; and likewise the Queen may, by her last will and testament, 
appoint a regent or council of regency to administer the Government 
during the minority of any heir to the throne, and should a sovereign 
decease, leaving a minor heir, and having made no last will and testar 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 585 



incut, tlie cabinet council at the time of such decease shall be a council 
of regency , until the Legislative Assembly, which shall be called imme- 
diately, may be assembled, and the Legislative Assembly, immediately 
that it is assembled, shall proceed to choose by ballot a regent or coun- 
cil of regency, who shall administer the Government in the name of the 
Queen, and exercise all the powers which are constitutionally vested in 
the Queen, until she shall have attained the age of eighteen years, 
which age is declared to be the legal majority of such sovereign. 

Article 34. The Queen is Sovereign of all the chiefs and of all the 
people; the Kingdom is Her. 

Article 35. All titles of honor, orders, and other distinctions, 
emanate from the Queen. 

Article 36. The Queen coins money and regulates the currency by 
law. 

Article 37. The Queen in case of invasion or rebellion can place 
the whole Kingdom or any part of it under martial law. 

Article 38. The national ensign shall not be changed, except by 
act of the Legislature. 

Article 39. The Queen's private lands and other property are 
inviolable. 

Article 40. The Queen can not be sued or held to account in any 
court or tribunal of the realm. 

Article 41. There shall continue to be a council of state, for advis- 
ing the Queen in all matters for the good of the state, wherein she may 
require its advice, and for assisting her in administering the executive 
affairs of the Government in such manner as she may direct; which 
council shall be called the Queen's privy council of state, and the 
members thereof shall be appointed by the Queen, to hold office during 
Her Majesty's pleasure. 

Article 42. The Queen's cabinet shall consist of the minister of 
foreign affairs, the minister of the interior, the minister of finance, 
and the attorney-general of the Kingdom, and these shall be the 
Queen's special advisers in the executive affairs of the Kingdom; 
and they shall be ex-officio members of the Queen's privy council of 
state. They shall be appointed and commissioned by the Queen, and 
hold office during the Queen's pleasure, subject to impeachment, or 
upon a vote of want of confidence passed by a majority of all the 
members of the legislative assembly. No act of the Queen shall have 
any effect unless it be countersigned by a minister, who, by that signa- 
ture, makes himself responsible. 

Article 43. Each member of the Queen's cabinet shall keep an 
office at the seat of Government, and shall be accountable for the con- 
duct of his deputies and clerks. The ministers hold seat ex officio, as 
nobles, in the legislative assembly with the right to vote, except on 
a question of want of confidence in them. 

Article 44. The minister of finance shall present to the legislative 
assembly, in the name of the Government, on the first day of the meet- 
ing of the Legislature, the financial budget, in Hawaiian and English 
languages. 

Article 45. The legislative power of the three estates of this 
Kingdom is vested in the Queen, and the legislative assembly, which 
assembly shall consist of nobles appointed by the Queen, and of the 
representatives of the people, sitting together. 

Article 46. The legislative body shall assemble biennially, in the 
month of April, and at such other time as the Queen may judge neces- 



586 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

sary, for the purpose of seeking the welfare of the nation. This body 
shall l>e styled the Legislature of the Hawaiian Kingdom. 

Article 47. Every member of the legislative assembly shall take 
the following oath: I most solemnly swear, in the presence of Almghty 
God, that I will faithfully support the constitution of the Hawaiian 
Kingdom, and conscientiously and impartially discharge my duties as 
a member of this assembly. 

Article 48. The Legislature has full power and authority to amend 
the constitution, as hereinafter provided, and, from time to time, to 
make all manner of wholesome laws not repugnant to the provisions 
of the constitution. 

Article 49. The Queen shall signify her approval of any bill or 
resolution which shall have passed the legislative assembly by sign- 
ing the same. If she approve not, she shall return it with her objec- 
tions to the legislative assembly, which shall enter the objections at 
large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such 
reconsideration, it shall be approved by a two thirds vote of all the 
members of the legislative assembly, it shall be presented again to 
the Queen, and she shall sign it, and it shall therefore be a law. In all 
such, cases the vote shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the 
names of the persons voting for and against the bill or resolution 
shall be entered on the journal of the Legislature. 

Article 50. The legislative assembly shall be the judge of the 
qualifications of its own members, and a majority shall constitute a 
quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to 
day, and compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, 
and under such penalties as the assembly may provide. 

Article 51. The legislative assembly shall choose its own officers 
and determine the rules of its own proceedings. 

Article 52. The legislative assembly shall have authority to punish 
by imprisonment, not exceeding thirty days, every person, not a 
member, who shall be guilty of disrespect to the assembly, hy any 
disorderly or contemptuous behavior in its presence; or who, during 
the time of its sitting, shall publish any false report of its proceedings, 
or insulting comment upon the same; or who shall threaten harm to 
the body or estate of any of its members, for anything said or done in 
the assembly; or who shall assault any of them therefor, or who shall 
assault or arrest any witness or other person ordered to attend the 
assembly, in his way going or returning, or who shall rescue any 
person arrested by order of the assembly. 

Article 53. The legislative assembly may punish its own members 
for disorderly behavior. 

Article 54. The legislative assembly shall keep a journal of its 
proceedings; and the yeas and nays of its members, on any question, 
shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the jour- 
nal. 

Article 55. The members of the legislative assembly shall, in all 
cases, except treason, felony, or breach of peace, be privileged from 
arrest during their attendance at the sessions of the Legislature, and 
in going to and returning from the same ; and they shall not be held 
to answer for any speech or debate made in the assembly, in any 
other court or place whatsoever. 

Article 5G. The representatives shall receive for tlieir services a 
compensation to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the public 
treasury, but no increase of compensation shall take effect during the 
year in which it shall have been madej and no law shall be passed 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 587 ' 

increasing the compensation of said representatives beyond the sum 
of five hundred dollars each for each biennial term. 

Article 57. The Queen appoints the nobles, who shall hold their 
appointments during life, subject to the provisions of article 53; but 
their number shall not exceed twenty-four. 

Article 58. aso person shall be appointed a noble who shall not 
have attained the age of twenty- one years and resided in the Kingdom 
five years. 

Article 59. The nobles shall be a court with full and sole authority 
to hear and determine all impeachments made by the representatives, 
as the grand inquest of the Kingdom against any officer of the King- 
dom, for misconduct or maladministration in their offices; but previous 
to the trial of every impeachment the nobles shall respectively be 
sworn truly and impartially to try and determine the charge in ques- 
tion according to evidence and the law. Their judgment, however, 
shall not extend further than to removal from office and disqualifica- 
tion to hold or enjoy any place of honor, trust or profit, under this 
Government; but the party so convicted shall be nevertheless liable 
to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to the laws 
of the land. No minister shall sit as a noble on the trial of any im- 
peachment. 

Article 60. The representation of the people shall be based upon 
the principle of equality, and shall be regulated and apportioned by the 
Legislature according to the population to be ascertained, from time to 
time, by the official census. The representatives shall not be less in 
number than twenty-four nor more than forty- eight, who shall be 
elected biennially. 

Article 61. STo person shall be eligible for a representative of the 
people who is insane or an idiot, nor unless he be a male subject of 
the Kingdom who shall have arrived at the full age of twenty-one 
years, who shall know how to read and write, who shall understand 
accounts, and shall have been domiciled in the Kingdom for at least 
three years, the last of which shall be the year immediately preceding 
his election; and who shall own real estate, within the Kingdom, of a 
clear value, over and above all incumbrances, of at least five hundred 
dollars, or who shall have an annual income of at least two hundred 
and fifty dollars derived from any property or lawful employment. 

Article 62. Every male subject of the Kingdom who shall have 
paid his taxes, who shall have attained the age of twenty years, and 
shall have been domiciled in the K ingdom for one year immediately 
preceding the election, and be possessed of real property in the King- 
dom, to the value over and above all incumbrances of one hundred and 
. fifty dollars, or a leasehold property on which the rent is twenty-five 
dollars per year, or of an income of not less than seventy-five dollars 
per year, derived from any property or some lawful employment and 
shall know how to read and write, if born since the year 1840 and shall 
have caused his name to be entered on the list of voters of his district 
as may be provided by the law, shall be entitled to one vote for the 
representative or representatives of that district. Provided, however, 
that no insane or idiotic person, nor any person who shall have been 
convicted of any infamous crimes within this Kingdom, unless he shall 
have been pardoned by the Queen, and by the terms of such pardon 
have been restored to all rights of a subject, shall be allowed to vote. 

Article 63. The property qualifications of the representatives of 
the people, and of the electors, may be increased or decreased by law. 

Article 64. The judicial power of the Kingdom shall be vested in 



588 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

one supreme court and in such inferior courts as the Legislature may, 
from time to time, establish. 

Article 65. The supreme court shall consist of a chief justice and 
not less than two associate justices, any of whom may hold the court. 
The justices of the supreme court shall hold their offices for a term of 
six years, during good behavior, subject to removal upon impeachment. 
Provided, however, that any judge of the supreme court or any other 
court of record may be removed from office on a resolution passed by 
two-thirds of the legislative assembly, for good cause shown to the 
satisfaction of the Queen. 

The judge against whom the legislative assembly may be about to 
proceed, shall receive due notice thereof, accompanied by a copy of the 
causes alleged for his removal, at least ^ten days before the day on 
which the legislative assembly shall act 'thereon. He shall be heard 
before the legislative assembly. 

Article 66. The judicial power shall be divided among the supreme 
court and the several inferior courts of the Kingdom in such manner 
as the Legislature may from time to time prescribe, and the tenure of 
office in the inferior courts ef the Kingdom shall be such as may be 
defined by the law creating them. 

Article 67. The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and 
equity arising under the constitution and laws of this Kingdom and 
treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority to all 
cases affecting public ministers and council and to all caSes of admiralty 
and maritime jurisdiction. 

Article 68. The chief justice of the supreme court shall be the 
chancellor of the Kingdom; he shall be ex officio president of the 
nobles in all cases of impeachment, unless when impeached himself, 
and exercise such jurisdiction in equity or other cases as the law may 
confer upon him, his decisions being subject, however, to the revision 
of the supreme court on appeal. Should the chief justice ever be 
impeached, some person specially commissioned by the Queen shall be 
president of the court of impeachment during such trial. 

Article 69. The decision of the supreme court, when made by a 
majority of all the justices thereof, shall be final and conclusive upon 
all parties. 

Article 70. The Queen, her cabinet, and the legislative assembly 
shall have authority to require the opinions of the justices of the 
supreme court upon important questions of law and upon solemn occa- 
sions. 

Article 71. The Queen appoints the justices of the supreme court 
and all other judges of court of records j their salaries are fixed by 
law. 

Article 72. No judge or magistrate can sit alone on an appeal or 
new trial in any case on which he may have given a previous judg- 
ment. 

Article 73. The Queen also appoints and commissions the governors 
of the several islands; the governors hold office for the term of four 
years, subject to impeachment. 

Article 74. The following persons shall not be permitted to register 
for voting, to vote, or to hold office under any department of the Govern- 
ment, or to sit in the legislative assembly, namely : Any person who is 
insane or an idiot, or any person who shall have been convicted of any 
of the following named offenses, viz: Arson, barratry, bribery, bur- 
glary, counterfeit ug, embezzlement, felonious branding of cattle, for- 
gery, gross cheat, incest, kidnapping, larceny, malicious burning, man- 



EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 589 



slaughter in the first degree, murder, perjury, rape, robbery, sodomy, 
treason, subornation of perjury, and malfeasance in office, unless he 
shall have been pardoned by the Queen and restored to his civil rights 
and by the express term of his pardon declared to be eligible to office 
of trust, honor, and profit. 

Article 75. No officer of this Government shall hold any other office 
or receive any salary from any other Government or power whatever. 

Article 76. The Legislature votes the appropriations biennially, 
after due consideration of the revenue and expenditure for the two 
preceding years and the estimates of the revenue and expenditure of 
the two succeeding years, which shall be submitted to them by the 
minister of finance. 

Article 77. The enacting style in making and passing all acts and 
laws shall be : " Be it enacted by the Queen and the legislative assembly 
of the Hawaiian Islands, in the Legislature of the Kingdom assembled." 

Article 78. To avoid improper influences which may result from 
intermixing in one and the same act such things as have no proper re- 
lation to each other, every law shall embrace but one object^ and that 
shall be expressed in its title. 

Article 79. All laws now in force in this Kingdom shall continue 
and remain in full effect, until altered or repealed by the Legislature; 
such parts only excepted as are repugnant to this constitution. All 
laws heretofore enacted, or that may hereafter be enacted, which are 
contrary to this constitution, shall be null and void. 

Article 80. This constitution shall be in force from the day 

of . in the year , but that there may be no failure of jus- 
tice, or inconvenience to the Kingdom, from any change all officers of 
this Kingdom, at the time this constitution shall take effect, shall have, 
hold, and exercise all power to theni granted, until other persons shall 
be appointed in their stead. 

Article 81. Any amendment or amendments to this constitution 
may be proposed in the legislative assembly, and if the same shall be 
agreed to by a majority of the members thereof, such proposed amend- 
ment or amendments shall be entered on its Journal, with the yeas and 
nays taken thereon, and referred to next Legislature ; which proposed 
amendment or amendments shall be published for three months pre- 
vious to the next election of Eepresentatives ; and if in the next Legis- 
lature such proposed amendment or amendments shall be agreed to by 
two- thirds of all the members of the legislative assembly, and be ap- 
proved by the Queen, such amendment or amendments shall become 
part of the constitution of this country. 

We have read the document purporting to be a copy of the consti- 
tution presented to us by Queen Liliuokalani on January 14th last, and 
we deem it to be almost identical, except as to Article 62, which, ac- 
cording to our recollection, did not contain any property qualification 
for voters for representatives. 

We are yours, respectfully, 

Samuel Parker, 
A. P. Peterson, 
Wm. H. Corn well. 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 16, 1893. 

The proposed changes to the Kalakaua constitution were these : 
Article 20. By adding to exceptions : Members of the privy coun- 
cil, notary public, agent to take acknowledgements. 



590 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Art. 22. By adding Princes Kawananakoa and Kalanianaole as 
heirs to the throne. 

Art. 46. Changing the session of the Legislature to the month of 
April. 

Art. 49. That the Queen shall sign and approve all bills and reso- 
lutions, even to those that are voted when passed over her vote. 

Art. 56. Pay of representatives raised to $500 instead $250 for bi- 
ennial term. 

Art. 57. The Queen shall appoint the nobles not to exceed 24. 
Art. 60. The representatives may be increased from 24 as at present 
to 48. 

Art. 62. Only subjects shall vote, and the qualification of voters 
reduced. 

Art. 65. The term of appointment of the supreme court judges, 
not for life, as before, but for six years. 

Art. 75. The appointment of governors of each island for four 
years term. 



No. 3. 

Tfie committee of safety to Mr. Stevens, 
No. 7.] Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

American Minister Resident: 
Sir : We, the undersigned citizens and residents of Honolulu, respect- 
fully represent that, in view of recent public events in this Kingdom, 
culminating in the revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on Satur- 
day last, the public safety is menaced and lives and property are in 
peril, and we appeal to you and the United States forces at your com- 
mand for assistance. 

The Queen, with the aid of armed force, and accompanied by threats 
of violence and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, at- 
tempted to proclaim a new constitution: and, while prevented for the 
time from accomplishing her object, declared publicly that she would 
only defer her action. 

This conduct and action wa^ upon an occasion and under circum- 
stances which have created general alarm and terror. 

We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore pray 
for the protection of the United States forces. 

Henry E. Cooper, 
F. W. McChesney, 
W. C. Wilder, 
C. Bolte, 
A. Brown. 
Willi am O. Smith, 
Henry Waterhouse, 
Theo. F. Lansing, 
Ed. Suhr, 
L. A. Thurston, 
John Emaleluth, 
Wm. E. Oastle 7 
J. A. McCandless, 
Citizens 1 Committee of Safety. d 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 591 

No. 4. 

Mr. Stevens to Mr. Gifford. 

United States Legation, 

Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 

Mr. W. M. Gifford : 

Sir : Please allow Oapt. Wiltse and his men the use of the opera 
house hall for a fair compensation for the same. 
Tours, truly, 

John L. Stevens. 



No. 5 

Mr. Stevens to Mr. ~WaRer. 

United States Legation, 

Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 
Dear Sir : Will you let Arion Hall for use for the sleeping and 
lodgment of the soldiers and marines of Captain Wiltse, of the U. S. 
Boston, at a fair price"? Let the bearer know. 
Yours truly, 

John L. Stevens, 

United States Minister, 



No. 6. 

Mr. Parker to Mr. Stevens. 

Department of Foreign Affairs, 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 16, 1893. 
Sir : I have the honor to inform your excellency that the troops 
from the U. S. S. Boston were landed in this port at 5 o'clock this 
evening without the request or knowledge of Her Majesty's Govern- 
ment. 

As the situation is one which does not call for interference on the 
part of the United States Government, my colleagues and myself would 
most respectfully request of your excellency the authority upon which 
this action was taken. I would also add that any protection that may 
have been considered necessary for the American Legation or for 
American property and interests in this city would have been cheer- 
fully furnished by Her Majesty's Government. 

With the highest respect, I have the honor to remain, 
Your excellency's obedient servant, 

Samuel Parker, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 

His Excellency, John L. Stevens, 

JJ. S. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, Honolulu. 



592 REPERT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



m. 7. 

Mr. Cleghom to Mr. Stevens. 

Office of the Governor of Oahu. 

Honolulu, January 16, 1893. 

Sir: It is my duty to solemnly protest to your excellency against 
the landing this evening without permission from the proper authori- 
ties of an armed force from the United States ship Boston. 

Your excellency well knows that when you have desired to land 
naval forces of the United States for the purpose of drill, permission 
by the local authorities has been readily accorded. 

On the present occasion, however, the circumstances are entirely dif- 
ferent, and ostensibly the present landing is for the discharge of func- 
tions which are distinctly responsible duties of the Hawaiian Govern- 
ment. 

Such being the case, I am compelled to impress upon your excellency 
the international questions involved in this matter and the grave 
responsibilities thereby assumed. 

While solemnly protesting to your excellency against the unwar- 
rantable proceedings to which I have referred, 

I have the honor to remain, sir, your excellency's obedient and 
humble servant, 

A. S. Cleghorn, 

Governor of Oahu. 

His Excellency John L. Stevens, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 

of the United States of America. 



tfo. 8. 

Mr. Stevens to Mr. Parker. 

United States Legation, 

Honolulu, January 17, 1893. 
Sir: Tours of yesterday in regard to the landing of the United 
States naval forces in Honolulu duly received and its import consid- 
ered. In whatever the United States diplomatic and naval represent- 
atives have done or may do at this critical hour of Hawaiian affairs, 
we will be guided by the kindest views and feelings for all the parties 
concerned and by the warmest sentiments for the Hawaiian people and 
the persons of all nationalities. 
Most sincerely, yours, 

John L. Stevens. 

Hon. Samuel Parker, 

Minister of Foreign Affair*. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 593 

Fo. 9. 

Mr. Stevens to Mr. CUghorn. 

United States Legation, 

Honolulu, January 17, 1803. 
Sir: Yours of the 16th, yesterday, regarding the landing of the 
United States naval forces in Honolulu, is received. I have carefully 
considered its import. My responsibility as the United States minister 
plenipotentiary at this critical time in Hawaiian affairs it is impossible 
for me to ignore. I assure you that whatever responsibility The 
American diplomatic and naval representatives have assumed or may 
assume, we shall do our utmost to regard the welfare of all persons and 
interests concerned. 

Yours, sincerely, and with the kindest consideration, 

John L. Steyens. 

Hon. A. S. Cleg-horn. 

Governor of Oaliu. 



^o. 10. 

Liliuakalani to Mr. Damon. 

Honolulu. Hawaiian Islands, January 31, 1803. 
Mr. S. M. Damon, Honolulu : 

Sir: You having stated that, as a condition upon which you would 
only authorize the lending by your firm of Bishop & Co. to me of the 
further sum of $10,000, upon certain securities that I need not specify, 
1 should hand to you the original new constitution that it was my in- 
tention to promulgate on the day of the prorogation of the late Legisla- 
ture. January 14, 1893, I assure you that I am unable to comply with 
such condition, for the sole reason that such new constitution and all 
copies thereof and the draft thereof have been destroyed, the original 
constitution by my own hands and the copies thereof and the draft by 
my orders. 

LlLIUOKALANI. 

In presence of — 
Paul Neumann, 
Henry Holmes. 



Fo. 11. 

Resolution of Annexation Club. March 31, 1803. 

Mr. Commissioner : An association has recently been formed here 
known a* the Annexation Club. The vice-presidents of the club — its 
president being temporarily absent — its secretary and treasurer, and the 
chairmen of its regular committees now have the honor to present their 
regards to you. The first steps to form this association were taken on 
the 21st of this month, and its membership now includes some 2,000 of 
the residents of this city, who are, it is believed, fully representative of 
the intelligence and respectability, as well as of the material interests 
of this community. 
1051S- 33 



594 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A large number of the members of this association were not actually 
concerned in the establishment of the present Government, but all the 
members are convinced that it is essential to the safety and security of 
life and property in the Hawaiian Islands, and to the permanent wel- 
fare of the people here, that this country shall become an integral por- 
tion of the American Union. 

The need of a strong x)ermanent Government to steady political pas- 
sions, and keep this community free from dangers both of internal dis- 
cord and foreign interference, has become apparent to all of us, and we 
look forward with earnest hope to the time when Hawaii can enter the 
great Eepublic. 

We have learned with profound satisfaction that President Cleve- 
land has appointed you to visit these islands, as we understand, for the 
purpose of investigating their political conditions and needs. AVe are 
confident that the most searching examination and analysis will dis- 
close the fact that the present Government was established as a matter 
of necessity and duty, in the interest of humanity as well as of civiliza- 
tion, and not as a scheme to promote the selfish objects of any set or 
clique. The head of the recent Government having disavowed her 
obligations to the only authority under which she held power, the con- 
stitution of 1887, and having publicly announced her solemn intention 
to govern by royal proclamation aud not by law, the only course to fol- 
low to preserve the body politic w^as to establish this Government in the 
interests of law and order. 

It is the hope of the members of this association that a treaty of 
annexation may soon be accomplished between Hawaii and the United 
States, which, while securing all the safeguards of a free and stable 
government to all native aboriginal Haw r aiians as well as to those of 
foreign ancestry, will entail no burdens on the United States, but on 
the contrary will be a source of additional strength and satisfaction. 

We are aware, Mr. Commissioner, that your own views on any of 
these matters will depend on the result of the observations and inqui- 
ries which you will make during your visit here, and that our call upon 
you must be regarded as entirely informal and unofficial. 

We beg to present to you the compliments of the Annexation Club of 
Hawaii, and to express the hope that your visit will not only be enjoyed 
by Mrs. Blount and yourself but will result in a way which shall be 
most advantageous to all of the momentous interests involved. 



No. 12. 

Admiral SJcerrett to Mr. Blount. 

No. 110.] U. S. S. Mohican, 

Flagship of the Pacific Station, 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 1, 1893. 
Sir: I have the honor to inform Special United States Commissioner 
Blount that in obedience to his directions the United States ensign 
over the Government building was lowered at 11 a. m. of this date and 
the force withdrawn from that building and the place designated as 
Camp Boston at the same hour. I learn that quite a number of people 
congregated about the Government building at the time; the force of 
marines stationed there were relieved by a force of the Provisional Gov^ 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 595 

eminent. There was no demonstration made by the populace present ; 
no cheering, nor any other signs of either joy or grief. 

I went on shore this afternoon and saw quite an access in numbers 
of those who were wearing the Annexation Club badge. There has 
been no evidence shown of unruly or riotous characters. Absolutely, 
there appears to be peace and quiet. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. S. Skerrett, 
Bear-Admiral, JJ. S. Navy, 
Commanding TJ. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station, 
Special United States Commissioner, J. H. Blount. 



No. 13. 

Captain Hooper to Mr. Blount. 

U. S. Bevenue Steamer Bush, 

Honoluhi, April 2, 1893. 

Hon. J. H. Blount : 

My Dear Sir : I witnessed the hauling down of the American flag 
and the raising of the Hawaiian flag over the Government building at 
this place yesterday, and was surprised not only at the absence of any 
indication of the violent and partisan feeling which I had been led to 
expect, but by the apparent apathy and indifference of the native por- 
tion of the assembled crowd, and also their politeness and evident good 
feeling towards Americans. As I passed freely around among them, 
accompanied by my son, we were kept busy returning their friendly sa- 
lutes. The greatest good order prevailed throughout. There were no 
demonstrations of any kind as the American flag came clown and not 
a single cheer greeted the Hawaiian flag as it was raised aloft. 

The native men stood around in groups or singly, smoking and 
chatting, and nodding familiarly to passing friends, or leaning idly 
against the trees and fences, while the women and children which 
formed a large proportion of the assemblage were talking and laugh- 
ing good naturedly. As the hour for hauling down the American flag- 
approached, many people, men, and women, and children, could be 
seen approaching the Government square in a most leisurely manner, 
and showing more interest in the gala day appearance of the crowd 
than in the restoration of their national flag. The air of good-natured 
indifference and idle curiosity with which the native men regarded the 
proceedings, and the presence of the women and children in their white 
or bright colored dresses, was more suggestive of a county " fair " or 
horse race than the sequel to a "revolution." 

Even the presence of the " armed forces" of the Provisional Govern- 
ment, numbering perhaps two hundred, parading the corridors of the 
Government house failed to elicit any sign of a feeling of anger or 
resentment. In half an hour after the exchange of flags had been made 
the crowd had dispersed and only the "force" of the Provisional Gov- 
ernment, Avhich I was told was necessary to prevent mob violence, 
remained to indicate that a "revolution" had recently taken place. 
While among' the crowd 1 looked carefully for indications of "arms" 
upon the person of the natives but saw none, although with the thin 
clothing worn by them the presence of a revolver or such an arm could 
easily have been detected. 



596 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



If any danger of mob violence on the part of the natives existed all 
outward signs of it were carefully concealed. Only evidences of the 
greatest good feeling were apparent. 

Hoping that this short statement of the facts as they appeared to me 
may prove of interest to you, 
I am, very truly yours, 

C. L. Hooper, 
Captain U. 8. Revenue Marine. 



No. 14. 

Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount. 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 6, 1893. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

United States Commissioner, etc.: 

I beg to submit my scrap-book for your inspection, which will shed 
some light on the motives which actuated me and my associates in the 
conspiracy of May 1892. 

Yon will please notice a letter from Fred. M. Somers to the San 
Francisco Examiner under date of May 24, 1892, and also an extract 
from the Illustrated American of December 26, 1891, and some extracts 
from the P. 0. Advertiser of Honolulu of the month of May 1892. In 
the main these statements are correct. 

My chief object was to establish a Eepublic with the view to ultimate 
annexation to the United States of America. 

If annexation should be rejected by your Congress, which I hope not, 
I still believe that a Eepublic with the closest possible relations, com- 
mercial and otherwise, with the United States would be the best for 
Hawaii. 

The reestablishment of monarchy, in my humble opinion, ought not to 
be considered for a moment. 

Most respectfully yours, 

Robert W. Wilcox. 



No. 15. - 

Mr. Wilcox ta-Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, 

April 7, 1893. 

Hon. James H. Blount, 

United States Commissioner, etc. : 

Yesterday I stated in my letter to you the position I held for some- 
time, which you will see in my scrap book. But I wish now to call 
your attention to the opinion of the Hawaiians as to the treaty made 
and submitted to your congress by the commissioner of the Provis- 
onal Government, which President Grover Cleveland has withdrawn 
from the congress. The Hawaiians are a unit against that treaty in 
its present form, because it was intended by those commissioners to 
disfranchise the Hawaiians. 

The Hawaiians love liberty and the right of suffrage 5 and would only 
be willing to be annexed to the Union with the understanding that they 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 597 



would be taken in as citizens of the United States. In other words, 
that the full privileges of United States citizens would be given to 
them. 

The present Provisional Government started in a way to produce 
the most violent race prejudices. One thing is sure, every Hawaiian 
regards the Harrison Administration with disfavor and looks hopefully 
to Mr. Cleveland's Administration. 

I am sure if the Congress of the United States admits Hawaii as a 
state ef the Union, every Hawaiian will become a strong supporter 01 
the Democratic party of the United States. 
Respectfully, yours, 

Robert W. Wilcox, 



No. 16. 

Admiral SJcerrett to Mr. Blount. 

U. S. S. Mohican, 
N«. 123.] Flagship of the Pacific Station, 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 8, 1893. 

Col. J. H. Blount, 

United States Special Commissioner. 
Dear Sir : I have learned that the Boston's battalion consists of 
153 men and that of the Mohican's battalion is 118 men; making a total 
of 271 men, who can be landed if required. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. S. Skerrett, 
Bear Admiral U. S. Navy, 
Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Pacific Station. 



No. 17. 

Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 19, 1893. 
Hon. Jas. H. Blount, 

United States Commissioner, etc. 

Sir: Referring to our conference of yesterday's in re "The establish- 
ment of this Provisional Government," I will submit the following 
appendix for your consideration : 

That this Provisional Government was fostered and made predomi 
nant only through the American force of arms of the U. S. S. Boston, 
•under the recognition of a decided minority of the white element, aided 
and abetted by United States Minister Stevens. Prior to any move- 
ment by the Queen's Government, and whilst her Government yet held 
the places, to wit, palace, barracks, station house, etc., there were 150 
native soldiers and 200 policemen under arms, besides about 400 natives 
and foreigners who were ready to take up arms; the barracks and sta- 
tion bouse were amply supplied with war material (8 pieces of 75 centi- 
meters caliber and 4 pieces of 5 centimeters caliber cannon and also two 
Gatling guns) ; there were also about 500 rifles, with a large supply of 
ammunitionfor same; whilst on the other hand the Provisional Govern- 
ment, before their recognition by Minister Stevens, i. e., from 3 to 6 p. in. 



598 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



on January 17. 1893, Lad only about 100 rifles and a very limited supply 
of ammunition, and it was only at G p. m. that their men numbered 100. 

Under Minister Stevens' assurance — that he recognized the Pro- 
visional Government notwithstanding — the station house recapitulated 
at 6 p. m. that same day. with 200 rifles and other munitions. 

The white element of this city did not join in with this Provisional 
Government until the morning of January 18, when they knew that the 
Queen's Government had given up everything to this Provisional Gov- 
ernment, and then only under protest. 

I have the honor to be yours, obediently, 

Robert W. Wilcox. 



No. 18. 
Mr. Wilcox to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu. Hawaiian Islands. April 25, 1893. 
Hon. James H. Blount, 

Un ited St a tes Co m m iss timer, etc. : 
Sir: Referring to the amount of appropriations by the Government 
on account of contract laborers or coolies, under the guise of encourag- 
ing emigration, I present the following list of appropriations from 1871 
to 1890, inclusive, amounting to the sum total of -SI ,315, 000, as follows : 



In 1874, encouraging agriculture and emigration -$50, 000 

In 1876. encouraging of emigration 35.000 

In 1880, encouraging of emigration 100. 000 

In 1882, encouraging of emigration (an act) 500, 000 

In 1881. encouraging of emigration 390,000 

In encouraging of emigration 150,000 

In 1888, encouraging of emigration 30, 000 

In 1890, encouraging of emigration 60, 000 



1, 315. 000 

In 1881 six thousand Chinese were imported. They brought with 
them the smallpox, which caused the death of three hundred native 
Hawaiians at Honolulu. 

Nine-tenths of the above amount was spent for importing Chinese and 
Japanese laborers, while the other tenth was spent for Germans, Por- 
tuguese and Norwegians laborers. 

The European class of laborers would be good citizens for the country, 
but were unable to make homes here, on account of the close and ruin- 
ous competition with the Asiatics. Xo men in the world can success- 
fully compete with the Chinese and Japanese in most business pursuits 
or as laborers. For this reason Europeans of the laboring classes have 
left this country as soon as their contracts expired. 

The late Legislature passed an act to limit the number of Chinese to 
five thousand annually. For some time previous Chinese emigration was 
stopped, Japanese being substituted for them. 

If this country continues to be under the control of the sugar planters 
Hawaii will be only fit to be a home for rich sugar planters and their 
slaves — the paradise and inferno of the Pacific. 
Yours obediently, 

Robeet W. Wilcox. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 599 

No. 19. 

Mr. p. J. McCartJiy to Mr. G. B. Wilson. 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 1. 1893, 

Mr. 0. B. Wilson : 

Dear Sir : As per your request of to-day I inclose you a diagram 
of tlie position of the Boston troops as of Monday evening, January 16, 
1 RfJ . They remained in the third position for several days. 




Punch Bowl Street. 



i 

Second position, one block away 
from first, in direction of arrow. 

In connection with the arrival of the committee of safety, I would 
say that they arrived at the Government building at 2:30 p.m. on 



600 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN INLANDS. 



Tuesday, January 17, loitered about the corridor a few minutes, asked 
Mr. Hossinger for possession of the building, and then Mr. Cooper pro- 
ceeded to read the proclamation. He finished same at 2:40 p. m.. at 
which time I received your telephone message and came to the station 
house. 

Yours, etc., 

C. J. McCarthy. 



No. 20. 

Statement o f J. C. Qur an. 

HoNOLrLr, Hawaiian Islands, May 2, 1893. 

A few brief notes of what I saw on January 17, 1893, the day the 
Provisional Government was established, about 2 p. m. 

I was driving along King street, going towards the Government 
building; when I reached Palace square I heard a pistol shot : I looked 
back and saw a large crowd by E. O. Hall & iSon. The minute the 
shot was fired I heard the rumbling of wheels in the direction of Arion 
Hall. I drove over that way and saw some of the blue jackets who 
were camped there getting ready tor action. 

They ran their cannon out so that it pointed towards Palace square. 
The bluejackets stood ready for action, some at the cannons, the rest 
formed in line behind the cannons with their guns in hands. I can't 
say positively whether there were two cannons or not. This detach- 
ment of blue jackets that I speak of were on the northwest side of 
the Arion Hall. The men and cannon, as they were drawn in line, 
faced towards Palace square. I drove around the Opera House, 
turned down Mililani street, which is on the southeast side of Arion 
Hall. I saw a lot of blue jackets drawn up in line, ready for action, 
with their cannon and men facing towards the Government building. 
The blue jackets I speak of means the ones which were landed from 
the Boston on the 16th of January last. I drove down Mililani street 
and around to the IJ. 0. C. office. I saw Mr. Hall standing by his 
store. I asked him what the shooting Avas about. He said that John 
Good had shot a policeman, for trying to stop a wagon which con 
tained arms. I told him that the bluejackets were getting ready for 
action. He said that was good and ran down towards the Arion Hall. 
In a few minutes I drove back to the Government building and saw 
some armed men standing in front of the building, armed with guns. 

J. C. Quraif, 
Manager United Carriage Co., Telephone 290. 



So. 21. 

Mr. Edmund Xorrie to Mr. C. B. Wilson. 

Hon. C. B. Wilson, Honolulu: 

Sir : In response to your request to reduce to writing the verbal re- 
port which I made to you on January 17 in regard to the situation at 
the Government building and surroundings at the time of the proclama- 
tion of the Provisional Government I beg to submit it as follows: 

I entered the Government building about 1 o'clock p. m. and went to 
the foreign office where I, from the window in the minister's private 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 601 



office, watched the movements of the United States forces which were 
stationed on the Hayselden premises. The attached roughly-drawn 
diagram shows that the sailors were marched up from Kekaulike street 
through the alleyway between the opera house and the Arion Hall, and 
stood in the yard belonging to the premises occupied by Mr. Nakayama, 
inspector of Japanese. 

Two Gatling guns were placed at the entrance to the said alley, trailed 
on the main entrance of the Government building. About 1 :45 p. m. the 
placing of the troops was accomplished and the men stood at " attention," 
the infantry with arms u ordered," the artillerists with the drawing ropes 
of the guns in their hand s ready to move. I estimated that one company 
with the half battery of Gatlings occupied Kekaulike street and the 
alley, while the rest of the sailors with two other guns were in the yard 
between the Arion Hall and Nakayama's house. I went down to Palace 
Square to see if the insurgents were beginning to move on the Govern- 
ment building as expected. In the gateway of Nakayama's premises 
towards Palace Square stood two officers of the Boston with drawn 
swords looking towards the town. I now saw Mr. Hole and a body of 
men coming up through Merchant street towards the Government build- 
ings. They were crossing Alake street when I saw them. The Bos- 
ton officers saw them at the same time and immediately went to Arion 
Hall. I returned to the foreign office and took up my place at the win- 
dow overlooking the Arion Hall. 

I noticed that all the Boston officers had placed themselves in the 
proper positions with their men ready to make a move. At this time 
Mr. Charles L. Carter came riding on horseback very fast towards the 
Arion Hall from Queen street [indicated by arrow on diagram] and 
stopped outside the Arion Hall, dismounted and entered the gate. 
Capt. Wiltse and another officer were sitting on the veranda of the 
hall facing the Government building. Mr. Carter approached Capt. 
Wiltse and handed him a large envelope, which he opened, and after 
having read the contents placed it in his pocket. He said something 
to the officer with him, who left, and going among the troops spoke to 
the different officers. Mr. Carter remounted and left by the same route 
along Queen street. A few minutes after Mr. Dole and party turned 
the corner of Palace Square and entered the Government yard from 
Kekaulike street and thence to the main entrance of the building, 
where they stopped and Mr. Cooper read the proclamation. As soon 
as he had finished I left and reported to you. 

Edmund Norrie. 



No. 22. 

Mr. H. P. Baldwin to Mr. Blount. 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, April 25, 1893. 

Col. J. H. Blount, 

American Commissio n er. 
My Dear Sir : As you remember I had an appointment to meet you 
last Saturday morning for an interview as a delegate from a branch 
annexation organization on the island of Kauai. 1 found it impossi- 
ble to come to Honolulu last Saturday, hence J failed to keep my 
engagement. 



602 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Palace. 



Palace Yard. 



Sing 



Street. 



Palace Square. 



Nacayania'a 
Residence. 




□ □ 

□ □□ □ 

□ □ □ O 

una □ □ODDCJD O □□ QDOOn Q 



□ □ □ D 

a o □ □ 

□ o o o 
a □ □ □ 



Arion 
Hall. 



C. L. Carter's track. 
Queen 



D 



Foreign 
Office. 
Minister's 

Eoom 
up stairs. 



Government 
Building. 



□ 



Street. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 603 

I called to see you Monday this week, but your secretary told me 
you were out, and I have since been told by the secretary of the Hon- 
olulu Annexation Club, Mr. Jones, that you will have no time for inter- 
views till after the mail leaves Wednesday. 

As I return to Kauai to-morrow, and will therefore have no opportu- 
nity of meeting you, I will give you briefly in writing the views as I 
understand them of that portion of the people of Kauai who favor 
annexation. 

The two branches of the Annexation Club formed on Kauai are com- 
posed of all classes and include plantation men, ranchmen, tradesmen, 
mechanics, and ordinary workmen. Most of those who represent the 
property of the island are in favor of annexation and have joined the 
organization. 

When the delegates from Kauai had a short interview with you last 
week I informed you that the Annexation Club from my side of the 
island passed a resolution favoring annexation providing Asiatic labor, 
which is considered almost indispensable for our plantations, should not 
be prohibited by the United States Government. Last week the organi- 
zation, taking a broader view of the question, rescinded the former vote 
and passed an unconditional resolution in favor of annexation, trusting 
that in case annexation should take place the United States Govern- 
ment would take into careful consideration our labor requirements. 
The natives of the country furnish a very inadequate portion of the 
labor required for the numerous operations of the country. We are 
therefore obliged to draw on other countries for our labor supply. In 
this tropical country white men can not work in our cane fields. We 
have found that Asiatics are the most suitable and economical laborers 
for our work, such as Japanese and Chinese. These are introduced 
every year to take the places of those who leave, as very few of them 
make this country a permanent home. 

You can readily understand why the labor question is a very impor- 
tant one to us and that any political change that may cut us off from 
the labor supply we have heretofore enjoyed may work serious injury 
to our sugar industry. 

The belief that the United States would not allow Asiatics to come 
into the country has prevented some of the planters on Kauai from 
joining our annexation organization. The majority of those who have 
joined the organization have done so after careful consideration and 
because it is their firm conviction that the country can no longer main- 
tain a good and stable independent government. Numerous reasons 
may be given for this, but I will state only a few of the more promi- 
nent. 

(1) The unfitness of a majority of the voters for representatives in 
this country to have the franchise and use it for upright and pro- 
gressive government. 

(2) A growing jealousy among the natives of foreigners, who, they 
feel, are acquiring the property and business of the country. 

(3) The diversified foreign population of the country, who come from 
all parts of the world. This population consists of all classes of men 
who come here for different purposes, a great many to make what they 
can out of the country and then leave. They compose a mixed pop- 
ulation that can not and will not work together for good, honest and 
substantial government. 

The history of our Government during the past few years must con- 
vince anyone who will give it a careful study that the late Hawaiian 
monarchs, who were really less competent to manage the affairs of state 



f)04 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



than former Kings were, are totally unfit and incompetent to guide the 
affairs of the nation at this time of progress and prosperity ; also, that 
corruption has been on the increase amongst Government officials and 
in the Legislature. 

It is our belief that should this Government continue as an independ- 
ent government, revolution and conspiracy, which has overturned and 
disturbed the affairs of government so often during the past six years, 
will increase in the future and result inevitably in anarchy. 

I would add, for myself personally, that I was born in this country 
and have lived here all my lite. I have acquired considerable prop- 
erty and represent plantations that have this year an output of* about 
23,000 tons of sugar. This is my home, and I desire to make it the 
home of my children if we can live under good government. I have 
not favored annexation till this last revolutionary act of the Queen. 

I share in the solicitude expressed by many of the planters relative 
to the labor question and would be glad to have our Government con 
tinue independent if possible, but good government is of the first and 
greatest importance to this as it is to all countries, and it is the belief, 
for reasons given above, that we can not maintain good government 
without the protection of a more powerful nation that has led me to 
join the annexationists. 

I remain, yours, very truly, 

H. P. Baldwin, 
Delegate Kauai Annexation Club. 



No. 23. 

Mr. Theo. C. Porter to Mr. Blount. 

Department of Finance, 

Honolulu, May 11, 1893. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of the United States of America: 

Sir: In accordance with my communication of the 12th ultimo, 
I have caused to be prepared the following inclosures, viz : 

No. 1. — Tabulated statement of taxes paid by different nationalities. 

No. 2. — Tabulated statement of acreage owned by different nation- 
alities on which taxes are paid. 

No. 3. — Statement showing acreage and quality of Government lands 
and where situated. 

No. 4. — Statement showing acreage and quality of Crown lands and 
where situated. 

No. 5. — Statement showing acreage and quality of Bishop estate and 
and where situated. 

No. 6. — Statement showing acreage and quality of Crown lands, 
where situated, and available for lease or homestead. 

No. 7. — Table showing a summary by nationality of the Government 
pay rolls, etc. 

As I understand it, this will supply the desired information. It is 
not claimed that these tables and statements are absolutely perfect; 
such statistics never are and never can be, but they are as accurate as 
it is possible at this time and under the circumstances to make them. 
They include everything except the few delinquents, and the public 
lands — Government and Crown. The persons classed as " natives " are 
supposed to be of pure aboriginal birth and descent. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 605 



TXnder the head of " Half Castes" are included all who have any 
proportion of native blood, however small. Many of these are only a 
quarter native, some an eighth or less. The acreage of the Bishop 
estate, amounting to about 420,000 acres, is included in the " Half Caste" 
column. If this estate were entirely eliminated from the calculation, 
that class of our population would own only 7.78 per cent of the total 
taxable acreage instead of 28,67 per cent, as appears in the table. 
The large lands and very valuable buildings and improvements known 
as the Kamehameha School on the Bishop estate is free from taxation, 
and materially affects the taxes in the " Half-Caste" column. The 
Bishop estate, together with the Government and Crown lands, amount 
to 2,000,000 acres, or about one half of the entire area of the country. 
In short, these tables show that the pure Hawaiian pays $1.01 in 
$7.39 of the taxes, owns 1 in every 7.02 acres of the taxable land, and 
holds two-thirds of the offices and positions under the Government. 

In connection with the above, the following data compiled from the 
last census may be of interest : 

The pure " Hawaiian s and Half Castes " together constitute 45.01 per 
cent of the entire population, furnish 30.98 per cent of the males over 
15 years of age, 70.18 per cent of the voters, 9.30 per cent of the 
laborers, 13.25 per cent of the merchants and traders, 35.55 per cent of 
the mechanics, 48.47 per cent of the drivers and teamsters, 74.57 per 
cent of the seamen, and 82.40 per cent of the fishermen. The 13.25 per 
cent appearing under the head of merchants and traders are fishmon- 
gers, fruit- venders, and the like. Such a thing as a merchant in the 
larger sense of the word can not be found among the pure natives. 

Should there be any other information desired of this department or 
any of its bureaus, I shall at any and all times be pleased to give it to 
you. 

I remain, with much respect, your obedient servant, 

Theo. C. Porter, 
Minister of Finance, 



No. 1. — Table shotving the amount of taxes paid by various nationalities in the Hawaiian 
Islands, compiled from the reports of the tax assessors and collectors of the four divi- 
sions into which the islands are divided, for the annual period of 1891- 93. 



Taxa- 
tion di- 
vision. 


Islands. 


Americans 
and Euro- 
peans. 


Natives. 


Half- 
castes. 


Chinese. 


Japanese. 


Other 
nation- 
alities. 


Total. 


1 

2 

3 
4 


Oahu 

Maui, Lanai and 
Molokai. 

Kaiiai and If iihan . 

Total 


$128, 048. 42 
42, 940. 87 

64, 252. 19 
39, 275. 26 


$22, 898. 09 
16, 687. 76 

23, 705. 44 
8, 095. 53 


$13, 278. 03 
3, 640. 79 

9, 275. 48 
674. 38 


$48, 237. 64 
14, 317. 49 

11, 814. 36 

12. 896. 61 


$7, 915. 79 
13, 556. 67 

29, 838. 61 
16, 015. 00 


None. 
$370. 10 

None. 
359. 72 


$220, 377. 97 
91, 513. 68 

138, 886. 08 
77, 316. 50 


274, 516. 74 


71, 386. 82 


26, SOS. 68 


87, 266. 10 67, 326. 07 

I 


729. 82 


528, 094. 23 



Percentages of taxes. 



Americans and European s 51 . 98 

Natives 13.52 

Half-castes 5. 10 

Chinese 16.5'! 

Japanese . 12. 75 

Others .12 



100. 00 

The above tax includes poll anil school taxes. 

Theo. C. Porter, 
Minister of Finance. 

Honolula, May 10, 1893. 



606 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 2. — Table showing the acreage on which taxes have been paid by various nationality 
in the Hawaiian Islands, compiled from 1he reports of the tax assessors and collectors of 
the four divisions into which the islands are divided, for the annual period of 1891-'' 



Taxa : 
vision. 


Islands. 


Americans 
and Euro- 
peans. 


Natives. 


Half- 
castes. 


Chinese. 


•Japanese. 


Other 
nation- 
alities. 


Total 


1 
2 

3 
4 


Oahu 

Maui, Lanai, and 
Molokai. 

Hawaii 

Kauai and Niihau . 

Total 


177. 168 
227, 115 

479, 384 
168, 825 


38, 123 
29, 410 

159, 733 
30, 191 


70. 949 
78, 526 

377, 998 
4,072 


*6. 042 
*3. 733 

2, 541 
8 


200 
None. 

None. 
None. 


None. 
None. 

None. 
None. 


292. 482 
338, 784 

1, 019. 650 
203, 090 


1, 052, 492 


257, 457 


531, 545 


12, 324 


200 


None. 


1,831,018 


*Mostly leased. 



Percentages of acreage. 



Americans and Europeans 56. 77 

Natives 13. 89 

Half-castes 28 67 

Chinese .66 

Japanese .01 



100. 00 

Theo. C. Porter, 
Minister of Finance. 

Honolula, May 10, 1893. 



No. 3. — Summary of the Government lands for 1893. 



Island. 



Hawaii 



Total for Hawaii. 



Maui 



Total for Maui. 



Lanai 

Kahoolawe 
Molokai 

Oahu 



Kauai 



Total for Oahu. 



Total Government lands 



District. 



Hilo 

Haniakua.. . 

Koliala 

North Kona 
South Kona 

Kau 

Puna 



Lahaina 

Wailuku 

Hon naula 

Haiuakapoko 
Hamakualoa. 

Koolau 

Hana 

Kipahulu 

Kaupo 

Kahikinui 



Honolulu . 

Ewa 

Waianae. . 
TVaialua . . 
Koolau . . . 



814, 895. 5 



Remarks.^- The total area of the Government land at this date, estimated in 
round numbers, is 828,370 acres. The total value, independent of buildings, etc., 
was estimated in 1890. to he ahout $2,128,850. The annual income at that time by 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 607 



le^s. etc., was $67,636. Of this income $19,500 was from wharfage, and $7,800 
from the rent of land with buildings thereon. 

^ e Government lands at the above date were classified to quality as follows : 



Acres. 

and arable land 35. 150 

m land 204', 670 

..racing land of fair quality 367, 270 

Grazing land, barren and of little value 213, 800 

Rugged inaccessible mountain tracts 40, 000 

Old fish-ponds 780 

Valuable building lots 130 



Total estimated in 1890 -. 861, 800 

A considerable portion of the land classed above as u grazing land " might also be 
classed as arable for certain products, while much of the " forest land" is of the 
finest quality as regards soil and climate, but is at a higher elevation than land now 
generally cultivated. 

By an act passed in 1890, nine unassigned lands, which had been claimed by the 
Government under a ruling by the supreme court in a parallel case, were transferred 
to the commissioners of Crown lands. These had been included among the Govern- 
ment lands in the estimate of 1890. 



No. 4. — Summary for the Crown lands for 1893. 



Islands. 


Districts. 


Areas. 




Hilo 


Acres. 
256. 939 
18. 864 
57, 680 
2,000 
66, 000 
187, 990 






Kobala 


Kona 


Puna 


Kau 




589, 473 




Lahaina 


2, 084 
17, 040 
16, 283 
610 
17. 408 
10, 523 

4, 300 






Kula 






Kahakuloa 






68, 248 






21, 383 
17, 370 










5, 581 
9, 958 
6,672 
.41, 967 




Koolanpoko 




Waianae and Ewa 




64, 178 
154, 636 










915, 288 







E. and O. E. 



W. D. Alexander, 

Surveyor- Gen eral. 



608 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 5. — Summary of the lands of the estate of Bernice Pauahi Bishop.* 



Islands. 


Districts. 
„ 


Areas. 




Hilo 


Aeret. 

s, m 

8. 01 4 

3,000 

32, 478 
78, 874 
6 790 






Kohala 




South Kona 








288, 280 
6, 434 
52, 722 
60, 748 
4, 636 






Total for Molokai 








Total for Kauai 








412, 829 







*Mr. Alexander now estimates the Bishop estate at 420.000 acres.— F. CP. 



The annual rents of the estate at the present time amount to about $50,000, and 
are increasing. 
E. and O. E. 

TV. D. Alexander, 

Surveyor-General. 



No. 6. — Crown lands available for lease, sale, or homestead. 



Island. 



District. 



Name of tract. 



Area. 



E em arks. 



Hawaii 



Kona 



Puna 



Oahu ... 
Molokai 



Hamakua. 
Koolau ... 
E-wa 



Puuwaawaa (about) 

Haleohiu (about) .. 

Vfaiaha 

Puaa 

Onouli 

Olaa , 

Waiakolea * . 

Kaimu (about) 

Waiiuauu (about)... 
•iMakawai ) 
^Hopekea 5 

Pouhala 

Malapue (about) — 

Total 



Acres. 

35, 000 Very rocky and dry grazing. 

1,000 Eockv and dry grazing. 
200 Do. 
859 Do. 
367 Do, 

47. 000 Good agricultural land. 

300 Eockv and dry grazing. 
2, 000 Do. 

5, 000 Leap Valley. 

1, 200 \ Kula Land. 

43 Do. 

1, 200 Eocky and dry grazing. 



94, 169 



Honolulu, May 6, 1853. 



Theo. C. Porter, 
Miniiter of Finance. 



r±-POKT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. GOD 
No. 7. — Monthly pay roll of the Provisional Government — summary by nationality. 



Nationality. 



Amount. 



Hawaiians 

Americans (including 77 school teachers) 

British (including 37 school teachers) 

Germans 

Portuguese 

Scandinavians 

Japanese 

Chinese ■ 

South Sea Islanders 

Malay 

Russian 

Unclassified — 

Total 



$18, 631. 00 
18, 367. 49 
9, 148. 74 
1,371. 33 
866. 63 
687. 92 
762. 60 
426. 00 
145. 00 
60. 00 
50. 00 
631. 66 

51, 148. 37 



Note. — The above is the monthly pay roll of the entire civil service, except the salaries of the cabinet 
ministers and the pay of the police. The appropriation for the pay of the police is at the rate of nearly 
6,750 per month, and the members of the force are nearly all native Hatvaiians. Should they be 
#dded to the above statement the Hawaiians will be found to hold at least two-thirds of the salaried 
positions under the Government. Should day-laborers be taken into account, the percentage of 
Hawaiians in the Government employ would be still further increased. 

Theo. C. Porter, 
Minister of Finance. 

Honolulu, May 2, 1893. 



No. 24. 

Mr. J. W. Jones to Mr. Blount. 

Headquarters Annexation Club, 

Honolulu, H. I., May 15, 1893. 
Col. J. R.Blount, United States Commissioner, etc.: 

Dear Sir : Agreeably to your request, please find herein statement 
of annexation clubs on the various islands, with number of names on 
rolls of each island, and total. 

I would state that there are 13 rolls still in circulation on this island, 
estimated to contain about 250 names. We are also informed that there 
are similar rolls on the other islands, which will be sent us as fast as 
turned in. 



Number of names on Maui 554 

Number of names on Oahu 2, 572 

Number of names on Hawaii 922 

Number of names on Kauai 531 



Total 4,579 



Hawaii annexation clubs. — Hilo, North Kohala, South Kona, Hoo- 
kena, Napoopoo, Kapalilua. 

Maui annexation club. — Wailuku. 

Kauai annexation clubs. — Lehui, Waimea, Kealia. 

I would also state that we have lists in the Hamakua District on 
Hawaii, the Lahaina, Hana, and Paia districts on Maui, and at 
Kaluaaha on Molokai, 
Yery respectfully, 

J. W. Jones, 
Secretary Annexation Club, 

10518 39 



610 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS 



No. 25. 

Mr. Hassinger's certificate, 

I certify that the [following] tabular statement hereon made is correct, 
and is taken from the naturalization records of the interior department. 

J. A. Hassinger, 
Chief Clerk of Department. 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 20, 1893. 



Oath of citizen or resident. 

No. .] 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of , District of , ss: 

I, , aged , a native of , residing at , in said district, 

do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support the Pro- 
visional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, promulgated and proclaimed on the 
17th day of January, 1893, not hereby renouncing, but expressly reserving all 
allegiance to any foreign country now owing by me. 



Subscribed and sworn to before me, this day of , A. D. 1893. 



No. .] 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of , District of , 88 : 

I, the undersigned, , do hereby certify that , aged , a 

native of , residing at , in said district, has this day taken, before me, 

the oath to support the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, promul- 
gated and proclaimed on the 17th day of January, 1893. 



1893. 



Oath of Government officer. 

No. .] 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of , District of — , ss : 

I, , aged , a native of , residing at , in said district, do sol- 
emnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will support and bear true 
allegiance to the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and faithfully 
perform the duties appertaining to the office or employment of -. 



Subscribed and sworn to before me this day of , A. D. 1893. 



No. .] 

Hawaiian Islands, Island of , District of , ss : 

I, the undersigned, , do hereby certify that , aged , 

a native of , residing at , in said district, has this day taken, before me, 

the oath to support and bear true allegiance to the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands, and faithfully perform the duties appertaining to the office or 
employment of . 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 611 



THE HAWAIIAN KINGDOM. 

Record of naturalization. 
In the department of the interior. In the matter of the naturalization of — ■ — . 

Be it remembered that on this day of , A. D. 18 — , , an 

alien; and late a subject or citizen of , applied in writing to the minister of 

the interior to be admitted a citizen of the Hawaiian Kingdom pursuant to the acts 
of the Hawaiian Legislature in relation thereto, and it appearing by his said appli- 
cation and by other satisfactory proofs that he has resided within the Kingdom lor 
two years next preceding said application and that he intends to become a permanent 
resident of this Kingdom, and that he is not a pauper nor a refugee from the justice 
of some other country, and his said application having been approved by the 

minister of interior, and the said having, on the day of — , 

A. D. 18 — , taken and subscribed the oath of allegiance required by law before , 

therefore I do admit the said , and declare him to be a citizen of the 

Hawaiian Kingdom. 



of the Interior, 



In re the matter of naturalization of foreigners. 

Section 1284 of the civil code requires, "It shall also be necessary to validate the 
marriage of native female subjects of these Islands with male foreigners coming 
here to reside, that the foreigners have become first duly naturalized ~by taking the 
oath of allegiance." 

This section was repealed by Chapter XXIII of the session laws of 1872. Since 
then, but few foreigners have taken the oath of allegiance (other than Asiatics) 
except those holding appointments under the Government, as required by Chapter 
XLII of the laws of 1874. 

Letters patent of denization. 



Fame. 



Clarence W. Ashford 

William Foster 

Wm. Russel Austin 

Paul Neumann 

Michael Thompson 

Julius H. Smith 

Joseph Sykes Webb 

Geo. Williams Parker 

Jno. William Pnuger 

Harry E. Avery 

J ames Brodie 

Rolando Xuehn 

Volney V. A shibrd 

J. Vanderbilt Simonson. . 

Elijah Nichols 

Patrick H. W. Ross 

Paul Petrovits 

JayH. Reist 

A. Hoffnung 

Geo. E. Gresley Jackson. 

Chas. P>. Reynolds 

Edw. C. Webb, M. D 

S. E. Craddock, M.D.... 

Edward Hore 

Geo. Carson Kenyon 

Jno. Joaiah Jones 

Charles Creighton 

Edmond Wright Norrie. . 

Zeno Kelly Myers 

John T. Dare 

Allan B. Scrimgeour 

James Clinton Hooker. . . 

Robert J. Creighton 

A. W. Hevdtmann 

Frank B.McStocker 

Abraham Rosenberg 

Henry Lardi Thiron 

David McDonald 

Harry Weeks 



Nationality. 



British . . . 
American. 



American citizen 
American 



English 

do 

German 

American 

British 

American 

British 

American 

do 

British 

American citizen 

American 

English 

British , 

English 

American 

British , 

do 

do 

Jamaica 

American citizen . 

Dane 

American 

do 

British 

do 

do 

German 

American 

German 

American citizen 

do 

British , 



612 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLAND 3. 

Letters patent of denization — Continued. 



Charles Lind 

William Joseph Harris 

John Calway 

Charles Is". Spencer 

William John Cox 

Melvin Staples 

John Eitson 

"William Hurst Graenhalgh... 

"William Tufts Brighaiu 

Hons Yen Chang 

A. Van Chief Gear 

Hn^h James Gallagher 

Philip Sheridan Woolsey 

John Walter Jones 

Dow Lee Huntsman 

William Wood worth Braner. 

Paul Hamil 

William Todd Seward 

Georse Nelson Armstrong 

Frank P. Hastings 

John Boss 

Henrv E. Cooper 

Eohert B. Brenham 

Francis M. English 



American. 



American 
British ... 
American 



British 

American 

do 

American citizen. 

American 

do 



Theodore C. Porter . . . 
Francis M. Wakefield. 



do. 

do. 

do . 

do. 

do. 

do. 

do . 

do . 

do 

do 

do 

English. 
America 
...do ... 
British . 



Kalakaua, by the grace of God. of the Hawaiian Islands King. To all whom these 
presents shall come, greeting: 

Know ye, that whereas by section number 443 of our civil code the royal preroga- 
tive is expressly reserved to us of granting to any alien resident abroad, or tempo- 
rarily resident in this Kingdom, letters patent of denization, conferring upon such 
alien, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges, and immunities of 
a citizen, which said letters patent shall render such denizen in all respects account- 
able to the laws of this Kingdom, and impose upon him like fealty to us as if he had 
been duly naturalized according to law; and 

Whereas, by petition duly pre sented to us by , a native of , at 

present temporarily resident in this Kingdom, the said petitioner solicits of us the 
issue to him of such letters patent of denization. 

Now, therefore, we, reposing trust and confidence in the said . and 

believing him to be well affected towards our person and Government, and by virtue 
of the royal prerogative expressly reserved to and reposed in us by law, as above 

recited, do, by these letters patent of denization, confer upon the said 

without abjuration of his allegiance, all the rights, privileges, and immunities of a 

native Hawaiian subject, and lie, the said , is hereby declared to be invested 

with all such rights, privileges, and immunities as aforesaid, subject, nevertheless, 
to an accountability to the laws of this Kingdom, and fealty to our throne in manner 
and form similar to that devolving upon naturalized subjects of this Kingdom. 

"Witness our hand and the great seal of the Hawaiian Kingdom at our palace of 
Iolani, this day of , A. D. 18 — . 

By the King : 



Minister of Foreign Affairs and Premier. 

Kalakaua, by the grace of God, of the Hawaiian Islands King, to all to whom these 
presents shall come, greeting : 

Know ye, that by virtue of "section 433, Article YIII of Chapter VII of the civil 
code as amended by section 1 of Chapter X of the laws of 1887, and by and with the 
advice and consent of the cabinet, we do by these letters patent of denization, con- 
fer upon ■ , a citizen of the — , an alien temporarily resident in this 

Kingdom, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges, and immunities 
of a native subject, nevertheless, in all respects to an accountability to the laws of 
this Kingdom and the like fealty to our throne as if he had been duly naturalized. 

Witness our hand and the great seal of our Kingdom at our palace of Iolani this 
day of , A. D. 18—. 

By the King: 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 613 



Letters patent of denization. 

Liliuokalani, by the grace of God of the Hawaiian Islands Queen, to all whom 
these presents shall come, greeting : 

Know ye, that by virtue of section 433, Article vni of Chapter vn of the civil 
code, as amended by section 1 of Chapter x, of the law's of 1887, and by and with 
the advice and consent of the cabinet, we do by these letters patent of denization 

confer upon ■ , a citizen of , an alien, temporarily resident of this 

Kingdom, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges and immuni- 
ties of a native, subject, nevertheless, in all respects to an accountability to the laws 
of this Kingdom, and the like fealty to our throne, as if he had been duly natural- 
ized. 

Witness our hand, and the great seal of our Kingdom, at our palace of Iolani, in 

Honolulu, this day of , A. D. 189 — , and in the ■ year of our reign. 

By the Queen : 



Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



Letter 8 patent of denization. 

Liliuokalani, by the Grace of God of the Hawaiian Islands Queen, to all to whom 
these presents shall come, greeting : 

Know ye, that by virtue of section 433, Article yiii of Chapter vn of the civil 
code, as amended by section 1 of Chapter x of the laws of 1887, and by and with 
the advice and consent of the cabinet, we do by these letters patent of denization 

confer upon , a citizen of , an alien, temporarily resident in this 

Kingdom, without abjuration of allegiance, all the rights, privileges and immuni- 
ties of a native, subject, nevertheless, in all respects to an accountability to the 
laws of this Kingdom, and the like fealty to our throne, as if he had been duly 
naturalized, and to our pleasure. 

Witness our hand, and the great seal of our Kingdom, at our palace of Iolani, 

in Honolulu, this day of — • — , A. D. 189—, and in the year of our 

reign. 

By the Queen : 



Minister of Foreign Affairs. 



Letters patent of denization. 

, Sanford B. Dole, President of the Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, 
to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting : 

Know ye, that by virtue of section 433, Article vtli of Chapter vn of the civil 
code, as amended by section 1 of Chapter x of the laws of 1887, and by and with 
the advice and consent of the executive council, I do by these letters patent of 

denization confer upon , an alien, temporarily resident in these islands, 

without abjuration of allegience, all the rights, privileges and immunities of a na- 
tive, subject nevertheless in all respects to an accountability to the laws of the Pro- 
visional Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and the like fealty to its Govern- 
ment as if he had been duly naturalized. 

Witness my hand, and the great seal of the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands in Honolulu this day .of , A. D. 1893. 

By the President, 

» 

Minister of the Interior. 



Applieation for naturalization. 

Hawaiian Islands, , 18—. 

To His Excellency , 

Minister of the Interior: 

The undersigned, a native of the city of— , district or county of , state 

of , country , respectfully represents that he has resided in the Hawaiian 

Kingdom for years next preceding this application; that his present plaoo of 



614 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



residence is : that it is his intention to become a permanent resident of the 

Kingdom; that "he is not a pauper nor a refugee from the justice of souk; other 
country," and he prays that lie may he allowed to take the oath of naturalization 
as provided hy law. 
We concur, 

Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Minister of Finance. 
Attorney General. 



Minister of the Interior. 

Approyed , 18 — . 



Nationality and number of naturalizations for each biennial fiscal period from April l y 

1S7G, to March 31, 1892. 



Country. 


Two yeai-s to March 31 — 


1878. 


1880. 


1882. 


1884. 




7 
7 
1 
1 
4 


23 
3 


18 
6 
1 
1 
4 
1 


14 

8 

1 

2 








3 
3 










1 








3 










1 








2 
2 
2 
1 












5 


1 


2 


East Indies 


Portuguese Colonies 




1 


2 






1 










Italy 






1 


1 









V/ est ludies 
































25 


35 


43 


33 




Country. 


Two years to March 31 — 


1886. 


1888. 


1890. 


1892. 




8 
7 
2 


15 
7 


22 
8 
1 


8 
8 
3 
1 
5 








2 
3 




6 


3 


Holland 


















1 























1 
4 


1 

5 






8 


91 
1 




Portuguese Colonies 






5 




> 












Italy 








1 
1 




















1 












35 


32 


46 


117 





EEPOJiT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 615 



Uo. 26. 



Mr. Thos. a. Thrum to Mr. Blount. 



Bureau of Conveyances, 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, June 20, 1893. 

His Excellency J. H. Blount, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 

of the United States: 

Sir: I have the honor to hand you herewith the exhibit in detail, 
summary, and tabular form of the amount and nationality of invested 
capital in the sugar industry of these islands, as you desired, compiled 
from the last official returns, or later information of owners or agents. 
With the limited time at my disposal it has taken longer than was per- 
haps anticipated, but it is accurate throughout according to returns, 
and is believed to be full and complete. W ith a few exceptions, all 
ownerships have been verified as to nationality. 

In the lists of nationalities I have purposely made divisions as to 
those born here of full or half foreign parentage, rather than that an 
opportunity of so valuable a showing— in case it might be required — be 
lost sight of by a too general classification. 

Several corporation summaries show a larger division of nationalities 
than appear in then list of shareholders. This is accounted for by the 
necessary proportioning of interested parties where corporations are 
stockholders, as in the case of Brewer & Oo.'s interests in the Hawaiian 
Agricultural Company, Honomu, Onomea and other concerns. 

Trusting the same will meet your approval, 

I have the honor to remain, yours, very respectfully, 

Thos. G. Thrum. 



D. — Hawaiian sugar plantations and planting interests, not incorporated. 
[Compiled from agent's latest reports.] 



Estimated 
value. 



Hawaiian- 
American. j born 

j American. 



British. 



German. 



Norwe- 
gian. 



Beecroft plantation 

Eleele plantation 

Eaye <fc Co., H. P 

Gay & Bobinson 

Grove Farm plantation. . . 

Halawa plantation 

Hamakua plantation 

Hanamaulu plantation — 
Hawi mill and plantation. 
Kekaha Sugar Company. . 

EZnudsen V 

Xukaian Mill Company . . 

Laie plantation 

Mendonca, J. P 

Meyer & Elruse 

Xiulii mill and plantation 

Orerend, B. M 

Pioneer Mill Company . . . 

Puehuehu plantation 

Smith & Co., A. H 

Waialua plantation 

Huelo plantation 



Total. 



$40. 000 
150,000 j 
50.000 I 
"150. 000 I 
250, COO I 
100. COO | 
120. 000 
150, L00 1 
200. COO I 
300, 000 
250,000 | 
120, 000 j 
75. 0C0 
75,0*0 
40, coo 
200. 0G0 
30, 000 
400. 000 
70. 000 
50, 000 
150, 000 
30, 000 



3, 000, 000 



$40, 000 
75, 000 



$75, 000 



150, 000 



$250, 000 



100, COO 
120, 000 



150, 000 



200, 000 



100, 000 



>00, 000 



$60, 000 
75, 000 



0J, 000 



30. 000 
200, 000 



200, 000 



40, 000 



200, 000 



50, 000 



150, 000 
30. 000 



$50, 000 



TR 000 



415, 000 



500,000 1,195,000 



515, 000 j 375, 000 



* Portuguese. 



E. and O. Ex. 
Honolulu, June 20, 1893. 



Thos. G. Thrum. 



616 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Agents' reports of estimated value and ownership of unincorporated plantations, situation, 

etc., to accompany Table D. 

[Compiled June, 1893, for His Excellency J. H. Blount, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipoten- 
tiary of United States.] 

Beecroft plantation : Kohala. Hawaii. Probable value $40,000. Owners: Executors Jaa. Woods one 
half, T. H. Davies one-half; British. 

Eleele plantation : Kauai. Estimated value $150,000. Owned equally between Mrs. E. A. McBryde, 
English, and Au?. Dreier, German. 

H. P. Faye & Co.: Maua, Kauai. Estimated value $50,000. Owners: H. P. Faye and V. Knndsen ; 
Norwegians. 

Gay & Robinson : Kauai Estimated value of planting interests $150,000. Ownership: British. 

Grove Farm plantation : Kauai. Estimated value $250,000. Owners: G. N. and S. W. Wilcox , : both 
Hawaiian-born Americans. 

Halawa plantation : Kohala, Hawaii. Estimated value $100,000. Owner: Dr. J. Wight; British. 

Hamakua plantatisn: Hawaii. Probable value $120,000. Owners: C. Xotley two-thirds, T. H. Davies 
one-third; both British. 

Hanamaulu plantation : Kauai. Estimated value $150,000. Owners: A. S. and H. H. Wilcox ; both 
Hawaiian-born Americans. 

Hawi Mill and plantation : Kohala, Hawaii. Estimated value $200,000. Owner : R. R. Hind ; British. 

Huelo plantation : Maui. Estimated value $30,000. Owner: W. R, Watson: British. 

Kekaha Sugar Co. : Kauai. Estimated value $300,000. Owners: P. O. and C. Isenberg and F. W. 
Glade, Germans, two-thirds, and G. N., A. S., and S.W.Wilcox, Hawaiian-born Americans, one-third. 

V. Knudsen: Waimea, Kauai. Estimated value of planting interests, etc., $250,000. Owner: Nor- 
wegian. 

Kukaiau Mill Co. : Hamakua. Hawaii. Estimated value $120,000. Owners: J. M. Horner & Sons 
(Americans), and T. H. Davies (British), each one-half. 

Laie plantation: Oahu. Estimated value $75,000. Owners: The Mormon Church of Salt Lake; 
American. 

J. P. Mendonca: Koolau and Waialua, Oahu. Estimated value of planting, grazing, and stock inter- 
ests, $75,000. Owner: Portuguese. 

Meyer &Kruse: Kauai. Estimated value, $40,000. Owners: F. W. Meyer and E. Kruse ; Germans. 

Mulii Mill and Plantation: Kohala, Hawaii. Estimated value, $200,000. Owner: C. F. Hart ; British. 

R. M. Overend, Hamakua. Hawaii. Estimated value, $30,000. Owner: American. 

Pioneer Mill, Lahaina, Maui. Estimated value, $400,000. Owners: C. F. Horner, American, and 
P. Isenberg, German, each one-half interest. 

Puehuehu Plantation, Kohala, Hawaii. Estimated value, $70,000. Owners: Kynnersley Bros, and R. 
Wallace; British. 

A. H. Smith & Co., Koloa, Kauai. Estimated value of planting interests. $40,000. Owners : A. H. and 
J. K. Smith, Hawaii ; born Americans. 
Waialua Plantation. Oahu. Estimated value, $200,000. Owner: R. Halstead; British. 
E. & O. Ex. 

Thos. G. Theum. 

Honolulu, June 20, 1893. 



B. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments therein and 
nationality of stockholders in each. Compiled June, 1893, from latest offiical returns 
for his excellency J. H. Blount, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary 
of the United States. 



Corporations. 



Ewa Plantation Co 

Haiku Sugar Co 

Hakalau Plantation Co.*. .. 

Hamakua Mill Co 

Hana Plantation Co.* 

Hawaiian Commercial and 
Sugar Co. * 

Hawaiian Sugar Co 

Hawaiian Agricultural Co . 

Heeia Agricultural Co 

Hilo Sugar Co 

Honokaa Sugar Co 

Honomu Sugar Co 

Hutchinson Sugar Planta- 
tion Do.* 

Kahuku Plantn. Co 

Koloa Sugar Co 

Kilauea Sugar Co 

Kipahtilu Sugar Co 

Kohala Sugar Co 

Kukaiau Plantn. Co 

Laupahoehoe Plantn. Co... 

Lihue Plantn. Co 

Makee Sugar Co 

olowalu Sugar Co 

Onomea Sugar Co 

Ookala Sugar Co 



Capital 
stock. 



$750, 000 
500, 000 

1, 000, 000 
240. 000 
300, 000 

10, 000, 000 

2, 000, 000 
500, 000 
150. 000 
500, 000 
200, 000 
250, 000 

2, 500, 000 
500, 000 
200, 000 
300, 000 
80, 000 
480, 000 
120, 000 
500, 000 
700, 000 
500, 000 
150. 000 
500, 000 
200, 000 



American. 


Hawaiian 
born 
Ameri- 
can. 


1 

American- 
Hawaiian 
(i caste.) 


British. 


Hawaiian- 
born 
British. 


British- 
Hawaiian 
(£ caste.) 


$380, 100 
131, 000 
1, 000, 000 


$140, 000 
368, 000 




$10. 000 
1,000 


$3, 400 


$500 












'."."......*. 


240, 000 






296, 000 

9, 655, 800 
700, 840 
201. 214 
106, 500 
349, 900 
10, 000 
70, 756 

2, 500, 000 
120, 000 
4, 000 
75, 000 










316, 200 
686. 207 
207, 560 




28, 000 
570, 417 
67,725 








5, 600 
300 


90 

503 


600 






150,100 
53. 000 
79, 406 












10, 000 

5S5 


73, 542 


1, 000 


21, 800 


89, 900 
8, 000 




153, 000 


9, 000 


25, 000 






225,000 















302, 000 
120, 000 


5, 000 




158, 500 




8, 500 










500, 000 






125, 000 
492, 000 

51, 500 
28G. 301 

47, 500 


225, 000 












8, 000 
3,300 








40, 800 
70, 208 
141, 000 




136. 783 
4, 500 




1,125 




6, 000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 617 



B. — Hawaiian siigar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments therein and 
nationality of stockholders in each, etc. — Continued. 



Corporations. 


Capital 
stock. 


Amount. 


Hawaiian- 
born 
Ameri- 
can. 


American- 
Hawaiian 
caste.) 


British. 


1 

Hswaiian- British. 

boru Hawaiian 
British. (| caste.) 


Paauhau Plantn. Co 


$1, 000, 000 
300, 000 
750, 000 
170, 000 
750, 000 
240, 000 
21-1,300 
160, 000 
255. 000 
300. TOO 
250. 000 
250, 000 
265. 000 
180, 000 
70. 000 


$500, 000 
83, 600 
413, 300 
31. 786 
15, 000 
154, 368 
7, 200 






$500, 000 
118. 300 
16, 600 
1,060 
530, 000 
63, 932 
6, 000 

16. 900 
300, 000 
16. 430 

2, 000 
86, 840 

7, 000 






Pacific Sugar Mill Co 








$6, 200 




$297. 100 
50, 328 
5, 000 
5, 325 
116, 200 




$4,200 
100 


Paukaa Sugar Co 


1,200 


103 








63 
600 
5, 000 
400 




43, 700 


1,100 
5, 000 
1, 900 


Waiakea Mill Co 


6, 000 


65, 000 


41,400 




122. 000 
123, 000 
63, 130 
49. 900 


60, 000 






263 


Waikapu Sugar Co 




125, 000 
1,500 


Wailuku Sugar Co 


93, 035 
7,600 




6,166 
95, 000 


Waimanalo Sugar Co 


1,000 


Waimea Sugar Mill 




Total 














28,274,000 j!8, 594, 095 


2, 960, 280 | 88, 900 


4, 303, 218 


196, 200 


160, 098 



* San Francisco corporations; all others Hawaiian. 
E. & O. Ex. 

Honolulu, June 20, 1893. 



Thos. G. Thrum. 



Corporations. 



P3 

-T « 



Ewa Plantation Co $35, 500; 

Haiku Sugar Co 

Haikalau Plantation Co.* . 

Hamakua Mill Co 

Hana Planter Co.* 

Hawn. Conil. & Sugar Co.*. 

Hawaiian Sugar Co 

Hawaiian Agricultural Co 

Heeia Agricultural Co 

Hilo Sugar Co 

Honokaa Sugar Co 

Honomu Sugar Co 

Hutchinson Sugar Planta- 
tion Co.* 



$3,OO0l. 



26, 503 
15, 477 
13, 500 



10. 000 



126, 200 
680 



800 



000 



a 9 

5 -2 



$500 f$l, 000 



Kahuku Plantation Co \ 49. 000' ' 1, 100^ 30. 000 &. 000 

Koloa Sugar Co 187, OOOj 

Kilauea Sugar Co 

Kipahulu Sugar Co 80, 000 

Kohala Sugar Co 6, 000; 

Kukaiau Plantation Co . . . 
Laupahoehoe Plantation Co 

Lihue Plantation Co ... 325, 000 25, 000 

Makee Sugar Co 

Olowalu Sugar Co 48, 400 | 6, 000 

Onomea Sugar Co 1, 29l' 

Ookala Sugar Co 1, 000 

Paauhan Plantation Co . 

Pacific Sugar Mill Co 91. 900 

Paia Plantation Co 18, 000 ! 

Paukaa Sugar Co 3 ! | 360; 

* San Francisco corporations j all others Hawaiian, 
t Swedish, $1,000. 
; $500 Portuguese-Hawaiian. 



125 



200 
30, 000 



$1, 000 



O 3 

C 32 



17,500 §2,500: 



800 



1150 



$575. 000 
500, 000 

1, 000, 000 
240. 000 
300, 000 

10, 000, 000 

2, 000, 000 
500. 000 
150, 000 
500, 000 
200, 000 
250, 000 

2, 500, 000 
500, 000 
200, 000 
300, 000 
80, 000 
480, 000 
120,000 
500, 000 
701), 000 
500, 000 
150, 000 
500. 000 
200, 000 

1,000,000 
300, 000 
Tali. 000 
84, 990 



§ Swedish. $1,500: Danish, $1, 
y British-Tahitian. 



uuu. 



CI 8 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



B. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments therein and 
nationality of stockholders in each, etc, — Continued. 



Corporations. 


German. 


Hawaiian-born Ger- 
man. 


German-Hawaiian 
(half-caste). 


Hawaiian. 


Chinese. 


a 

S S 
* W 

® S.2 

03 h a 

3JJ 

o » 


Portuguese. 


All other foreign. 


Total amount stock 
issued. 


Pepeekeo Sugar Co 










200, 000 








$750, 000 
240, 000 
214, 300 
160, 000 
255, 000 
300, 000 
200, 000 
250. 000 
265. 000 
180. ooo 
70, 000 


Prince ville Planter Co 


$16, 072 




7 


233 
6, 100 










$100 


23, 300 


•pJ-W, \J\J\J 


















101, 400 




1,000 


500 




20, 500 






Waiakea Mill Co 










Waihee Sugar Co 


302 




30 


975 






















Wailuku Sugar Co 


1,307 
15, 409 
70, 000 




30 


12.992 1 












3, 700j 400 








Waimea Sugar Mill 












Total 














1, 233, 935 


39, 165 


2,058 


38,991j 259,700 


34, 000 


$49, 500 


$3, ^50 


27, 9G4, 290 





A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, shotting amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, with summary of each, being details to accompany table 
marked B. 

[Compiled from last official returns, or later information, at request of his excellent J. H. Blount, 
envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States. E. and O. Ex., Honolulu, 
June 20, 1893. Thos. G. Thrum.] 

EWA PLANTATION COMPANY, OAHTJ. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $750,000, in shares of $100 par value each; 5,750 shares issued.] 



Stockholders. 



Castle & Cooke . . 

Castle, S. N 

"Welch & Co 

Castle, J. B 

Atherton, J.B... 

Castle, W. R 

Kopke, E 

Lowrie, W. J 

Cooke. CM 

Lewers & Cooke . 

Allen, S. C 

Castle, H. N 

Hackfeld, J. F... 

Allen, W. F 

Dillingham, B. F 
Hall, W. W 

Bishop, C. B j American 

Hopper, J. A do... 

Paty, J. H I do... 



Nationality. 



American firm 

American 

Sau Francisco firm 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

German 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American fhm 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

German 

American - 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 



Cleghorn, A. S 

Whitney, J. M 

Austin, J 

Boardman, G. E 

Cunha, E. S 

Chrisbolm, A 

Garden, I 

Egan, J..T 

Fergusan, C 

Howell, I 

Hubbard, L. H 

Hopper, W. L 

Isenberg, Mrs. Dora. 

i,yle, A 

Lbwrie, F. C 

Lyman, F. S. ........ 



British 

American 

do.. 

Hawaiian-born American 

Portuguese 

Swede 

British 

American 

British 

American 



Hawaiian-born German. . . 

British 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 



900 


$90, 000 
75, 000 


750 


750 


75, 000 


500 


50. 000 


454 


45, 400 


450 


45. 000 


250 


25, 000 


25C 


25, 000 


248 


24, 800 


200 


20, 000 


125 


12. 500 


100 


10. 000 


100 


10, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5,000 


40 


4,0CC 


30 


3,000 


25 


2,500 


15 


1,500 


10 


1.000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1.000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 619 

A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

EWA PLANTATION (?OMPANY, OAHU— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Monsarrat, J.M 

Malone, N. I 

Peterson, E. IT 

Peterson, A. P 

Robertson, A. G. M 

Kamsey, W.J 

Scow, F. S 

Von Holt, H 

Worn, W 

Atherton, C. H 

Achi. C 

Bovd, J. H 

Baldwin, PL P 

Barnet, J 

Baldwin, B. D 

Ciapp, C. H 

Campbell, I. F 

Carter, A. W 

Carter, C. H 

Greig, W. H. C 

Hawaiian Construction Company 

Hines, Miss E. E 

Harrison, F 

Harrison, A 

Howard, W. L 

Hyde, Mrs. CM 

Xopke, Mrs. E 

Lewis & Co 

McKenzie, R. M 

Mclnerny, W. H 

Osborne. Mrs. G 

Rowe, E.C 

Roth, S 

White, J.N" 

Wilhelm, F 

Wall, C. I 

Wall, W. E 

Wright, T 

Wicke, H 

Brewer, M. A 

Mclnerny, E . A. 

Mclnerny, I. D 

Coan, Mrs. L 

Thrum, T. G 



Nationality. 



Hawaiian-born British 

American 

do 

do 

U i vi aiian-born British 

British 

American 

Hfiwaiian-born German 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 
British-Hawaiian (half caste) . 

Hawi-.iian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 



Hawaiian-born American 

do 

Hawaiian-born British . . . 

American firm 

British 

do 

do 

American 

do 

British 

American firm 

American 

Hawaiian-born British . . . 

American 

do 

German . . .„ 

American , 

Hawaiian-born German .. 
British 



Total 



Hawaii an -born German .. 

American 

Hawaiian-born British . . . 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 
British 



Shares. 



10 


tp-L, UUU 


10 


1 0i;0 


10 


1 000 


10 


1 000 
1 000 


10 


10 


1 000 


10 


1 000 


10 


1 000 


10 


1 000 




500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 




500 




500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2 


200 


7 


700 


10 


1, 000 


5, 750 


575, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American $380,100 

Hawaiian-born American •- 140, 000 

British 10, 000 

Hawaiian-born British 3, 400 

British- Hawaiian (half-caste) 500 

German 35, 500 

Hawaiian-born German 3,000 

Portuguese 1, 000 

Swede 1,000 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 500 



Total , 575,000 



620 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



HAIKU SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $500, 00J, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Hawaiian-born American 

American 

do 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 
do 



Baldwin, H.P 

Alexander, S. T 

Alexander, S. T.,Mrs 

Atherton, Mr. and Mrs 

Castle, S. N 

Castle, J. B 

Cooke, H. E 

Cooke, CM I do 

Cooke, C. M., trustee do 

Cooke, A. F., trustee I do 

Jones,P. C American 

Damon, S. M Hawaiian -born American 

DamoB, H. M do 

Jones. E. A do 

Brash, W British 

Wilcox, G.N Hawaiian-born American 

Wilcox, S. A do 

Wilcox, A. S do 

Wilcox, H. H do 

AVilcox, E.P do 

Wilcox, C. H I do 

Wilcox. W. L do 

Walsh, E. M , American 

Atwater, W.O do 

Peterson, E. W ' do 



Total 



Shares. 



Value. 



2510 


•or.i nan 


450 




50 


5 000 




35 500 




32. 500 


2 50 


~py SB 






175 


17 500 


00 


5. W0 


25 


2 5C0 


5 


500 


50 


5, 000 


10 


1,000 


5 


500 


10 


1. 000 


262 


26, 200 


23 


2,30u 


23 


2. 3uy 


23 


2, 300 


23 


2, 300 


23 


2,300 


23 


2, 300 


50 


5.000 


65 


6. 50: 1 


10 


1, 000 


5,000 


500, 000 



SUMMARY. 

Hawaiian -born American $368,000 

American 131.000 

British 1,000 



500, 000 



[HAKALAU PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[San Francisco corporation; capital stock, $1,000,000. in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. ; Shares. 


Value. 


Sundry San Francisco stockholders . . . 


1 


$1. 000, 000 


HAMAKUA MILL COMPANY, HAWAIIAN. 
[Hawaiian corporation ; capital stock, $240,000, in shares of $100 par valne each.] 


Davifis T TT ! Ki-itiah 


1, 200 
900 
300 


$120. 000 
90, 003 
30, 003 


Janion, D. R 


do 


do 


Total ! 


- 

2, 400 


£40,000 


1 


HANA PLANTATION COMPANY, MAUI. 

[San Francisco corporation, capital stock $3,000,000, in shares of $100 par valne each, 10 per cent 

paid np.] 


Sundry San Francisco stockholders . . . 




29, 800 
400 


$296, 000 
4, 000 








30, 000 


300, 000 







If 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 621 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

HAWAIIAN COMMISSION AND SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI. 

[San Francisco corporation, capital stock, $10,000,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Sun dry San FrancfsTo stockholders .. . American 

Baldwin. H. P Hawaiian-born American 

. mnpbell. T British 

H Ross. Geo do 

Morrison, H I do 



Total 



Shares. 



Value 



3,1(52 
130 
100 
50 



$9. 655, 800 
316, 200 
13, 000 
10, 000 
5, 00C 



100, 000 i 10, 000, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American - $9, 655, 800 

Hawaiian-born American 316, 200 

British 28, 000 

Total 10, 000, 000 

HAWAIIAN AGRICULTURAL COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $500,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Brewer. C, & Co. (limited) ; Hawaiian corporation 

Cooke, CM i Hawaiian-born American 

Austin, J. W American 

Rice, N.R do 

Rice,N.R. (guardian) I do 

Judd, A. F | Hawaiian-born American 

HnnneweU ; American 

Austin. J. (estate of) j do 

Welch. A., (estate of) i British 

Hackfeld, J. F j German 

Lord, T. A ! American . . 

May, T j British 

Henderson, Mrs. R. A do 

Brash, W. G do 

Liliuokalani. Her Majesty Hawaiian 

Castle, J.B * Hawaiian born American 

Hobron, T. W j do 

Smith, W.O ; do 

Lewers, R ! American 

Hobron, T. W. (trustee) j Hawaiian born American 

White, Z. L | American 

Alexander, M j Hawaiian born American 

Hobron, Mrs. F. E. (trustee) : American 

White, J.N ! do 

McCully, Mrs. L ; do 

Allen, S.C ! do 

Isenberg. Mrs. D I Genu an 

Lowrey, F.J | American 

Collins, G. H ' do 

Allen <fc Robinson ' do 

Jones, E. A , HaAvaiian-born American 

Jones, P. C American 

Faller, Mrs. M j do 

Richards, M. A '■ Hawaiian-born American 

Cooke, CM. (trustee) do 

Hillebrand. Miss do 

Judd, A. F. (trustee) do 

Allen, W. F. j American 

Norton, G ! American-Hawaiian (half caste). 

Lyman, Mrs. M. B j Hawaiian-born American 

Lewers, H do. 

Hatch, P. M American 

Zeigler. Mrs. B German 

Lewers, W.H Hawaiian-born American. 

Bishop, Mrs. C American . 

Monsarrat, J Hawaiian-born British. 

Hosmer, F. A American. 

Brewer, Miss M j do . 

Malone, Miss I do . 

Wood, J. Q j do. 

Livera, J. de Portu^ 

Bishop, S. E I Hawawiian-born American 

Total 



1, 119 


$111, 900 


1,095 


109, 500 


573 


57, 300 


132 1 13,200 


264 


26, 400 


170 


17, 000 


138 


1 3 800 


138 


13] 800 


120 


12, 000 


120 


12, 000 


115 


11,500 


199 


10, 900 


109 


10, 900 


25 


2, 500 


45 


4, 500 


93 


9,300 


86 


8. 600 


79 


7,900 


65 


6, 500 


34 


3, 400 


46 


4, 600 


30 


3, 000 


29 


2, 900 


29 


2, 900 


25 


2, 500 


25 


2, 500 


23 


2.30O 


14 


1,400 


11 


1,100 


11 


1, 100 


11 


1.100 


11 


1,100 


11 


1,100 


11 


1, 100 


10 


1,000 


7 


700 


7 


700 


6 
6 


600 
600 


6 

5 


600 
500 


6 


600 


6 


600 


5 


500 


5 


500 


3 


300 


3 


300 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2 


200 


1 


100 


5,000 


500, 009 



(322 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, snowing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

SUMMARY. 

American $201,214 

Hawaiian-born American 207.500 

British 67, 725 

Hawaiian-born British 300 

German 15,477 

Hawaiian 6, 365 

American-Hawaiian (half caste) 600 

British-Hawaiian (half caste)! 503 

German-Hawaiian (half caste) 56 

Portuguese 200 

Total 500, 000 



HEEIA AGRICULTURAL COMPANY LIMITED., OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation ; capital stock, $150,000, in shares of $1C0 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Mendoca,J.P Portuguese 

Esberg, M American . . 

Bachmann, S do 

Grinhaum,M. S do 

Louisson, M do 

Calm,D do 

Bolte, C German 

Buchholtz, J.. do 

Aschheim, A. (estate of) I American.. 



Total . 



Shares. 



Value. 



300 


$30, 000 


1S7A 


18, 750 


387£ 


18, 750 


270 


27. 000 


260 


26, 000 


150 


15. 000 


75 


7, 500 


60 


6, 000 


10 


1,000 


1, 500 


150, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American .. 

German 

Portuguese. 

Total . 




HAWAIIAN SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $2,000,000 in 20,000 shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Value. 



Baldwin, H. P Hawaiian-born American 

Alexander, S. T i American 

Mirlees, J. B j British 

Watson, W.R do. 



Spreckles & Bros., J. D 

Wilcox, A. S 

Wilcox, G. N 

Welch, Andrew, (estate of) 

Watson & Co., M 

Bishop, C. R 

Gay & Robinson 

Powler, W 

Hopper, J. A 

Lewers & Cooke 

Allen, S. C. 



Anieri; an firm 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

British 

British firm 

American 

British 

do 

American 

American firm 

American 

ian corporation 



Brewer & Co., C 1 Ha\ 

Fowler, R. H | British 

Smifh, J. M , American 

Morrison, H > British 

Poster, T. R., estate of I do 

Irwin, W. G ; do 

Cooke, CM : Hawaiian-born American. 

Grinbaum, M. S ; American 

Walters, Dr British 

Soper, J. H. and J. H., jr j do 

Hocking, A ! do 

Snow, Miss J. K ! American 

Dowsett, J. M j Hawaiian-born British.... 

Holmes, H.. j British 

McLean, A ! American 



5, 100 


$510, 000 


3, 355 


335. 500 


1, 015 
1,015 


101. 500 


101, 500 


750 


75. 000 


600 


60. 000 


550 


55, 000 


500 


50. 000 


500 


50. 000 


400 


40. 000 


300 


30. 000 


250 


25. 000 


265 


26. 500 


150 


15. 000 


200 


20, 000 


200 


20. 00 • 


160 


16. 000 


100 


io. am 


100 


10. 000 


100 


io. ooo 


535 


53, 588 


400 


40. 0CO 


100 


10. 000 


100 


10. 000 


56 


5, 600 


50 


5, 000 


5 


500 


25 


2,500 
2, 500 


25 


25 


2,500 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 623 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

HAWAIIAN SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Cockhurn, A j British 

Hosmer, F. A ! American 

Wood. J. Q -...I do ' 

Paris, Miss A.M ; Hawaiian-born American 

Knights, Miss E. B ; American 

Halstead.Mrs.M.E j British 

Fuller, Mrs. I. S I American 

Frear, W.F I do 

Crockett, A. W | do 

"Winter, Miss C. P do 

Armstrong, Miss A.M do % 

Snow, M iss C do .". 

Hadley, Miss A. Z do 

Halstead,F British 

White, J.N j American 

Haning, Mrs. H. H ! British 

Phoffenhaur, W j German 

Klamp. S | do 

Cumming8, J. H j American 

Woon, W | do 

Lackland, Mrs. A ; do 

Halstead, N I Hawaiian, born British... 

Humberg, J. F German 

Isenberg, Mrs. D do. 

Greig, W. H. C 

Fries, A 

Garvie, A 

Wolters, W 

Eodick, G 

SpreckeJs, C 

Hay Avar d, H. M 

Bosse, C 

Hyde, Mrs. M. C 

Fairchilds, G. H 

Wilcox, H. H 

Schmidt, O 

Catton, Pv 

Fisher, J. H 

Hyman Bros 

Lewis & Co 

Good, J" 

Hackfeld, J. H 

Castle, J. B., trustee 

Hopper, W. L 

Peterson, Mrs. E. W 

Hopper, Miss M. L 

Hopper, Miss E. R 

Gulick, T. L 

Barnes, A 

Soper, M. E 

Oleson, W. B 

Baldwin, Miss W 

Macfarlane, G. W 

Sproul, A. M 

Richards, T 

Gardenberg, A . 

Lowrie, F.J 

Wolers, C 

Stackable, E. R 

Goodale, W. W 

Walsh, E.M 

Mclnerny, J. D 

Baldwin,' Mrs. L. M 

Scott, J. A 

Colville, J. W 

Turrell,F 

Castle, Mrs. G 

Castle, G. B. (trustee) 

Castle, Miss CD 

Bowen, Mrs. W. A 

Malone, Miss J. N 

Renwick, Miss 

Banning, B. R 

Coleman, Mrs. H.H 

PoDe. Miss 

Howard, W. L 



Hawaiian, born British ... 

German 

British 

German 

do 

American 

...:.do 

German 

American 

do 

Hawaiian, born American. 

German 

British 

American 

American firm 

do 

American 

German 

American 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born American . 

do 

do 

American 

British 

American 

Hawaiian-born American . 

Hawaiian-born British 

British 

American 

do 

do 

German 

American 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born British 

Hawaiian -born American . 

British 

do 

American 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

do 

British 

Hawaiian-born German . . 
Hawaiian-born American 

American 

do 



10 


d>1 AAA 

!pl, 000 


25 


2, 500 


12 


1, 200 


12 


1, 200 
800 


8 


13 


1, 300 


5 


500 


11 

8 


1, 100 
800 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2 


200 


1 


100 


12 


1, 200 


200 


20, 000 


1 


100 


25 


2, 500 


60 


00. 00 


10 


10. 00 


10 


10. CO 


5 


5. 00 


2 


2. 00 


20 


20. 00 


5 


5. 00 


IS 


13. 00 


5 


o. 00 


5 


$5. 00 


24 


24. 00 


10 


10. 00 


330 


330. 00 


30 


30. 00 


58 


58. 00 


10 


10. 00 


20 


20. 00 


50 


50. 00 


10 


10. 00 


50 


50. 00 


25 


25. 00 


45 


45. 00 


150 


1 50. 00 


20 


20. 00 


20 


20. 00 


20 


20. 00 


10 


10. 00 


10 


10. 00 


25 


2, 500 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


t, 000 


4 


400 


10 


1, 000 


5 


500 


1 


100 


5 


500 


5 


500 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5, 000 


22 


2, 200 


20 


2, 000 


50 


5, 000 


200 


20, 000 


5 


500 


10 


1,000 


30 


3, 000 


100 


10, 000 


100 


10, 000 


10 


1,000 


2 


200 


5 


500 


2 


200 


10 


1, 000 


9 


900 


100 
6 


10, 000 
600 


2 


200 


7 


700 



62 i REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

HAWAIIAN SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Greig, Miss 

Cation, R. (trustee) 

Smart, G. E 

Hardv.P 

Park.' J 

Murray. T. D 

Greig, 'D 

Fowler, J. G 

Howell, J. G 

Mcintosh, W 

Dewhurst, J. B 

Edison, J. E 

Joergens, G 

White, Mrs. Z. L 



Nationality. 



Shrtres. Value. 



Total ' 20,000 



50 


$5. 000 


78 


l\ 800 


125 


12, 500 


100 


10. 000 


100 


10. 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5. 000 


50 


5, 000 


40 


4. 000 


25 


2. 500 


25 


2. 500 


15 


1,500 




500 


100 


10, 000 


20, 000 


2, 000, 000 



SUMMARY. 



British $570. 417 

Hawaiian-born British 5, 600 

American 700,840 

Hawaiian -horn American P 686, 207 

German 26,503 

Hawaiin-born German 10, 000 

Hawaiian 1 333 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 90 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) 10 

Total 2,000,000 



HILO SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII. 



[HawHan corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



■Stockholders. Nationality. Shares. Value. 



Irwin, W. G British 1,500, $150,000 

Sprecldes, C American 1,499! 149,900 

Giffard, W.M | British i 1 100 

Spreckles, J. IV, <fc Bro ! American lirm 2, 000 I 200, 000 



Total ! ; 5,000 j 500,000 

SUMMABY. 

American $349,900 

British 150,100 

Total 500,0^0 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 625 

A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

HONOEAA SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock $200,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Schaefer, E. A.,&Co. 

Marsden, J . . . 

Foster, Mrs. M. E 

Mills, Mrs. C.T 

Schaefer, Mrs. P. A.. 

Mclnerny, M 

Von Mengersen, C . . . 

Suhr, E 

Widemann, A 

"Widemann, G 

W idemann, Anna . . . 

"Widemann, H 

Berger, CO 



Total . 



Nationality. 



German firm 

British 

Hawaiian-British (half-caste) 

American „ 

German 

British 

German. 

...do 

German- Hawaiian (half-caste) 

do 

...do 

...do 

German 



Shares. Value. 



1, 180 


$118, 000 


500 


50, 000 


100 


10, 000 


100 


10. 000 


40 


£ 000 


30 


3,000 


20 


2,000 


20 


2, 000 


4 


400 


1 


100 


1 


100 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2, 000 


200, 000 



SUMMARY. 

German $126, 200 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) 800 

British 53.000 

British- Hawaiian (half-caste) 10^ 000 

American 10, 000 

Total .. $200,000 

HONOMU SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $250, 000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Vtlue. 



Brewer, C, & Co 

May, T 

"Wundenherg, F 

Spreckels, J., D. & Co.. 

Carter, A. W 

Brash, W. G 

Eanney, W 

Sherman, Jno 

Soper, J. H 

Hall, W. W 

Cart wright. A.J 

Jones, E . A 

Castle, W. R 

Hobron, E. E., trustee . . 

White, E.O...-. 

Good, Jno., jr 

Eorhes, Mrs. M. J 

Cooke, CM 

Austin, J., estate of 

Lyman, M. B 

Hall, Mrs.E.V 

Lindsay, A. B 

King, Sarah L 

Dexter, E 

White, J. N 

Carter, H. C 

Carter, J. O., jr 

Hobron, T. W., trustee . 

Hobron, T. W 

Dexter, R. A 

Bidwell, J. E., estate of. 

Total 



Hawaiian corporation 

British 

Hawaiian-born British 

American corporation 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

do 

American 

British 

Hawaii an-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

British 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 

American 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

do 

American 

do 



1, 300 


$130, 000 


259 


25, 900 


218 


21. 800 


113 


11, 300 


60 


6, 000 


60 


6, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5,000 


38 


3,800 


30 


i, 000 


25 


2, 500 


25 


2, 500 


25 


2, 500 


20 


2, 000 


19 


1, 900 


7 


700 


13 


1, 300 


13 


1, 300 


12 


1,200 


10 


1,000 


10 


i, ooe 


7 


700 


6 


600 


4 


400 


3 


300 


3 


300 


2 


200 


8 


800 


10 


1,000 


2, 500 


250, 000 



10518 10 



626 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

SUMMARY. 

American $70, 756 

Hawaiian-born American 73, 542 

British 79,406 

Hawaiian-born British 21,800 

German 680 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 1, OOu 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 5b5 

German-Hawaiiaii (half-caste) 65 

Hawaiian 2. 106 

Total 250, 000 

HUTCHINSON SUGAR PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[San Francisco corporation ; capital stock, $2,500,000, in shares of $50 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 


Sundry San Francisco stockholders . . . 




50, 000 


$2, 500, 000 





KAHUKU PLANTATION COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in 5,000 shares, of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Yonng, A British 

Castle, S. N I American 

Davies, T. H British 

Castle, J. B = Hawaiian-born American 

Afong, C 1 Chinaman 

Cummins, J. A British-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 

Hackfeld, J. F German 

Bolte, C do 

Mendonca, J. P Portuguese 

Castle, W. R Hawaiian-born American 

Castle, G. P do 

Allen, W. F ! American 

AUen, S. C 1 do 

Hall, W. W Hawaiian-born American 

Campbell T British 

Castle, H. N | Hawaiian-born American 

Lewers & Cooke 

Macfarlane, F. W 

Hatch, F. M 

Waterhouse, J. T. jr 

At water, W. O 

Bishop, C. R 

Isenberg, Paul 

Campbell, Jas 

Wilson, Mrs. J 



Ahlborn, L 1 German , 



American firm 
Hawaiian-born British. 

American 

British 

American 

, do 

German 

British 

do. 



Thurston, L. A 

Dillingham, F.F.... 

Smith, T 

Brown, A 

Lansing, T. F 

Monteagle, R 

Lycett, J 

Shaw, J 

Paty, J. H 

Douse, F. G 

Jones, T 

Hopper, J . A 

White, E.O 

Grossman, M.E 

Way, L 

Whitney, J.M 

Fisher, J. H 

Tenney, E. D 

CarlsOD, L. E 

Achi, W.C 



Hawaiian-born American 

American 

British 

do 

American 

British 

do 

do. 
do. 
do, 
do. 
American 
Hawaiian-born American 
American 

British 

American 

do 

do 

Swede 

Half-caste Chinese . 



Shares. Value. 



600 


$60, 000 


500 


50,000 


450 1 45, 000 


403 


40, 300 


300 


30, 000 


250 


25.000 


200 
200 


20, 000 
20, 000 


175 


17, 5L0 


150 


15, 000 


150 


15, 000 


100 


10, 000 


100 


10, 000 


"75 


7, 500 


70 


7, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5. 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5,000 


50 


5, 000 


40 


4, 000 


40 


4, 000 


40 


4, 000 


35 


3,500 


30 


3.000 


30 


3, 000 


30 


3, 000 


30 


3. 000 


30 


3; 000 


25 


2,500 


25 


2. 500 


25 


2, 500 


25 


2 500 


20 


2,000 


20 


2. 000 


20 


2, 000 


22 


2, 200 
2, 000 


20- 


20 


2, 000 


20 


2, 000 


20 


2, 000 


15 


1, 500 


15 


1, 500 


15 


1,500 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 627 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investment and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

EAHUKU PLANTATION COMPANY, OAHU. 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Cart-wright. A.J 

White, W.J 

Crozier, C 

Atherton, J. B 

Bowen, W. A 

Austin, John 

Terry, W. S 

Lyman, F. S., jr 

Thrum, W. F 

Thrum, G-. E 

Lowrey, F. C 

Monsarrat, J. M 

Brown, C 

Woon, W 

Isenberg, Dora 

Barwick, Frank 

Hall, Mrs. W. W 

White, Mrs. Anna 

Austin, Miss M 

Dow, H. M 

Sorenson, T 

Phillips, C 

Peacock, N. C 

Smith S 

Allen, N 

Akau, A. K 

Kaulukon, J. L 

Campbell, J. T 

Lowrey, Miss N 

Wicke* F. D 

Chung, Hoon W 

Fernandez, A 

Andrews, Mrs. S. D. . . 

Fuller, S.D 

Hall & Son, E.O 

Hall, W. W., trustee . 

Kalani, J. L 

Gilbert, O. H. J 

Brown, L. A 

White, C 

Hall, Miss C 

Mahiki, S 



American 

British 

.....do 

American 

do 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born American . 

Hawaiian-born British 

do 

American 

Hawaiian-born British 

do 

American 

German 

British 

American 

do 

do 

do 

Dane 

British 

do 

American 

Half-caste American 

Half-caste Chinese 

Hawaiian 

British 

American 

German 

Half-caste Chinese 

Half-caste Portuguese 

American 

do..c 

America firm 

American 

Hawaiian 

British 

American 

Hawaiian -horn American . 

do 

Hawaiian 



Total . 



12 


$1, 200 


10 


i, 000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1. 000 


10 


1, 000 


30 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1.000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1.000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


3 


300 


2 


200 


2 


200 


1 


100 


5,000 


500, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American $120, 000 

Hawaiian-horn American 89. 9C0 

British 153, 000 

Hawaiian-born British 9, 000 

British-Hawaiian (half caste) 25, 000 

German 49,000 

Chinese 30, 000 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half caste) 2, 500 

Portuguese 17, 500 

Portuguese-Hawaiian (half caste) 500 

Danish 1. 000 

Hawaiian 1, 100 

Swedish 1, 500 



Total 500, 000 



628 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

KOLOA SUGAR COMPANY, KOLOA KAUAI. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock, $200,000, in 200 shares of $1,000 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Valne. 



Isenberg, P 

Cropp, A 

Hackfeld & Co.,H 

Cooke, CM 

Pfleuger, Dr. H. H 

Hebron, T. H., estate of. 

Suhr 

Bosse, C 

Isenberg, D 



Total 



German 

do 

German firm 

Hawaiian-born American 

German 

American 

German 

do 

Hawaiian-born German . . 



76 


$76, 000 


75 


75, 000 


25 


25, 000 


8 


8, 000 


5 


5,000 


4 


4, 000 


3 


3, 000 


3 


3,000 


1 


1, 000 


200 


200, 000 



SUMMARY. 

German $187,000 

Hawaiian-born German 1, 000 

American - 4. 000 

Hawaiian-born American 8, 0C0 

Total 200,000 

KILAUEA SUGAR COMPANY, KAUAI. 

[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $300,000 in shares of $1,000 par value.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 






150 
150 


$150, 000 
150, 000 






Irwin, W. G 


British J 


Total 




300 


300, 000 






KIPAHULU SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $80,000 in shares of $100 par value.] 


Hackfeld & Co 


German firm 


400 

400 


40, 000 
40. 000 


Pfluger, J. C 


do 






800 


$80, 000 







KOHALA SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $480,000, in shares of $500 par value.] 



Robinson, Jas., (estate of)... 

Bond E 

Smith, J. M 

Wight, J. Dr 

Castle, S. N 

Cooke, J. M 

Wetmore, C. H 

Robinson, C.J 

Hillebrand, J. (estate of) ... 

Cooke, CM 

Thompson, J. H. (estate of). 

Robinson, J. J 

Prear, W. P. (trustee) 

Pogue, M. W. Mrs 



Total . 



British 

American 

....do 

British 

American 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-British (half caste) . 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-British (half caste) . 

American 

do 



221 


$110, 500 


276 


138, 000 


144 


72, 000 


96 


48. 000 


60 


30, 000 


60 


30, 000 


48 


24, 000 


15 


7.500 


12 


6, COO 


10 


5.000 


4 


2,000 


2 


1, 000 


2 


1, 000 


10 


5, 000 


960 


480, 000 



American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

British-Hawaiian (half caste) . 
German 



SUMMARY. 



$302, 000 
15S, 500 
5,000 
8. 500 
6. 000 



Total „ 480,000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 629 

A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

KUKAIAU PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAII. 

[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $120,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 


Horner, A 


American , 

do 


420 
260 
260 
260 

1,200 


$42, 000 
26. 000 
26, 000 
26, 000 

120, 000 




do 




do 


Total 








LAUPAHOEHOE PLANTATION COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $500,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 


T. H. Davis 




5,000 


$500, 000 







LIHTJE PLANTATION COMPANY, KAUAI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $700,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Isenberg, P 

Pice, W.H 

De la Vergne, E 

Cooke, A. C 

Isenberg. D 

Isenberg, D.P.E, 

Parke, A. S 

Youmans, C. N 

Cooke, CM 

Wilcox, A.S 



Total 



German 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American. . 

German 

Hawaiian-born German . . . 

American 

do.: 

Hawaiian-born American . 
do 



3,000 


$300, 000 


500 


50, 000 


250 


25, 000 


500 


50, 000 


250 


25, 000 


250 


25, 000 


500 


50, 000 


500 


50, 000 


750 


75, 000 


500 


50, 000 


7, 000 


700, 000 



SUMMARY. 

German born „ . $325, 000 

German, Hawaiian born 25 , 000 

American born 125, 000 

American, Hawaiian born . . . „ 225, 000 



MAKEE SUGAR COMPANY, KEALIA, KAUAI. 
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



700, 000 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Spalding, Z. S 

Blaisdell, W 

Spalding, Mrs. R. C 



American 

Hawaiian-born British 
American 



4,915 
80 
5 



Total 



5, 000 



$491, 500 
8, 000 
500 



500, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American born $492, 000 

British, Hawaiian born 8, 000 



Total, 500,000 



630 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investment* and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

OLOWALU SUGAR COMPANY, OLOWALTJ, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $150,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Haneberg, A 

Haneberg, A 

Macfarlane, E 

Spreckles, J. D., Bros. & Co. 

Allen, F. W 

Heen, H. A 

Macfarlane, F. W 

Wolters; W 

Bosse, C 

Clamp, F 

Hatch, F. M 

Lan Cheong 

Spreckels, C 

Irwin, W. G 

"Widemann, H. A 



Total 



[Nationality. 



i Shares. 



German 

do 

British 

American firm 

do 

Chinese 

Hawaiian-born British 

German 

do 

do 

American , 

Chinese 

American 

British , 

Geiman 



Value. 



386 


$38,600 


33 


3,300 


83 


8,300 


150 


15, 000 


30 


3, 000 


50 


5, 000 


33 


3, 300 


38 


3, 800 


20 


2,000 


6 


600 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


325 


32, 500 


325 


32, 500 


1 


100 


1,500 


150, 000 



SUMMARY. 

German born $48, 40C 

American born 51, 50G 

British born 40, 800 

British, Hawaiian born 3, 300 

Chinese born 6, 000 



Total , 150,000 



OOEALA SUGAR COMPANY, HAMAKUA, HA"WAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock, $200,000, in 2,000 shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Total 



Wright, J". !N" American 

McKibbin, R I British... 

Do 

Green, A 

Mist, H. W 

Walker, W. G 

Dowsett, Mary 

Bickerton, R.'F 

Sproull, AV. C 

Green, J 

Cartwrigiit, B 

Hatch, F. M 

Williams, N 

Dowsett, J. M 

Bows, Mary 

Austin, J 

Hustace, C. C 

Hall, Mrs. M. D 

Hackfeld, J. F 

Morgan, J. F 

Williams, J.N.S 



Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born British... 

do 

British 

American . . . .' 

do 

do 

German 

Hawaiian-born British ... 
British 



400 


$40, 000 


295 


29, 500 


280 


28, 000 


240 


24, 000 


200 


20, 000 


85 


8, 500 


70 


7, 000 


70 


7, 000 


90 


9, 000 


50 


5, 000 


45 


4, 500 


35 


3,500 


25 


2, 500 


25 


2, 500 


20 


2, 000 


20 


2, 000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1, 000 


2,000 


200, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American $47, 5(>0 

Hawaiian-born American , 4,500 

British 141,000. 

Hawaiian-born British : 6, 000 

German 1,000 



Total 200,000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 631 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

ONOMEA SUGAR COMPANY, HILO, H ATT ATE. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $500,000 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. J Value. 




Hawaiian corporation 


2, 500 
1, 250 
833 
417 


$250, 000 
125. 000 
83, 300 
41.700 






Castle, S. N 


do 










5, 000 


500, 000 







SUMMARY. 

American $286,301 

Hawaiian-horn American 136, 783 

British 70, 208 

Hawaiian 4, 167 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 1,125 

German 1,291 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) 125 



Total 500, 000 

PAATJHAU PLANTATION COMPANY, HAMAKUA, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $1,000,000, in shares of $100, par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Value. 



Spreckels, Claus 

Irwin. W. G 

Giffard, W. M... 



American 
British ... 
do... 



5, 000 
4, 999 
1 



$500, 000 
499, 900 
100 



Total 10, 000 

I 



1, 000, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American $500, 000 

British 499,900 

Do 100 



Total 1,000,000 



PACIFIC SUGAR MILL COMPANY, HAMAKUA, HA AY AH. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $300,000, in shares of $100, par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Value 



Schaefer & Co., P. A 

Smith, Dr. J.M 

Purvis, John 

Purvis, W. H 

Purvis, R.W 

Purvis, A. B 

Bishop, C.R 

Suhr. E 

Von Mengersen, C .. 
Poster, Mrs. Mary E. 

Kay, T.S 

Schaefer, Mrs. F. A . . 

Bosse, C 

Renjes, H 

Focke. H 

Hoting, J 

Schultz, H 

Horner, W = 

Massey, Miss 

Paty.J.H 



Total 



German firm 

American 

British 

do 

do 

do 

American 

German 

do 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

British 

German 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

American 

British 

American 



676 


$67, 600 


625 


62, 500 


525 


52, 500 


250 


25. 000 


250 


25, 000 


100 


10, 000 


200 


20,000 


75 


7, 500 


65 


6, 500 


62 


6. 200 


56 


5, 600 


19 


1,900 


19 


1,900 


18 


1,800 


18 


1,800 


17 


1,700 


12 


1, 200 


10 


1, 000 


2 


200 


1 


100 


3, 000 


300, 000 



American horn 

British horn 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 
German horn 



SUMMARY. 



$83, 600 
118. 300 
6, 200 
91, 900 



Total 300,000 



632 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. — Haicaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Contiuutsd. 

PAIA PLANTATION COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $750,1)00, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Alexander, S.T American 

Allen, W.F do 

Atherton, Mrs. J. M do 

Alexander, Miss L 

Alexander, Miss W. D 

At water, W. O 

Austin, W. B 

Allen, S. C 

Alexander, J. M 

Baldwin, H. P 

Beckwith, G. E 

Brewer, A. A (trustee) 

Castle, Mrs. I. B 

Carpenter, Miss H. E 

Cooke. Mrs. H. E. (trustee) 

Colville, J. W 

Corn well, Miss A 

Campbell, A. (estate of) 

Canavarro, A. de S 

Canavarro, A. de S. (trustee) 

Dowsett, J. M 

Dodge, E. S 

Dole, M. C 

Dickey, Mrs. A 

Gulick, T. L 

Hobron, Mrs. F. E 

Henderson, Miss B. A 

Hall, Mrs. M.D 

Hustace, C. J 

Hart well, A. S 

Hatch, F.M 

Humburg, F.J 

Elamp, F 

Eoch, Geo 

Eaiser, Carl 

Lindsav, N. C 

Lord, T. A 

Laws, H 

Lewers, E 

Lazarus, J 

Lowrey, N 

Lowrev, Mrs. A.L 

Lane, Mrs. D. W. C 

May, T 

Mett, C 

Oleson, W.B 

Parke, Mrs. W. C 

Paris, Miss A. M 

Porter, Capt. Chas 

Purvis, Miss M 

Photenhauer, N 

Spreckels, J. D., Bros. & Co 

Smith, A.H 

Smith, A.H. & Co 

Suhr, E 

Spooner, Miss M. E 

Smith, J. E 

Sterling, E. (estate of) 

Smith, W. G 

Walsh, E. M 

Wilcox, A. S 

Wilcox, G. N 

Waller, J 



Total 



Hawaiian-born American . 

do 

American 

do 

do . 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

do 

do 

do 

do 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

Portugese 

do. 

Hawaiian -born British. 
American 
do. 
do. 

Hawaiian-born American 
American 
British. 
American 

Hawaiian -born American. 
American . 

do. 
German . 

do.... 

do.... 

do.... 

British... 
American . 

do.... 

do... 

British 

American . 

do... 

do... 

British... 
German. 
American . 
American 

Hawaiian-born American 
American 

British 

German 

American firm , 

Hawaiian-born American 
Hawaiian- American firm. 

German 

American 

Hawaiian-born American , 

British 

American 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

British 



Shares. 



2,156 


$215. 600 


14 


1,400 


290 


29, 000 


13 


1,300 


10 


1, 000 


115 


11,500 


6 


600 


lti 


1,600 


200 


20,000 


2.0G2 


206, 200 


20 


2,000 


262 


26, 200 


3 


300 


4 


400 


6 


600 


42 


4, 200 


46 


4, 600 


18 


1, 800 


2 


200 


6 


600 


42 


4, 200 


10 


1,000 


26 


2, 600 


10 


1.000 


7 


700 


263 


26. 300 


18 


1, 800 


33 


3,300 


12 


1,200 


400 


40, 000 


25 


2, 500 


10 


1. 000 


15 


1,500 


10 


1,000 


10 


1.000 


4 


400 


60 


6, 000 


30 


3. 000 


12 


1;208 


10 


1,000 


1 


100 


2 


200 


2 


200 


18 


1,800 


20 


2. 000 


10 


1,000 


12 


1, 200 


4 


400 


12 


1, 200 


10 


1, 000 


9 


900 


105 


10, 500 


21 


2,100 


52 


5. 200 


106 


10, 600 


8 


800 


149 


14.900 


26 


2,600 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


352 


35. 200 


243 


24. 300 


20 


2, 000 


7, 500 


750, 000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 633 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

SUMMARY. 

American $413, 300 

Hawaiian-born American 297, 100 

British 16, 600 

Hawaiian-born British 4, 200 

German 18, 000 

Portuguese 800 

Total 750,000 

PAUKAA SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII. 

[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $170,000, in shares of $10, par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Value. 



Cooke, C. M. (trustee) 

Austin, B. H. (estate of) . . 
Hobron, T. H. (estate of). 

Hobron, E. C 

Smith, A. H 

Allen, S. C 

Dwight, S. C 

ELolomoku, H 

Grieve, R 

Austin. J. (estate of) 

Onomea Sugar Co 

Cooke, CM 

Austin, S. L 

Smith, H 

Hoffman, Mrs 

Thurston, L. A 

Hobron, T. W. (trustee).. 

Hartwell, A. S 

Nott, Mrs. E 

Monsarrat, J. M 

Kellett, P. D 

Wilson, C. B 



Shares not issued. 
Total 



Hawaiian-born American . 

American 

do 

do 

HaAvaiian-born American 

American 

American-Hawaiian (half caste) 

Hawaiian 

British 

American 

Hawaiian corporation 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

American-Hawaiian (one-half caste) 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

do 

Hawaiian-born British 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

British-Tahitian (half-caste) , 



4, 653 


$46, 530 


2, 500 


25, 000 


200 


2, 000 


200 


2, 000 


200 


2, 000 


70 


700 


70 


700 


35 


350 


100 


1, 000 


62 


620 


60 


600 


55 


550 


50 


500 


50 


500 


47 


470 


70 


700 


22 


220' 


20 


200 


10 


100 


10 


100 


10 


100 


5 


50 


8, 499 


84, 990 


8, 501 


85, 010 


17, 000 


170, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American $31,786 

Hawaiian-born American 50, 328 

British 1, 060 

Hawaiian-born British 100 

German 3 

Hawaiian 360 

American-Hawaiian (half caste) 1, 200 

British-Hawaiian (half caste) ... 103 

British-Tahitian (half caste) 50 

Total 84, 990 

PEEPEEKEO SUGAR COMPANY, HAWAII. 

[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $750,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Baird, W. H 

Ashford, C. W 

Thurston, L. A 

Kenned v, C. C 

Wyllie, "D 

Pullar, W 

Beacon, H 

Gilfillan, J 

Davies, T. H. & Co 

Young, A 1 

Austin, J 

Allen, W. F. (trustee) . 

Total 



British 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

do 

do 

American 

British 

British firm 

British 

American 

Chinese 



250 


$25, 000 


25 


2, 500 


50 


5,000 


120 


12, 000 


30 


3, 000 


20 


2, 000 


80 


8,000 


40 


4,000 


178 


17, 800 


4, 637 


463, 700 


70 


7,000 


2,000 


200, 000 


7,500 


750,000 



634 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

SUMMAEY. 

British $530.00) 

American 15,000 

Hawaiian-born American 5, 000 

Chinese 200, 000 

Total 750,000 

PEINCEYILLE PLANTATION COMPANY, HANALEI, KAUAI. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $240,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



"Welch, A. (estate of) .. 

Allen, F. H 

Allen, M. Y 

Allen. E. H. (estate of) 

Hesselchaeft. S. F 

Cooke, J. M. Mrs ,. 

Conrade, A. (estate of) 
Brewer, C, & Co 



Total 



British.... 

American . 



Nationality. 



:....do 

do 

do 

German 

Hawaiian corporation. 



Shares. Yalne. 



600 


$60, 000 


364 


36, 400 


364 


36. 400 


304 


30,400 


304 


30. 400 


164 


16:400 


100 


16.000 


140 


14, 000 


2, 400 


240, 000 



SUMMAEY. 



American 

Hawaiian-horn American 

British 

German 

Hawaiian 

German-Hawaiian (half caste) . 
British-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 



$154,368 

5,325 
63.9X2 
16.072 
233 
7 
- 63 



Total , 



240,000 



UNION MILL COMPANY, KOHALA, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $160,000, in shares of $1,000 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Yalue. 



Eenton, J as 

Holmes, G. F. (executor) 
Janion, E. C. (executor) . 

Davies, T. H 

Eynnerslev Bros 

Eenton, H H 

Wallace, E 

Maguire, John 

Walker, T. E. (trustee) . . 



. British 

do 

do . 

do 

; do 

Hawaiian-horn British 

British 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 
do , 



Total 



45 


$45, 000 


25 


25.000 


20 


20,000 


20 


20, 000 


30 


30,000 


5 


5. 000 


5 


5, 000 


5 


5.000 


5 


5, 000 


160 


160, 000 



SUMMAEY. 

British $150,000 

Hawaiian-horn British 5,000 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 5, 000 



Total 



160, 000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 635 

A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholdars therein, etc. — Continued. 

RECIPROCITY SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $214,300, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders, 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Cumniings. W. H 

Castle. W. R 

Hobron. T. W 

Smith. W. 

Wilcox. A. S 

Wilcox. G.N 

Wilcox. H. H 

Wilcox, S. W 

Baldwin, H.P 

Lau Chong 

Achi. W.C - 

Akau, L.. administrator 

Hobron. E. W.. trustee 

Paris. J.D...ir 

Tenney. E. E» 

McLahe. M. J 

Walker. J. S 

Hayselden, J. G-., estate of . . 

Minwai, X 

Hanuna. J. K 

Johnson. E 

Kanoa, P. P 

Morgan. J. E 

Castle, G. P 

Colburn. J. E 

Smith, H 

Paakaula, J 

Dole, S. B 

Richardson. Geo. (estate of; 

Ahina, A. M 

Hanaike, J. B 

Kahale, W. S 

BLaaukai, S. M 

Xapualii. J 

King, J. L 

Kahoohuli.P 

Macfarlane. H. R 

von Gravemeyer, W 

Apa, Helen M 



American-Hawaiian (balf-caste) 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Chinese 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American , 

do 

British 

do 

Chinese , 

Hawaiian 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born British 

! Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian-American (half-caste) 

do 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian-born British (half-castes) . 

Chinese 

Hawaiian 

do 

do 

do 

American 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born British 

German 

Hawaiian : 



Total 



417 




240 


24 000 


164 


16. 400 


150 


15 000 


100 


10 000 


100 


10. 000 


100 


loj 000 


100 


10, 000 


100 


10, 000 


148 


14.800 


100 


10 000 


56 


5 600 


50 


5 000 


40 


4. Qoo 


40 


4. 000 


30 


3 000 


30 


3 000 


30 


3 000 


24 


2 400 


15 


1, 500 


12 


1. 200 


11 


1, 100 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 

8 


1,000 
800 


8 
6 


800 
600 


5 


500 


3 


300 


3 


300 


3 


300 


3 


300 


2 


200 


2 


200 


1 


100 


1 


100 


.1 


109 


2,143 


214, 300 



SUMMARY. 



American $7,200 

Hawaiian-born Americans 116,200 

American Hawaiian (half-castes) 43, 700 

British , 6, 000 

Hawaiian- born British 1, 100 

British-Hawaiian (half castes) 600 

Hawaiian 6,100 

Chinese 23, 300 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-castes) 10, 000 

German.... ■ 100 

Total 214,300 



636 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investmenti and nation 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

WAIANAE SUGAR COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation ; capital stock, $255, COO, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Wilcox, G. N 

Bishop, C. R 

Isenberg, P 

Wilcox, A. S 

Stirling, R. (estate of) 

Cleghorn, A. S 

Macfarlane, E 

Jaeger, A 

Dowsett, J. M 

Kruse, E 

Hobron, E. C 3 

Widemann, M 

Chamberlain, A. C 

Kawainui, Mrs 

Abrens, Aug 

Arnemann, W .. 

Richardson, Mrs. E 

Richardson, J . L. (children of) . 

Wright, J 

Widemann, H. A 

Berger, C. O 

Bosse, C 

Suhr, E 

Berger, C. O. jr 

Cleghorn, A 

Macfarlane, G.E 



Hawaiian-born American 

American 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

do 

Hawaiian-born British 

German 

Hawaiian-born British 

German 

American 

German -Hawaii an (half-caste) . . 

American 

Hawaiian 

German 

do 

Chinese-Hawaiian (halt-caste) . . . 
American -Hawaiian (half-caste) 

British 

German 

do 

do 

do 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . . 
British-Hawaiian (half-caste) ... 
do 



Total 



500 


$50, 000 


45 


4, 500 


7 


700 


150 


15, 000 


75 


7, 500 


37 


3, 700 


7 


700 


7 


700 


12 


1, 200 


10 


1, 000 


12 


1,200 


7 


700 


3 


300 


5 


500 


90 


9, 000 


30 


3,000 


205 


20,590 


414 


41,400 


57 


5,700 


730 


73, 000 


110 


11,000 


25 


2, 500 


5 


500 


3 


300 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2, 550 


255, 000 



SUMMARY. 

German „ $101,400 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) 1, 000 

American 6,000 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 41,400 

Hawaiian-h orn Am erican 65 , 000 

British , 10, 900 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 400 

Hawaiian-born British 1, 900 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 20,500 

Hawaiian 500 

Total. 255,000 



WAIEAPU SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $250,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 






1,230 
1, 250 
10 
10 


$123, 000 
125, 000 
1,000 
1,000 






Irwin, W. G 




Giffard,W.M 


do 


Total 




2, 500 


250, 000 







SUMMARY. 



American.... $123,000 

British 2, 000 

Hawaiian-born British 125, 000 



Total 250,000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 637 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

WALHEE SUGAR COMPACT, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $200,000 in shares of $1,000 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Yalue. 



Brewer, C, <fc Co 

Makee, C.B 

Hastings, A.M.. 

Herbert, K. S 

Tenner, R. S 

Noonan, H. G 

Spalding, W 



Total 



Hawaiian corporation 

Hawaiian-born American. 

American 

do 

do 

do 

, do 



58i 
37§ 

-• : 

20| 
2(l I 



200 



$58. 500 
37, 750 
20, 750 
20, 750 
20, 750 
20, 750 
20, 750 



200, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American $122,000 

Hawaiian-born American 60, 000 

British 16, 430 

Hawaiian 975 

German 302 

British-Hawaiian balf-caste 263 

German-Hawaiian half-caste 



30 



Total 200, 000 

WAIAKEA MILL COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $300,000 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Yalue. 


Davies, T. H 


British 


1, 250 
1, 250 
375 
125 


$125, 000 
125, 000 
37, 500 
12, 500 


Young, A 


do 




do 




do 


Total 




3,000 


300, 000 







TVAIMANALA SUGAE COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $180,000, in shares of $100, par value, each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



British-Hawaiian (half caste) . 

American 

do 

do 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 



Cummins, J. A 

Herbert, A 

Cartwright, A. J 

Bishop, C.B 

Bolte,C 

Cartwright, B 

Hobron, T. H American 

Campbell, A British 

Suhr, E German 

Scholz, O do 

Hopper, J. A American 

Bickerton, R. E British 

Peirce, J.. Mrs American 

Kapiolani (Queen) Hawaiian 

Bosse, C German 

Cartwright, A. jr Hawaiian-born American 

Smith, H j American-Hawaiian (half caste). 

Kahai, M ! Hawaiian 

Shaw, Jona ! British 

Tenney, E. D ' American 

Agnew, H. J i. .... .do 

Likelike Hawaiian 

Hackfeld, J.F German 

Huber, Captain. American 

Hobron, E. C I do 



Shares. 



Yalue. 



950 


$95, 000 


200 


20, 000 


100 


10. 000 


75 


7,500 


60 


6, 000 


50 


• 5,000 


41 


4, 100 


40 


4. 000 


25 


2, 500 


20 


2, 000 


20 


2, 000 


20 


2, 000 


15 


1,500 


15 


1, 500 


14 


1,400 


13 


1,300 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1, 000 


9 
8 


900 
800 



638 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

WAIMANALA SUGAR COMPANY, OAHLJ— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Focke, H German 

Emerson. D.. Mrs ' American 

Pierce, C, Miss do 

Thies, G., Miss German 

Stockmar, Mrs do 

Thurston, L. A Hawaiian-born American 

Bolte, C, Mrs German 

Lau Ckong Chinese 

HaU, W. W Hawaiian-born American 

Cart-wright, B do 

Roth, S., Mrs German 

Liliuokalani Hawaiian 

Cartwright, D Hawaiian-born American 

Stoves, M American 

Cartwright, K Hawaiian-born American 

Cartwright, R do 



Shares. 



Value. 



r'"0 

500 
500 
500 
500 
500 
500 
400 
300 
200 
200 
200 
100 
100 
100 
100 



Total 



1, 800 



ISO, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 

British 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) ... 

German 

Hawaiian 

Chinese 



$49. 000 
7,600 
1,000 
7.000 
95.000 
15, 400 
3, 700 
400 



Total ISO, 000 



WATMEA SUGAZ MULL, KAUAI. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $70,000 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholder. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 1 


Value. 


H. W. Smidt 




700 


$70,000 







WAILUKU SUGAR COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation, capital stock $265,000 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Brewer, C, & Co. (limited) . . 

Smith, J. Mott 

Cummins, T. (estate of) 

Cartwright, A. J. (estate of) 

Welch, A. restate of) 

Robinson, M. P 

Robinson, J as. (estate of) ... 
Alexander. W. P. (estate of). 

Bailev, W. H 

Bailev, E 

Mills-College 

Campbell, A.J 

Eorbes, Mrs. M. J 

Hobron, E. E. (trustee) 

Isenberg. Mrs. D 

White. E. O 

Lowrev, W. J 

Rice, Mrs. N. R 

Rice. Mrs. N. R. (guardian) . . 

Welch <fc Co 

Robinson, Caroline 

Frear. W. F. (trustee) 

Robinson. James J 

Cooke, CM 



Total 



Hawaiian corporation 

American 

British 

American 

British 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Hawaiian 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

American corporation 

Hawaiian-born British 

American 

do 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

Am eric an c orp oration 

British Hawaiian (half caste) 

American _ 

British Hawaiian (half caste) 
Hawaiian-born American 



595 


$59. 500 


75 


7,500 


100 


10.000 


GO 


6. 000 


601 


60. 100 


50 


5. 000 


120 


12.000 


20 


2, 000 


600 


60.000 


60 


6, 000 


15 


1,500 


15 


1, 500 


10 


1, 000 


20 


2, 000 


10 


1,000 


5 


500 


35 


3. 500 
2. 000 


20 


40 


4.000 


150 


15. 000 
800 


8 


1 


100 


1 


100 


39 


3, 900 


2, 650 


265,000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 639 

A. — Hawaiian sugar plantation corporations, showing amount of investments and nation- 
ality of stockholders therein, etc. — Continued. 

SUMMARY. 



American .' $63, 130 

Hawaiian-horn American 93, 035 

British 86, 840 

British-Hawaiian (half castes) 6, 166 

Hawaiian-born British i, 500 

German 1, 307 

German-Hawaiian (half castes) 30 

Hawaiian 12, 992 



Total 265,000 



DUTIES. 

Department of Finance, Honolulu, June 19, 1893. 
The duties collected at the custom-house in Honolulu for the past five years on 
goods from all ports, other than American, are as follows: 



Years. 


Spirits. 


Merchandise. 


1888 


$157. 958. 44 
124, 473.04 
196, 678. 72 
252. 648. 96 
139, 289. 53 


$126, 243. 64 
118, 354. 14 
182, 573. 39 
211, 170. 21 
95, 409. 99 


1889 


1890 


1891 


1892 - 


Total for fire years 


871, 048. 69 
174, 209. U 


733, 751. 37 
146, 750. 26 







The yearly average income for five years on spirits being $174,209.74:, and the 
yearly average income for five years on merchandise $146,750.26, making a total on 
all goods of $320,960, which, multiplied by twenty, the number of years that our 
bonds have to run, makes a total income from duties alone, on goods other than 
American, of $6,419,200. Our public debt is $3,250,000; five years' interest on this at 
6per cent, as specified in bonds, is $975,000 ; fifteen years' interest on same at 3 percent 
(United States rates) is $1,462,500, and add to this the total public debt, $3,250,000, 
which makes a total of $5,687,500, Avill show that the income ($731,700) from customs 
duties alone for twenty years (the term of our bonds), taken on above average, will 
pay the entire interest on the public debt, together with the debt itself, and leave 
a balance in the Treasury of $731,700. 



BTo. 27. 

Mr. Alexander to Mr. Damon, 

Hawaiian Government Survey, 
Honolulu, Haivaiian Islands, June 24, 1893. 

His Excellency S. M. Damon, 

Minister of Finance: 

Sir : In accordance with your request I have had the areas of all the 
Government land sales, alias grants, to June 8, 1893, added up, making 
a total of 667,317.4 acres. A recent estimate of the lands at present 
held by the Government gives a total of 828,000 acres. Adding this 
amount to the total area sold, we obtain 1,495,317 acres as the approxi- 
mate amount of land held by the Government at the end of the great 
division (Mahele) in 1848. 

The Grown lands at present are estimated to contain 915,000 acres, 
including a few unassigned lands, which were transferred to the Grown 
by the Legislature of 1890. 



640 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN JSLANUS. 



The kuleanas proper or land commission awards to the common 
people, including a few lots awarded to foreigners (chiefly in Honolulu), 
amount to 28,658.5 acres. 

These were generally either house lots or small pieces of cultivated 
land. The number of L. (J. awards was 11,309, which included 177 
awards made to chiefs or konohikis, whose names are in the Mabele 
book. Deducting these the number of kuleanas was 11,132, averaging 
2.57 acres apiece. 

My assistants have also added up those konohiki (chiefs 7 ) awards, 
whose areas were given jn the index of land claims amounting to 
133,012.6 acres. But these are only a small part of them, as most of 
this class of lands were awarded by name without survey. 

For example, the Bishop estate alone at present comprises about 
420,000 acres. However, adding the kuleanas and the surveyed 
awards to chiefs given in the index of land claims together, we obtain 
a total of 161,670 acres awarded at that time by survey. 
I remain, yours, very respectfully, 

W. D. Alexander, 

Surveyor- General. 



Approximate division of the lands of the Hawaiian Kingdom, 1848-1855. 



Acres. 

Crown lands (as in 1893) 915, 000 

Government lands (as in 1848) 1, 495, 000 

Kuleanas 28, 658. 5 

Bishop estate for manual training schools (as in 1893) 420, 000 

Other chiefs' lands surveyed before 1855 133, 012. 6 

Other chiefs' lands not surveyed before 1855 1, 018^ 329 



Grand total 4,010,000.1 

Total of chiefs' lands, including Bishop estate 1, 571, 341 

E. & O. E. 



W. D. Alexander. 



Total area of land-commission awards, 
KULEANAS. 



Hawaii : Acres. 

Hilo 466. 35 

Hamakua 2,542 

Kohala 2, 129. 16 

Kona 2,119 

Kau 2,124.18 

Puna 32. 18 



Total area of Hawaii Kuleanas 9, 412. 87 

Total area of Maui Kuleanas 7, 579. 74 

Total area of Molokai Kuleanas 2, 288. 87 

Total area of Oahu Kuleanas 7, 311. 17 

Total area of Kauai Kuleanas 1, 824. 17 

Total area of Lanai Kuleanas 441. 67 



Grand total 28,658.49 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 641 

Total area of land-commission awards — Continued. 
AHTPUAAS AXD UTS, OR LARGER TRACTS AXD SUBDIVISIONS. 

Hawaii; Acreg . 

Hilo 6,620.25 

Hamakua 8. 24s. 48 

Kohala L 933 

Kona.; 1,261.79 



Total for Hawaii. 18. 063. 52 

Kauai 54. 272 

Molokai 10.' 343. 62 

Oahu 32, 785. 62 

^aui 17. 547. 83 



Total area of Ahupua as and His surveyed for the land commission. . 133. 012.59 
E. & 0. E. 

W. D. Alexander. 

Estimate of area included in all Government grants (land sales) to date. June 8, 1893. 
Hawaii: Acres. Acrea. 

Kohala 21.520.95 

Ham akua 63'. 439. 41 

Hilo 14.884.41 

Puna 17, 411. 73 

Kau 215. 538. 81 

Kona 56. 101. 16 

388,896.47 

Maui: 

Lahaina 364. 17 

Kaanapali 2, 675. 00 

Wailuku 25. 825. 51 

Hamakua 18,711.53 

Koolau 2, 024. 72 

Hana 6, 216. 92 

Kipahulu 1, 540. 03 

Kaupo 11,534.73 

Kahikiuui 3, 595. 67 

Honuaula 15, 100. 84 

Kula 13. 054. 92 

■ 100,644.04 

Oahu: 

Kona district 5. 549. 10 

Ewa district 7,401.31 

Waialua district ; 19. 596. 47 

Koolau district 12, 321. 94 

44, 868. 82 

Lallai 735.93 

Molokai 55, 960. 90 

Kauai P 15, 123.25 

Niihua... 61,088 



Grand total 667. 317. 41 

The foregoing estimate of areas is largely increased by the inclusion of several 
exceptionally large grants, viz : 

Acres. 

Grant 2769 to J. P. Parker in Hamakua 37. 888 

Grant 2791 to C. C. Harris in Kau 184. 298 

Grant 3343 to C. Spreckels in Wailuku 24. 000 

Grant 3146 to C. R. Bishop in W. Molokai 46, 500 

Grant 2944 to J. M. and F. Sinclair in Niihua 61, 038 



Total 353.724 

A recent estimate of area of present Government lands gave a total, in round num- 
bers, of 828,000 acres, which, together with the total amount granted, would give, in 
round numbers, 1,495,300 acres as the amount originally held by the Goverument. 

J. F. Brown. 

June 8, 1893. 

10518 41 



642 KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

I^o. 28. 

Mr. John H. Soper to Mr. Blount 

Headquarters of the Volunteer Forges of the 
Provisional Government of the Hawaiian Isla nds, 

Honolulu, June 20, 1893. 

His Excellency James H. Blount, 

United States Minister: 
Sir: I beg to transmit herewith memorandum of arms and ammuni- 
tion, as per your request. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 

J no. H. Soper, 
Colonel, Commanding National Guard of Honolulu. 



Memorandum of arms and ammunition in hands of Provisional Government January 17, 

1893. 



18 Winchester repeating rifles from 
Castle & Cooke. 

24 revolvers from Castle & Cooke. 

2 Winchester carbines from E. 0. Hall 
& Son. 

7 Winchester repeating rifles from E. 0. 
Hall & Son. 

5 Marlin repeating rifles from E. 0. 
Hall & Son. 

13,350 45-70 cartridges from E. 0. Hall 
& Son. 

2,750 45-70 cartridges from E. O. Hall 
& Son. 

3,690 45-70 cartridges from sundry per- 
sons. 

6 Springfield rifles from F. Wunden- 
berg. 

150 rifles, "private property," in the 
hands of forces most of whom came sup- 
plied with ammunition. 

9 Springfield rifles from various parties. 

3" Winchester rifles from J. T. Water- 
house. 

1 Winchester rifle from J. Marsden. 

1 Winchester rifle from H. Juen. 

1 Winchester rifle from Dr. Whitney. 

8 brass field pieces, 8 centimeters. 

4 brass mountain pieces, 7 centimeters. 

1 Gatling gun. 

20 cases, 8 centimeters, 120 shells. 
11 cases, 7 centimeters, 66 shells. 

2 cases, 8 centimeters, 10 shells. 

5 cases, 7 centimeters, 54 shells. 

21 grapeshot. 
90~jSpringfield rifles. 



4 Springfield rifles, damaged. 

100 Winchester military rifles without 
rear sights, and most of them otherwise 
damaged. These guns were discarded in 
1887. 

14,950 45-70 cartridges. 

120 40-60 cartridges. 

73 Springfield rifles. 

96 Winchester military rifles — all but 

27 lacking rear sights and majority 

out of repair. 
1 Hotchkiss rifle. 
3 Remington rifles. 

1 Gatling gun. 

7 Remington carbines rim fire. 
12 muskets, muzzle loaders. 
52 bayonets. 
16 revolvers. 

2 swords. 

1 set single sticks. 

1 set wooden ramrods. 

10 canister for 8- centimeter guns. 

54 shell for 8-centimeter guns. 

1 keg powder. 

10,340 45-75 cartridges, 500-grain bullet. 
3,500 45-70 cartridges, 500-grain bullet. 
4,120 45-70 cartridges, 405-grain bullet. 
280 45-90 cartridges, 300-grain bullet. 
640 45-60 cartridges, 300-grain bullet. 
960 Remington cartridges. 
240 45-75 cartridges, 350-grain bullet. 
6,330 45-75 cartridges, 405-grain bullet. 
4,600 44-40 cartriges, 217-grain bullet. 
1,800 buckshot. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 643 



l*o. 29. 
Mr. Jaukea to Mr. Blount. 

[Private.] 

Honolulu, June 21, 1893. 

His Excellency J. H. Blount : 

Dear, Sir: Referring to our conversation of this morning in regard 
to the large excess of the appropriations over the ordinary receipts 
passed by the Legislature of 1886, 1 have the honor to hand yon copy 
of the minister of finance's report to the Legislature of 1887. In look- 
ing over the items which make up the total of $4,567,377 the following 
items for permanent public improvements appear : 



Addition to waterworks $75, 000 

Road damages 275, 000 

Road Nuuanu Pali 75, 000 

Encouragement immigration 150, 000 

New wharves 40, 000 

Purchase new tug 40, 000 

Interisland cable 65, 000 

Electric light 35.000 

Completion new police building 26,000 

Dredging Honolulu Harbor 40, 000 

Waterworks, Hilo and Molokai 30,000 



Total 831,000 

To this total $851, 000 should also he added. 

National debt falling due $267, 900 

Interest on national debt 255, 000 

Subsidy Oriental Steamship Company 72, 000 



Making a grand total of „ 1, 445, 900 



This should explain why the appropriations exceeded the ordinary revenue by such 
a large amount. 

I am afraid that I will not be able to obtain the statement by the staff officers as 
requested in time for the mail. Mr. Robertson will call and explain personally. 

Very respectfully, C. P. Jaiaukea. 



Ko. 30. 

Mr. J. A. King to Mr. Blount. 

Department of the Interior, 

Honolulu, June 22, 1893. 
Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your note of to-day's 
date asking what number of citizens were naturalized in these islands 
between 1860 and 1878, and to say in reply that the records of this 
department show the total number of foreigners naturalized between 
January 1, 1860, and December 31, 1878, to be 750. 

I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant, 

J. A. King, 
Minister of the Interior. 

His Excellency James H. Blount, 

United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, 
Honolulu. 



644 KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



No. 31. 



Mr. Robertson to Mr. Blount, 



Honolulu, June 23, 1893. 

His Excellency, James H. Blount, 

Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United 
States of America. 

Your Excellency: I beg to submit the following statement: 

I was on duty at Iolani palace on the 16th day of January last. The 
report of the landing of the United States naval forces, created a feel- 
ing of surprise and excitement among the officials at Iolani palace. 

{Standing on the front veranda of the palace building at the time 
the United States troops marched past, the scene greatly depressed 
me, and the immediate impression conveyed to my mind was that they 
had been landed to take possession of these islands. 

Later on, and during the evening, I heard the rumor that the reason 
for their landing was for the purpose of assisting the revolutionists in 
carrying out their scheme for overthrowing the Queen and her Gov- 
ernment. Next morning (Tuesday) on seeing the position in which the 
troops were quartered, commanding both the palace and the Govern- 
ment buildings, I felt assured that such was the case, and that the 
troops were landed for the purpose of intimidating the Government 
forces and to lend their aid to the revolutionists if it was required. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your excellency's obedient and humble 
servant, 

James W. Kobertson, 

Her Majesty's Chamberlain. 



No. 32. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations. 

[From latest official returns, June, 1893. E. and O. Ex. Thos. G. Thrum.] 

Haicaiian corporations oilier than sugar plantations, showing amount of investments therein 
and nationality of stockholders in each. 

[Compiled June, 1893, from latest official returns for His Excellency, J. H. Blount, Envoy Extraor- 
dinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States.] 



Corporations. 


Capital 
stock. 


American. 


Hawaiian- 
born 
American. 


American 
Hawaii an 
caste). 


British. 


Hawaii'n- 

born 
British. 


British- 
Hawaiian 
(J caste). 




$609. 000 
25. O'.lO 


$187. 200 
fi son 


$228, 200 




$168, 500 
12. 500 
3,000 
12, 820 




$2, 700 


Club Stables Co 


$5,700 




Daily Bulletin Pub. Co 


15.000 i 100 
60,000 ! 17.798 
300 nno : fU7 nno 








Fashion Stables Co 


93 





$13, 134 


10 


G-rinbaum & Co.. JsL. S 




Hall & Son, E. 

Haleakala Ranch Co 


150, 000 
220, 000 

5, 375 
50. 000 
45. 000 

439. 800 
20. 000 
30. 000 
40. 000 
75, 000 
2, 000 

227, 500 


47. 700 
.68, 400 

1.292 
13, 910 
44. 600 
107, 000 
7, 400 
40 


65, 400 
151, 600 

206 
4, 180 


23, 000 


11, 100 


800 






Hamakua & S. Kohala T. & 
T. Co 








34 


Haw'n Bell Telephone Co . . 

Haw'n Carriage Mfg Co 

Haw'n Construction Co 

Haw'n Electric Light Co. . . 

Haw'n Eruit & Taro Co 

Haw'n Gazette Co 




28, 670 


2. 790 
300 






30, 666 

7, 200 
12, 860 
40. 000 

1, 250 




25, 666 
2, 000 
1, 820 


41, 800 







1,820 


3, 000 


520 




20, 350 




16, 200 
350 


1.050 
100 




Hawaii Holomua Pub. Co . . 
Haw'n E. E. Co 




250 


227, 500 






Haw'n Tramways Co 


325. 000 
9, 900 






325, 000 
2,847 






Hilo and Hawaii T. & T. Co. 


4,345 


1, 830 


79 


32 


2 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 



645 



Corporations. 



Capital 
stock. 



American. 



Hawaiian- 
born 
American 



American 
Hawaiian British. 
(h caste). ! 



Hawaii'n 

born 
British. 



British- 
Hawaiian 
caste). 



Hilo Soda Works Co . . 
Hobron, Neuman & Co 
Honolulu Dairy Co — 
Honolulu Iron Works Co 
Hui-iuula Sheep Stn. Co 
Interisland S. N. Co . . 
Irwin &Co., W.G.... 

Kahului B. B. Co 

Kauai Telephone Co . 
Kohala Telephone Co 
Maui Telephone Co . . 
Mutual Telephone Co 
North Pacific Phos. 

Pert. Co. 

Oahu R. B. and Land Co 

Pacific Hardware Co 

Press Pub. Co 

Peoples' Ice and Bef. Co . . . 

Puuloa Sheep Banch Co 

Boyal Haw'n Hotel Co 

Union Peed Co 

Waichinu Agricul. and 

G-raz. Co. 

Wilder s S. S. Co...... 

Woodlawn Dairy Co 

Woodlawn Pruit Co 



and 



$5, 000 
7,500 

20, 000 
200. 000 
100, 000 
425, 000 
500. 000 
150, 000 

14. 700 
7,930 

10, 000 
100, 000 
100, 000 

700, 000 
150, 000 
16,000 
150. 000 
60. 000 
75, 000 
75, 000 

15, 000 

500, 000 
100. 000 
30, 000 



$4, 000 
3, 800 
500 
12, 000 



$500 
3, 300 



$100 
500 



Total 6, 150, 705 



95, 800 
246, 500 
150, 000 
3,340 
1,165 
6, 287 
29, 020 
22, 500 

456, 700 
147, 000 
1, 550 
101, 067 



125, 800 
10, 000 



2, 000 



14, 850 



291, 600 
100, 000 
1, 900 



2, 690, 994 



6, 510 
1,070 
858 

2, 290 
44. 500 

62, 400 

3, 000 
800 

27, 200 



$500 



$200 
16, 300 



176, 000 



78, 300 
242, 500 



9, 700 
1,000 



873 
3, 765 
2, 114 
22, 480 
17, 500 

36, 500 



990 

252 
850 



2, 600 



7.000 
3,400 



106, 200 



550 



13, 650 
14, 033 



50 
1,500 
500 

67, 100 



900 



800 
60, 000 
74. 950 
40, 000 
2, 400 



1, 750 



948, 197 



33,473 1,289,520 233,006 



Corporations. 



| 



794 



500 
40 



200 



Brewer & Co., C $3,100 

Club Stables Co 1 , 

Daily Bulletin Pub. Co ... . 1, 000 : 

Fashion Stables Co 140 $16, 000 

Grinbaum <fc Co., M. S ! 53, 000 : 

Hall &Son. E. O 1 ! 1 

Haleakala Banch Co 

Hamakua & S. Kohala T. & 

T. Co 

Haw'n Bell Telephone Co. 
Haw'n Carriage Mfg. Co . . 

Haw'n Construction Co j 5, 000 

Haw'n Electric Light Co. . . 

Haw'n Fruit & Taro Co 

Haw'n Gazette Co 

Haw'n Hardware Co 

"Hawaii-Holomua Pub. Co . . 

Haw'n B.B. Co 

Haw'n Tramways Co 

Hilo & Hawaii T. & T. Co . . 

Hilo Soda Works Co 

Hobron, Neumann & Co 

Honolulu Dairy Co 

Honolulu Iron Works Co. . . 

Humuula Sheep Stn. Co 

Interisland S. N. Co 

Irwin & Co., W.G 

Kahului B. B.Co.... 

Kauai Telephone Co 

Kohala Telephone Co 

Maui Telephone Co 

Mutual Telephone Co 

North Pacific Phos. and 

Fert. Co 

Oahu B. B. and Land Co 

Pacific Hardware Co 

Press Pub. Co 

People's Ice and Bef. Co 

Punuloa Sheep Banch Co . . 



1,200 
12, 000 
100. 000 
57. 200 



1,767 



21 

15, 150 



15, 000 
1, 200 



,000 



4,000 1,000 



4, 200 



$10, 000 



2, 000 



1, 600 
450 



14, 600 



$900 



1,920 5, 



445 



25, 450 



510 



3, 600 



390 
380 
162 
630 



5, 000 



733 



100 



20 
60 
130 
1, 100 



10, 700 



.3 s % 



$2, 000 



2, 100 



10, 500 
1130 



150 
100 



500 



13 
"266 



30 
60 
230 



100 



$500 
5 



10,100 



20 
60 
300 

500 



646 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 



Caiporations. 


S 
| 
© 
O 


3 

3 


_- T. 

"7 ° 

CS 

a 

S3 


Native Hawaiian. 


3 

o 


3 St ? 
: :- 

- z ? 

3 X S 

3 = 

o 


Portuguese. 


All other foreign. 


Total amount stork 
Issued. 


Royal Hawaiian Hotel Co.. 














$75,000 
75, 000 

15,000 
500.000 
100,000 
5,400 


Union Feed Co 


$10, 500 












$400 


Waiohinu Agricultural and 







$8, 700 








Wilder' s S. S. Co 


23, 500 






































$200 








Total 
















299, 523 


$28, 839 


4,701 


51, 620 


44,640 


$36, 763 


$420 


13,565 5,877,400 







E. & O. Ex. 

Honolulu. June 26, 189S. 



TH03. G. Theum. 



C. BREWER & CO., HONOLULU, OAHU. 



[Hawaiian corporation ; capital stock, 



,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Bishop, C. R 

Welch. Andrew (estate of) 

Carter. H. A. P. (estate of ) 

Cooke, CM 

Jones, P. C 

May, Tom 

Wilcox, Geo. N 

Wilcox, A. S 

Henderson, B. A 

Jones. Mrs. C. H 

Rice, Mrs.N.R 

Hall. Mrs. M. D 

Bishop, E. E 

Lunalilo (estate of) 

Waterhouse, H 

Cooke, CM. & A. C 

Allen, S. C 

Pratt, Mrs. J ohn 

Fuller, A 

Carter. CL 

Allen, W. F 

Faster, Mrs. T. R 

Brown, G 

Hobron, F. E. (trustee) 

Judd. Miss H. S 

Wolters, W 

Mouritz, A 

Bole, S. B 

Crozier, Mrs. A. C 

Hobron. T. W. (trustee) 

Robertson, S. M. (estate) 

Judd, A. F 

Hille brand. Miss M 

Robertson, Mrs. S. S 

Maynard, Mrs. E 

Bosse, C 

Cartwright, B 

Hoffman, Mrs 

Coan, Mrs. L. B 

Hall, W. W. (trustee) 

Juad, A. F. (trustee) 

Bidwell, J. E. (estate of) 

Whitney, J. M 

Carter, Geo. R 

Austin, Nancy (estate of) 

Nolte, Miss 

Johnson, Miss 



Nationality. 



Total. 



American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

do 

Hawaiian 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

British-Hawaiian (half castes) 

British 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

German 

British 

Hawaiian-bom American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

British 

do 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

American 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

German-Hawaiian (half caste) 
Hawaiian-born American 



Shares. Value. 



1,097 


$109, 700 


1,090 


109. 000 


1,050 


105,000 


400 


40, 000 


850 35,000 


247 


24.700 


163 


16. 300 


163 


16, 300 


136 


13,600 


109 


10, 900 


104 


10,400 


101 


10,100 


100 


10,000 


100 


10, 000 


102 


10. 200 


81 


8, 100 


103 


10, 300 


50 


5, COO 


43 


4, 300 


40 


4,000 


32 


3, 200 


27 


2, 700 


27 


2. 700 


25 


2, 500 


21 


2.100 


21 


2, 100 


20 


2, 000 


20 


2.000 


20 


2.000 


17 


],700 


16 


1. 600 


15 


1,500 


15 


1. 500 


14 


1. 400 


13 


1, 300 


10 


1.000 


10 


I. 000 


8 


'800 


8 


800 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


4 


400 


3 


300 


3 


300 


2 


200 


6. 000 


600,000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 647 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
SUMMARY. 

American $187,200 

Hawaiian-born American 228, 200 

British 168>500 

Hawaiian 10, 000 

German 3, 100 

German-Hawaiian (half caste) 300 

British-Hawaiian (half caste) 2, 700 

Total '. 600,000 



M. S. GRINBAUM & COMPANY (LIMITED) HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $300,000, in shares of $100 par value.! 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 






1, 485 
985 
500 
30 


$148, 500 
98, 500 
50, 000 
3,000 




do... 


Bolte, C 


German 




do 






3, 000 


300, 000 







SUMMARY. 

American $247, 000 

German 53, 000 



Total 

HAWAIIAN CARRIAGE MANUFACTURE COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation ; capital stock, $45,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



300, 000 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Dillingham, B. E 

Dillingham, Geo 

Angus, J. M 

Spencer, J. G 

Wundenburg, E. W 



Unaccounted for 
Total 



American 

do 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-horn British. 



325 
100 
15 
6 
3 



449 
1 



$32, 500 
10, 000 
1, 500 
600 
300 



44, 900 
100 



45, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American 

Hawaiian -born British. 
TJnden ominated 



• $44, 600 
300 
100 



Total 45, 000 



648 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
CLUB STABLES COMPAQ, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $25,000 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 






57 
57 
125 
10 
1 


$5, 700 
5,700 

12. 500 
1, 000 
100 






Foster, W. E 










do 


Total 




250 


$25, 000 







SUMMARY. 

American $6,800 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 5, 700 

British 12, 500 

Total . 25,000 

DAILY BULLETIN PUBLISHING COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $15,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value 
(prop or- 
tion paid 
in.) 



Logan, D 

Parker, S 

Afong, C 

Mclntyre, H.E 

Muller, E. (trustee) . 

Muller, E 

Trousseau, G- 

Johnstone, A 



Total . 



British... 
Hawaiian 
Chinese ... 
British... 
German . . . 

do 

Erench... 
American - 



75 



$2. 500 
2, 000 
900 
500 
500 
500 
500 
100 



7, 500 



SUMMARY. 

British $3,000 

Hawaiian 2. 000 

Chinese 900 

German 1, 000 

Erench 500 

American 100 

Total 77500 

EASHION STABLE COMPANY (LIMITED), HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $60,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Sullivan, J. J 

Buckley, J 

Macfarlane, H 

Davis, R. H 

Macfarlane, G. W 

Macfarlane, E. C 

Union Feed Company 

Cornwell, W. H 

Isenherg, D. P. R .... 



Total 



British 

American : 

Hawaiian-born British. . 

American 

Hawaiian-born British.. 

do 

Hawaiian corporation. . . 

American 

Hawaiian-born German. 



128 


$12, 800 


127 


12, 700 


120 


12, 000 


19 


1,900 


5 


500 


1 


100 


10 


1, 000 


30 


3,000 


160 


16, 000 


600 


60, 000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 649 
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 



SUMMARY. 

British $12, 820 

Hawaiian-born British 13,134 

American 17, 798 

Hawaiian-born American 93 

German 140 

Hawaiian-born German 16,000 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 10 

Hawaiian-born Chilian .. 5 

Total 60,000 



HAWAIIAN BELL TELEPHONE COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $50,000, in shares of $10 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Yalue 



Campbell, Jas 

Brown, J. F 

Brown, C. H., Mrs 

Meek, EL., Mrs 

Hobron, T. H. (estate) 

Smith, TV. O 

Hall, M.D., Mrs 

Brown, G 

Brown, C 

Cassidy, J no 

Smith, A. H 

Gihnan, M. H, Mrs... 
Brown, A. M 



Total 



British 

American 

do 

Hawaiian 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

British 

Hawaiian-born British . . . 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do..... 



523 
562 
144 
45 
225 
148 
54 
344 
279 
406 
90 
90 
90 



5, 000 



$25, 230 
5, 620 
1, 440 
450 
2, 250 
1,480 
540 
3,440 
2, 790 
4,060 
900 
900 
900 



50, 000 



SUMMARY. 

British - $28,670 

Hawaiian -born British 2,790 

American 13, 910 

Hawaiian-born American 4, 180 

Hawaiian 450 

Total 50,000 

E. O. HALL & SON (LIMITED), OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $150,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Yalue. 



Hall, TV. TV 

Abies, L. C 

White, E. O 

White, Anna 

Fernaudez, A 

Cartwriglit, A.J 

Hall, M. D 

Smith, A.H 

Allen, W.F 

Ohunghoon, W 

May, T 

Rowell, Mrs. M. J 

Henderson, Mrs. B. A 

Wundenberg, F 

Gilman, Mrs. S. A 

Wilcox, S. W 

Gurney, C.F 

Hobron, T. EL 

Dole, S.B 

Dole, A . C 

Allen, S. C 

King, Miss S.L 

Palmer, F.H 

Hall, Mrs. E. Y. C 

Campbell, A. J. (executor) 
Hall, W. W. (trustee) 



Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Portuguese-Hawaiian (half caste) . 

American 

do ... 

Hawaiian -born American 

American 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

British 

American 

British 

Hawaiian-born British 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

do 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . 

American 

do 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 



Total 



637 


$63, 700 


1 


100 


171 


17, 100 


1 


100 


15 


1, 500 


7 


7, 000 


300 


30, 000 


30 


3, 000 


1 


100 


5 


500 


67 


6, 700 


8 


800 


32 


3,200 


8 
35 


860 
3, 500 


7 


700 


2 


2eo 


7 


700 


8 


800 


6 


600 


15 


1,500 


23 


2, 300 


50 


5, 000 


40 


4, 000 


18 


1,800 


6 


600 


1, 500 


150, 000 



650 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
SUMMARY. 

American •- . . . $ 47, 703 

Hawaiian -born American 65,400 

American-Hawaiian (balf-caste) 23,000 

British 11, 100 

Hawaiian-born British 800 

Chinese-HaAvaiian (half-caste) 500 

Portuguese-Hawaiian (halt-caste) 1. 504 

Total 150, 000 



HALEAKALA RANCH COMPANY, MAUL 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $220,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 


Ttalrlwin TTP 


TTn-tvaiiflTi-hnm American 


758 
758 
342 
342 


$75, 800 
75. 800 
34, 200 
34, 200 




Brewer, C, & Co 




Brewer, TV". P. A 




Total 




2, 200 


220, 000 







SUMMARY. 

American $68,400 

Hawaiian-born American 151,600 

Total 220,000 

HOBRON, NEUMAN & CO. (LIMITED), OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $7,500 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Smith, TV . O 

Morgan, J. E 

Eorbes, TV. J 

Neuman, E. R 

Hobron, T. W., trustee 

En a, John 

Colburn, J. F 

Hobron, T. TV 

Godfrey, W. B 

McCan'dless 

Goodale, TV. TV 



Total 



Nationality. 



Hawaiian-born American 
Hawaiian-born British — 
Hawaiian-born American 
American 



Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . 
American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Hawaiian born American 

American 

do 

do 



Shares. 



Yalue. 



1 


$100 


2 


200 


1 


100 


31 


3, 100 


2 


200 


1 


100 


1 


100 


31 


3, 100 


1 


100 


2 


200 


2 


200 


75 


7,500 



SUMMARY. 

American $3, 800 

Hawaiian -born American 3,300 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 100 

Hawaii an -born British 200 

Chinese-Hawaiian ( half-caste) 100 



Tstal 



7,500 



EEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 651 
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 

HAifkGtfA AND S. KOHALA TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY, HAWAIIA. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $5,375, in shares of $25 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



S. Parker 

Wilder Steamship Co... 
PfiCif c Sugar Mill Co... 
Homer, J. M., & Sons.. 

Honokaa Sugar Co 

W. II . Eickard 

C. Notley, sr 

C. B. Greenfield 

E.M. Overend 

J. G. Jones 

PaiAidiau Plantation Co. 

Haxakua Mill Co 

E. A. Lyman 

T. S- Kay 

J. 'fraaliiio 

J. ft Mills 

L. St, .J,ungst 



Total 



Nationality. 



Hawaiian 

Hawaiian corporation 

do 

American 

Hawaiian corporation 

British 

do 

do 

American 

British 

Hawaiian corporation 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

Hawaiian 

American 

German 



Shares. 



Value. 



60 


$1, 500 


20 


500 


18 


450 


16 


400 


10 


250 


10 


250 


10 


250 


8 


200 


8 


200 


6 


150 


5 


125 


5 


125 


4 


100 


4 


100 


4 


100 


8 


200 


19 


475 


215 


5, 375 



SUMMAEY. 

/onerican $1,298 

J la waiian -horn American 202 

British 1, 446 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 35 

German 794 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) 1 

/J waiian 1,600 

Total 5,37j 

HAWAIIAN FETTIT AND TAEO COMPANY, WAILUKU, MATJI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $30,000, in shares of $20 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



iValue. 



Daniels, W.H 

Kepoikai, A. N 

Eichardson, Jno 

Holt, J.D 

Copp. C 

Kuana, J. B 

Kalua 

Smith, H 

Hopkins, C.L 

Lonoaea, M 

Aki.M 

Clark, Thos 

Clark, Thos., Mrs... 

Kanakaole 

Jones, A. W 

Nemhiwa, N. P 

Kealoha, Jno 

Maule, W. S 

Shaw, A. K 

Ahpong 

Alama 

Young Hee 

Tarn Yet 

Treadway, H. G 

Smith, W. O 

Hons, Geo 

Morgan, J. E 

Davies, T. H., & Co . 

Ena, Jno 

Bailey, E. H 

Cockburn, Alex 

Gar vie, Alex 



Total 



British-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . . 

Hawaiian 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) ... 
American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

do 

Hawaiian 

do 

American-Hawaiian (half caste) . 
British-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . . 

Hawaiian 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste)... 

British 

do 

Hawaiian 

American 

Hawaiian 

do 

do 

Bi'itish-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Chinese 

do 

do 

do.. 

American -Ha waiian (half-caste) . 

Hawaiian-born American 

German 

Hawaiian-born British 

British firm 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) .. 

Ha waiian -born American 

British 

do 



10 


$200 


63 


1,260 


14 


280 


68 


1.360 


5 


100 


3 


60 


5 


100 


15 


300 


1 


20 


5 


100 


5 


100 


5 


100 


1 


20 


10 


200 


2 


40 


5 


100 


3 
2 


60 
40 


1 


20 


5 


100 


5 


100 


12 


240 


272 


5,440 


3 


60 


300 


6,000 


2 


40 


150 


3, 000 


60 


1, 200 


100 


200 


343 


6, 860 


13 


260 


12 


240 


1, 500 


30, 000 



652 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations oilier than sugar plantations — Continued. 
SUMMARY. 

British $1, 820 

Hawaiian-born British 3,000 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 520 

American 40 

Hawaiian-born American 12, 860 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 1, 820 

Chinese.. 5,880 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 2, 100 

Hawaiian 1, 920 

German 40 

Total 30,000 

HAWAIIAN GAZETTE COMPACT (LIMITED), HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation ; capital stock. $40,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 


Castle, H.N 




82 
255 
25 
15 
10 
10 
3 


$8, 200 
25, 500 
2, 500 
1,500 
1,000 
1,000 
300 






Baldwin, H. P 






do 


Wilcox, A. S 

Goodale, W. W 


do : 


do 


Castle, W. 11 


do 


Total 




400 


40, 000 







HAWAII HOLOMTJA PUBLISHING COMPANY. HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $2,000, in shares of $5 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality, 



Waller, G.J > British 

Waller, G.J (trustee No. 1) I do 

Waller, G. J. (trustee No. 2) do , 

Ena, Jno | Chinese-Hawaiian, (half-caste). 

Cummins, J. A j British-Hawaiian, (half-caste). 

Poepoe, J. M 

Kualaku G. W 

Kahai, M 

Merseburg. J 

Nathaniel, T. K 

Elaulia, J. EL 

Kealakai 

Kamokuiki, S j do 

Kamokuiki, Mrs. S 1 do 

Kana, Jas. S | do 

Mio, S.P I do 

Poepoe, J.E ! do 

Brown, C Hawaiian-bornBritish 



Hawaiian 

do 

do 

German-Hawaiian, (half-caste) 

Hawaiia 

do 

do 



Shares not issued. 
Total 



Shares. 



Ill 



400 



Value. 



$150 
100 
100 
100 
250 
125 
100 
100 
200 
30 
30 
20 
10 
10 
10 
5 
5 

100 



1,445 
555 



2,000 



SUMMARY. 

British $350 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 250 

Hawaiian-born British 100 

Hawaiian 445 

German-Hawaiian, (half-caste) 200 

Chinese-Hawaiian, (half-caste) 100 



Total 



1,445 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 653 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
HAWAIIAN HARDWARE COMPANY (LIMITED). HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation ; capital stock $75,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



K ationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Camphell. James - British 

Afong, C Chinese 

Wing Wo Chan Co do 

Scott, Emma F American 

Sing Chong <fc Co Chinese 

Chong Wah. L ; do 

Goo York Kee do 

As^an ; do 

Akaka do 

Aiona, C. Y do 

Hendry, G. W American 

Von Holt. H. M Hawaiian-born German 

Brown, G - British 

Hendry. E. R American 

Ena. John Hawaiian-Chinese. (half-caste) 

Wodehouse, J. H., jr British 

Lyman, Mary B Hawaiian-horn American 

Brown, C Hawaiian-born British 



Total 



125 

187* 
25 
12| 
12* 
5 

10 
7* 



2 
17 
166 
105 
20 
12i 
10* 

750 



$12, 500 
18. 750 
2, 500 
1,250 
1,250 
500 
1,000 
750 
300 
400 
2, 500 
200 

1, 700 
16, 600 
10,500 

2, 000 
1. 250 
1. 060 

75, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American $20,350 

American, Hawaiian born 1. 250 

British - 16,200 

British, Hawaiian born 1. 0?0 

Chinese 25, 450 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 10, 500 

German 200 



Total 75,000 

HAWAIIAN RAILROAD COMPANY (LIMITED), MAHUHONA, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $227. 500, in shares of $500 par value.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Value. 



Wilder, S. G. (estate of) American 

Wilder, W. C do.... 

Wright, C.L do... 



Total 



453 | $226,500 

1 '500 

1 | 500 

455 227, 500 



KAHULUI RAILROAD COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $150,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 


Wilder, S. G. (estate of) 




1, 125 
355 
20 


$112, 500 
35, 500 
2, 000 


Wilder, W.C - 


do 


Wilder, W. C, Mrs 


do 


Total 




1,500 


150, 000 







654 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Haicaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
LNTER-ISLAND STEAMSHIP COMPANY, OAKU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $425,000, Li shares of $100 par value each.] 




"Wilcox, G. N 
"Wilcox, A. S 
Dreier, A 
Godfrey, W.B 
hinclair. F 
"Walsh, E. M 
Ena, J 

Foster, Mary E 
Hobron, Francis E., trustee 
Brown, C. H 
Wilcox, S. W 
Wilcox, H. H 
Ahlborn, L 
Walters, S. D. G 
Widemann, H. A., guardian 
Knudsen, V 
'Lall, Mrs. M. D 
Suhr, E 
Collins, D 
-Brown, A. M 
Gilman, M. A 
Purvis, R. W. T 

Grav, B 

McLean, G. T 

Dickson, J 

Thurston, L. A., trustee heirs C 

Alexander. 
Gray. M. A., trustee 

Brown, J. F 

Bosse, C 

Irwin, W. G 

Halstead,F 

McLean, J. L 

Dortnumd, H 

Becklev, Geo. C 

Spreckels & Bros., J. D. & Co 

Bishop, C. E 

Walbridge, Mrs. L. B 

Grieve, R 

Hackfeid. J. F 

Gandall, J 

Howell, James 

Hobron, T. W., trustee; Mrs. "W .0. 
Smith. 

McLean, W.H 

Harrison, E. V 

Godfrev, C. E 

Gray, M. A 

Smith, A. J 

Savidse, S 

Warfel, J. P 

Forbes. M. J 

Boss, W 

Lackland, Mrs. A 

McEibben, B 

Damon. Mrs. H. M 

Bosewarne, T 

Bryant, J 

Coney, L. A 

Marchant. L., estate 

Cooke, A. C 

Ealuna, J 

Powell. M 

Von Holt, H.M 

Wills, T. C 

Kalama, M 

Hobron T. W. (trustee, Smith, M. A.) . 

Eailihaona, M 

Halstead, E 

Hyde, M. T 

Beckwith, Mrs. E. S 

"Ward, Mrs, CP 

Wilcox, A. S. (guardian, Ealonakeoki) 

McBryde, A.M 

Everett, Mrs. T. W. (estate) 

Dickey, C. H. (trustee) 

Saow, E.B 



British. 
American 
German 

British 

do 

Hawaiian-born British 

^Norwegian 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) ... 

American firm 

American 

do 

British 

German 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 



Hawaiian-born British 

Hawaiian-born British 

1 American 

j British 

American 

1 British 

do 

; American 

British 

American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

. British 

French 

Chinese- Hawaiian (half-caste) 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian 

American 

Hawaiian-born German 

British 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian 

British 

American 

do 

British-Hawaiian (half caste) . 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

--..*.do 

do...'. 



KEPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 655 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
rtTfEK-ISLAND STEAMSHIP COMPANY, OAHU— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Gedge, 1ST. E. (trustee) — 

Cart wright, B 

Damon, Mr3.N.B 

Carpenter, H. E 

Thurston, Mrs. S. A 

Hanaike, J. B 

Rice, W.H.,jr 

Hardy, Mary H 

Godfrey, W. D. (trustee) . 
Holdsworth, Mrs. E. W . . 
Mackintosh 



Total 



Nationality. 



American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

Hawaiian-horn American 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born American 
H awaiian-born American 

American 

British 

do 



Shares. 



Value. 



5 


$500 


4 


400 


3 


300 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2 


200 


2 


200 


1 


100 


1 


100 


1 


100 


4, 250 


425, 000 



SUMMARY. 

British $78,300 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 21,400 

Hawaiian-born British 9, 700 

American 95,800 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 2,000 

Hawaiian-born American 125,800 

German 57,200 

Norwegian 9,] 00 

Hawaiian 3,600 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 21,100 

French 1,000 

Total - 425,000 

HAWAIIAN ELECTRIC COMPANY, LIMITED, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $20,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Austin, J 

Hall &, Son.E. O 

White, E. O 

Wilcox, G. N 

Wilcox, S. W 

Cooke, CM 

May,T 

Hollister & Co 

Hatch, E. M 

Irwin, W. G I British . 

Schaefer, F. A I German 

Wilcox, A. S 

Dayton, D j American 

Thomas, K. M • j British . . . 

Taylor, P. S ! American 



Total 

Shares not issued. 



American 

American firm 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

...,.do 

do 

British 

American firm 

American. 



Hawaiian-born American 



25 


$2, 500 


34 


3,400 


12 


1, 200 


20 


2, 000 


10 


■ 1,000 
1, 000 


10 


10 


1, 000 


5 


500 


5 


500 


' 5 


500 


5 


500 


20 


2,000 


1 


100 


5 


500 


4 


400 


171 


17, 100 


29 


2,900 



SUMMARY. 



American : $7,400 

Hawaiian-born American 7, 200 

British 2,000 

German 500 

Total * 17,100 



656 REPORT OP COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
WILLIAM G. IRWIN <fe CO. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $500,000 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Spreckels, C 

Irwin, W. G-. 

Giffard, W. M 

Whitney, H. M., jr 

Eldredge, C. H 

Winter, J. W , 

Whitney, F 

Porter, T. C 

Spalding, E.J 

Douglas, T. S 

Giffard, E.B 

Cooper, H , 



Total . 



American 

British 

do 

Hawaiian-horn American 

American 

do 

British 

American 

do 

British 

do 

Hawaiian-horn British. . . 



2, 115 


$211, 500 


2, 115 


211, 500 


200 


20, 000 


100 


10, 000 


100 


10, 000 


50 


5, 000 


50 


5, 000 


100 


10, 000 


300 


10, 000 


50 


5, 000 


10 


1, 000 


10 


1,000 


5, 000 


500, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American $24G, 500 

Hawaiian-horn American 10. 000 

British 242,500 

Hawaiian-horn British » 1,000 



Total 500,000 

PACIFIC HARDWARE COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $150,000 in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Dillingham, B. F 

Dillingham & Co. (B. F. D. & J. G. S.) 

Spencer, J. G 

Nott, S 

Winter, F. L 

Torhert, J. L 

Dillingham, Mrs. E. L. (& L. S.) 

Smith, A. L., trustee 

Spencer, A. H 



Total. 



American 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-horn American. 

do 

do 

do 



600 


$60, 000 


559 


55, 900 


187 


18, 700 


100 


10, 000 


14 


. 1,400 


10 


1,000 


20 


2, 000 


5 


500 


5 


500 


1, 500 


150, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American $147, 000 

Hawaiian-horn American 3, 000 



Total 



150, 000 



HAWAIIAN TRAMWAY AND COMPANY (LIMITED), HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[London corporation. Capital stock $325, 000, in shares of $25 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 




Nationality. 


• 


Shares. 


Value. 






13, 000 


$325, 000 







Details not reported in exhibit to interior department. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, 
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 

HUMUULA SHEEP STATION" COMPANY, HAWAII. 
Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $100,000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



657 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Haneberg, Aug ... 
Haneberg, Armin. 
Graniberg, Aug. . . 



'otal. 



German 

do. 

do. 



300 
400 
300 



1, 000 



£30, 000 
40, 000 
30, 000 



100, 000 



WAIOHINU AGRICULTURAL AND GRAZING COMPANY, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $15, 000, in shares of $100 par value.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 


Kauhane, J 




20 
29 
15 
9 
5 
14 
34 
24 


$2, 000 
2, 900 

1, 500 
900 
500 

1, 400 
3, 400 

2, 400 


Martin, J. H. S 


do 


Baker, J. T 


......do 


Iauliea, CP 


do 


Irwin, W. G 










Hawaiian-born American 










150 


15, 000 







SUMMARY. 



Hawaiian 

Hawaiian -born American. 

British 

Hawaiian-born British . . . 



$8,700 

3, 400 

, 500 

.. 2,400 

Total 15,000 

HILO SODA WORKS COMPANY, HILO, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $5,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Tucker, Jona 

Tucker, P. M., Mrs. 

Austin, S. L 

Wadworth, R. A . . . 

Austin, H. C 

Austin, H. C, Mrs . 

Coan, H. P 

Hitchcock, A. E 

Saddler. R. C 

Austin, Jona 

Wetmore, C. H 



Total 



American 

do 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

British 

American 

do 



18 


$1, 800 


10 


1,000 


2 


200 


2 


200 


3 


300 


2 


200 


1 


100 


1 


100 


5 


500 


5 


500 


1 


100 


50 


5, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American 

Hawaiian-born American. 
British 



Total 

10518- 



.$4, 000 
. 500 
. 500 

. 5,000 



42 



658 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Haivaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
HILO AND HAWAII TELEPHONE AND TELEGRAPH COMPANY, HILO, HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $9,900, in shares of $23 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Value. 



Wetmore, C. H American 

Porter, H do 

Kittredge, C. S •>---- do 

Lyman, F. S | Hawaiian-born American 

B'ichardson, C. E j American 

Terry, W. S do 

Hitchcock, D. H Hawaiian-horn American 

Townsend. C.E.,Mrs ; do 

Holmes, W. H j American 

Like, E.L I Hawaiian 

Like, L.K I do 

Like, S. A j do 

Mahy, F. W. & W. I j American-Hawaiian (half caste). 

Maby, M. E. & H. O i do 

Willfong, M., Mrs - - - - ! do 

Hapai, H 

Hapai, E. C 

Matson, W 

Deacon, H . . .' 

Kennedy, C. C 

Kennedy, S. A 

WaiakeaMill Co 

Scott, J. A 

Hilo Sugar Co 

Paukaa plantation 

Hitchcock, E. G- 

Hitchcock, M. P. Miss 

Austin, H. C 

Onomea Sugar Company 

Akana, W. S 

Pepeekeo plantation 

Honomu Sugar Company 

Hakalau Sugar Company 

Hind, P. E 

Lydgate, W 

Lydgate, J 

Laupahoehoe Sugar Company 

Kimball, J. H 

Ookala Susar Co. 



Chinese-Hawaiian (half caste). 

do 

American 

do 

British 

do 

Hawaiian corporation 

British 

Hawaiian corporation 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

Hawaiian corporation 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Hawaiian corporation 

do 

American corporation 

British 

do 

do 

Hawaiian corporation 

American 

Hawaiian corporation 



Kauila, JVM., Mrs I Hawaiian 

Nahinu, D. H I do 

Kauhane, S J do 

Kauhane, J j do 

Kauhane, N [ do 

Kauhane, W. L. M j do 

Eurneaux, C j American 

Cassidy, J" ' do 

Pichards, E. E ! do . 

Goodale, W. W I do 

Shipman, W. H I Hawaiian-born American 

Castle, W. P ! do... 

Scott, W. E j American 

"Wilson, J. P i do 



Total , 



17 


$425 


2 


50 


4 


100 


2 


50 


13 


325 


3 




10 


250 


\ 


25 


17 


425 


4 


100 


3 




2 


50 




25 




25 




25 


2 


50 


2 


50 


5 


125 


7 


175 


6 


150 


5 


125 


5 


125 


g 


200 


22 


550 


3 


200 


7 


175 


4 


100 


2 


50 


35 


875 


2 


50 


15 


375 


3 


200 


10 


250 


14 


350 


10 


250 


10 


250 


17 


425 


15 


375 


20 


500 


2 


50 


5 


125 


1 


25 


1 


25 


1 


25 


1 


25 


12 


300 


4 


100 


1 


25 


14 


350 


2 


50 


28 


700 


2 


50 


2 


50 


396 


9, 900 



SUMMARY. 

American $4. 345 

Hawaiian -born American 1,830 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 79 

British 2, 817 

Hawaiian born British ? , 32 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 2 

Hawaiian 510 

Chinese a 10O 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 150 

German _ ; 5 

Total 9,900 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



659- 



Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
HONOLULU DAIRY COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $20,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Dowsett, J. I 

Roth,S 

Kanoa, P.P 

Colburn, J. F .... 

Ena, Jno 

Dowsett, J.I., jr 
Magoon, J. A — 



Total 



Hawaiian-born British 

German 

Hawaiian 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 
Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . 
British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 
American 



163 


$16, 300 


12 


1,200 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


200 


20 000 



SUMMARY. 

Hawaiian-horn British $16, 300 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste).. 500 

German ^ 1,200 

American 500 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 500 

Hawaiian 500 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 500 

Total 20, 000 

HONOLULU IRON WORKS COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock $20,0000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 


Davies, T. H 


British 


520 
520 
260 
200 
60 
200 
80 
40 
120 


$52, 000 
52, 000 
26, 000 
20, 000 
6, 000 
20, 000 
8, 000 
4, 000 
12, 000 


eTanion, R, C. (executor) 


do. 


Janion, D. R 


do 




do 




do 


Irwin, W. G 


do 


Castle & Cooke 


American firm 


Atherton, J.B 


do _ 


Hackfeld & Co 




Total 




2, 000 


200, 000 







SUMMARY. 

British $176,000 

American 12, 000 

German 12,000 

Total 200,000 

EAUAI TELEPHONE COMPANY, KAUAI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $14,700, in shares of $10 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Smith, J. W. (estate of) 

Smith, J. K 

Smith, A. H 

Dreier, A 

Neal, J. D 

Wilcox, G.N 

Wilcox, S. W 

Wilcox, A. S 

Christian, C 

Rice, W.H 

Isenberg, O 

Hardy, J 

Koloa Sugar Company. 



Nationality. 



American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

German 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 

German 

American , 

Hawaiian corporation 



Shares. 



Value. 



5 


$50 


12 


120 


5 


50 


18 


180 


1 


10 


100 


1, 000 


100 


1, 000 


111 


1, 110 


1 


10 


10 


100 


1 


10 


1 


10 


10 


100 



660 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
KAUAI TELEPHONE COMPANY, KAUAI— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Smith, W.O 

Apoi 

Kaui, S 

Lihne plantation 

Wainwright, R 

Dole, G. H 

Kahele,H 

Kealoha, J. M 

Kaumualii 

Conchee, A. C 

Purvis, R. W.T 

Spalding, Z. S 

Walters, G 

Strehz, E 

Isenberg, H 

Ahlborn, L 

Bishop, Mrs. E 

Zjedrum, K. S 

Lockwood, W. Y 

Hall & Son, E. 

White, E. O 

Lota, Mrs 

Austin, Jona. (estate) . 

Eaye, HP 

Ko'elling, C 

Knudsen, Y 

Hawaiian Sugar Co. . . 

Kaaloa, E 

Wilcox, H. H 

Kahele, E. (trustee)... 

KekahaMillCo 

Hofgaard, C. B., & Co. 

Borchgrevink, C 

Hanaike, J. B 



Total 



Nationality. 



Hawaiian-horn American. 

Chinese 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian corporation 

American (?) 

Hawaiian-born American. 

Hawaiian 

do 

do 

Chinese 

British 

American 

British 

German 

do 

do 

American 

Norwegian 

American 

Hawaiian corporation 

Hawaiian-born American . 

Hawaiian 

American 

Norwegian 

German 

Norwegian 

Hawaiian corporation 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born American . 

Hawaiian 

German firm 

Norwegian firm 

do 

Hawaiian 



Shares. 



Yalue. 



2 


$20 


1 


10 


1 


10 


100 


1, 000 


2 


20 


1 


10 


1 


10 


1 


10 


1 


10 


1 


10 


24 


210 


25 


250 


27 


270 


2 


20 


20 


200 


20 


200 


5 


50 


5 


50 


110 


1,100 


100 


1, 000 


100 


1,000 


8 


80 


100 


1, 000 


25 


250 


30 


300 


100 


1, 000 


100 


1, 000 


1 


10 


100 


1,000 


6 


60 


28 


280 


14 


140 


14 


140 


20 


200 


1, 470 


14,700 



SUMMARY. 

American $3, 340 

Hawaiian-born American 6,510 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 154 

British 873 

Hawaiian -born British 8 

Hawaiian 390 

Norwegian 1, 580 

German 1,767 

Hawaiian-born German 45 

Chinese 20 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 3 

Portuguese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 10 

Total 14,700 



ROYAL HAWAIIAN HOTEL COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $75,000, in shares of $50 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Yalue. 


Macfarlane, G. W. & Co 




396 
1, 003 
100 
1 


$19, 800 
50, 150 
5,000 
50 


Macfarlane, G. W 
















1, 500 


75, 000 



Hawaiian-born British 
British 



SUMMARY. . 



$74, 950 
50 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 



661 



KOHALA TELEPHONE COMPANY, FT A "WATT. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $7,930, in shares of $10 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



T. H. Wright 

G-. P. Tulloch 

Mrs. C. E. Desborough . . . 

H. H. Webb 

J. 0. Desborough 

Mrs. J. C. Hattie 

Jas. Renton 

W. J. Wright 

J. Magtiire 

W. C. Kapauno. „ 

S. C. Luhiau 

Kynnersley Bros 

Hawaiian Railroad Co... 

S. G. Wilder & Co 

LungHee 

H. H. Renton 

C.J. Falk 

C. Awai 

B. Pengelina 

R. Hall 

M. A. Gonsalves 

J. P. Sisson • 

J. W. Moanauli 

S. K. Kaunamano 

Lakalo 

P. A. Dias 

W. R. Castle 

D. H. Nahinu 

C. F.Phelps 

Mrs. J. Renton 

Mrs. J. R. Kynnersley 

E. C. Bond 

H. R. Bryant 

Mrs. G-. P. Tullock 

E. Wood 

Dr. B, D. Bond 

J. C. Hattie 

Dr. and Mrs. J. Wight . . . 

John and R. R. Hind 

K. Pake 

J. L. Blaisdell (estate of) . 

W. P. Macdougal 

A.Wallace 

Hawaiian Mercantile Co. 

Total 



Hawaiian-born British 

British 

do 

American i 

British.... 

do 



.do. 



Hawaiian-born British 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) .. 

Hawaiian 

do 

British 

American firm 

do 

Chinese 

British 

American 

Chinese 

Spanish 

British 

Portuguese 

American 

Hawaiian 

do 

do 

Portuguese , 

Hawaiian -born American 

Hawaiian 

American 

British 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

British 

Hawaiian-born British , 

Hawaiian-born American 

British , 

do 

do 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born British 

do 

American (?) 

Half British and half American 



30 
1 
3 
2 
10 
2 
5 
5 
2 
1 
1 
25 
16 
5 
15 
2 
25 
10 
2 
9 
57 
15 
109 
60 
10 
15 
45 
40 
5 

758 



SUMMARY. 



American. $1,165 

Hawaiian-born American - 1,070 

British 3,765 

Hawaiian-born British 990 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 100 

Portuguese 30 

Chinese 60 

Spanish 20 

Hawaiian 380 



662 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
MAUI TELEPHONE COMPANY, MAUI. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $10,000, in shares of $10 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Armstrong, E. S 

Aluli, N 

Anderson, J 

Borba, A 

Baldwin. H. P 

Bailey, E. H 

Carney, L 

Collviile, J. W 

Carney, E.P 

Campbell, T 

Dickey, C. H 

Enos & Co 

Engle, R. E 

Everett, T. W 

Eernandez, A 

Fleming, J 

Eorster, C.M.V 

Hopke, A. E 

Hawaiian Commercial Co 

Heineman, G 

Hockings, A.. 

Herbert, G 

Hardey, E. W 

Haiku Sugar Co 

Kahului store 

Lindsay, D. C 

Laws, H 

Morrison, H 

Mossman, W. E 

Milward, J 

Omsted, N 

Ogg,W 

Plemmer, H 

Stolz,E.L 

Stolz, G. W 

Simpson, E. M 

Treadway, H.G- 

Tweedie, G. H 

Vetlesen, L, M 

Wailuku plantation 

Walbridge, R. D 

Waikapu plantation 

Wilder, L. K 

Wilder, G. P 

Young;, Hee 



Nationality. 



Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian 

American , 

Portuguese 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

British 

American - 

British 

American , 

Portuguese 

American , 



Total . 



do 

Portuguese 

British 

American 

do 

San Francisco corporation 

German 

British 

do 

American 

Hawaiian corporation 

American firm 

British 

American 

British 

Hawaii an -born British 

British 

Norwegian 

British 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

American 

do 

do 

American-Hawaiian (balf-caste) 

British . 

American 

Hawaiian corporation 

American 

Hawaiian corporation 

Hawaiian- born American 

do 

Chinese 



Shares. 



13 


$130 


15 


150 


5 


50 


2 


20 


25 


250 


13 


130 


25 


250 


51 


510 


8 


80 


50 


500 


20 


200 


2 


20 


32 


320 


43 


430 


2 


20 


25 


250 


10 


100 


5 


50 


75 


750 


2 


20 


19 


190 


1 


10 


5 


50 


15 


150 


10 


100 


13 


130 


100 


1, 000 


10 


100 


15 


• 150 


13 


130 


6 


60 


20 


200 


1 


10 


52 


520 


174 


1,740 


33 


330 


6 


60 


1 


10 


5 


50 


25 


250 


5 


50 


20 


200 


10 


100 


5 


50 


13 


130 


1,000 


10,000 



SUMMARY. 



American , ., $6,267 

Hawaiian-born American 858 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 70 

British 2,114 

Hawaiian-bom British 252 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 6 

Hawaiian 162 

Chinese 130 

Portuguese 60 

Norwegian .... 60 

German.... „. 21 



Total 10,000 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 663 



Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
HAWAIIAN CONSTRUCTION COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $439,800, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 

(pro- 
portion 
paid in), 



Value. 



Dillingham. B. F 

Paty, Mrs. J. H 

Frear, W. (trustee) 

Frear, W 

Ashley, W. G 

Iaukea, CP 

Foster, Mrs. T. E 

Von Holt, H 

Eobinson, Mrs. J 

Eobinson, M. P 

Castle, W. B 

Hatch. F. M 

May, T 

Liliuokalani 

Graham, W. M 



Total 



American 

do 

do 

do 

do .- 

Hawaiian 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Hawaiian-born German 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

do 

Hawaiian -horn American 

American 

British 

Hawaiian 

American 



541 


$54, 000 


160 


16, 000 


57 


5, 700 


55 


5, 500 


12 


1, 200 


26 


2,600 


100 


10, 000 


50 


5,000 


15 


1, 500 


303 


30,300 


300 


30, 000 


200 


20, 000 


250 


25, 000 


120 


12, 000 


45 


4, 500 


2,234 | 223,400 



American 

Hawaiian-horn American 

British 

British-Hawaiian (half caste) . 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born German 



SUMMARY. 



$107. 000 
30.' 000 
25, 000 
41.800 
14, 600 
5, 000 



Total 223,400 

MUTUAL TELEPHONE COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock,, $100,000, in shares of $10 par Talue each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Value. 



Allen. W.Y. 

Allen; S. C 

Atherton, J. B 

Austin, Mrs. K 

Afong, C 

Afong, M 

Afong, A 

Bishop & Co 

Bishop, C. E 

Beger Company 

Brown, C 

Brown, G 

Brown, Mrs. L 

Bolte, C 

Babcock, C 

Bickerton, E. F 

Beckley, G. C 

Boyd, J. H 

Buckle, Mary 

Brown, C. K., Mrs 

Campbell, las 

Castle & Cooke 

Castle. G.P 

Castle, W.E 

Cart wright, B 

Cummins. J. A 

Cooke. CM , 

Cunha, E. S 

Chang, Lee 

Clevior, J. S 

Clark, J., Mrs 

Dreier, A 

Dreier, E 

Davies, T. H. & Co 

Dayton, D 

Dowsett. J.I 

Lucas, G 

Alee, C. (estate of) 



American 

...do 

...do r 

...do 

Chinese 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . . 

...do 

American firm 

...do 

German 

Hawaiian-born British 

British 

do 

German 

American 

British 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) . .. 

do 

do 

Swedish-Hawaiian (half-caste) . . 

British 

American firm 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Hawaiian-born American 

Portuguese 

Chinese 

British 

American-Hawaiian (half-castej 

German 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) .. 

British firm 

American 

Hawaiian-born British 

do 

Chinese 



100 


$1, 000 


202 


2, 020 


220 


2. 200 


20 


200 


20 


200 


10 


100 


10 


100 


1, 800 


18, 000 


100 


1, 000 


50 


500 


10 


100 


20 


200 


20 


200 


10 


100 


10 


100 


40 


400 


20 


200 


5 


50 


5 


50 


5 


50 


998 
20 


9, 980 
200 




790 


20 


200 


30 


300 


20 


200 


20 


200 


20 


200 


10 


100 


5 


50 


5 


50 


100 


1,000 


20 


200 


20 


200 


20 


200 


20 


200 


20 


- 200 


20 


200 



664 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
MUTUAL TELEPHONE COMPAQ, OAHU— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Foster, E American 

Eoster, Mary E British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Grinbaum &. Co German firm 

Gartenberg, A I American 

Green. W.X (estate of) j British 



Green. M 
Green. F.M.... 
Her Maiestv... 
Hollister & Co. 

Henderson 

Hopner, J. A... 
Hackfeld <fc Co 
Hall, W. W .... 

Hall, M. D 

Herbert A 

Hassinger, A . . 
Hyman Bros . . . 

Hyman, M 

Hoting, J 

Horn, F 



American 

do 

Hawaiian 

American firm 

British 

American 

German firm 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

do 

do 

American firm 

do 

German 

-do 



American 

do 

British 

do 

Hawaiian-born British 

do 

Chinese 

German 

Hawaiian-born British . 

British 

American 

British . 



Hayselden, F. H British . 

Irwin, Wm. G do 

Jaeger, A j German 

Jaeger, A., Mrs do 

Jaeger, H j German-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Jaeger, Jas do 

Jaeger, I do 

Jaeger, LA ! do 

Judd, C 1 Hawaiian-born American 

Kellet, P. D British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Lewers, R 

Lovejov, J. H 

Lucas, 'G. W 

May. T 

Macfarlane, F. W 

Monsarrat, M. D 

Mow, Keeong C 

Maertens, W , 

Monsarrat, J. M 

Mclntyre.-H. E 

McChesney <fc Sons 

McXibbimR 

Muhlendorf, P I German . 

Kblte, H.J I do 

Nott, J j British 

Phillips & Co.. M American firm 

Puahi, L. K., Mrs I Hawaiian 

Renjes,H German 

Robinson, M.P I British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Robinson, C. J.,Mrs ! do 

Riem en Schneider, H German 

Smith, H British-Hawaiian (half-caste). 

Spencer. S American 

Spreckels. C do 

Spencer. E. J ] do 

Spencer, E., Mrs do 

Schaefer, F. A German 

Sorenson, T Dane 

Smith. J. M I American 

Smith, W.J British 

Tenney, E. D ■ American...'. 

Trousseau, G.,Dr I French 

Wideuian, H. A I German 

"Walker, J. S., estate I British 

Wilder, S. G., estate j American 

Waterhouse, J. T.,ir British 



.do. 



Xaturalized American 

Chinese '. .• 

Hawaiian-born American , 

do 

British Tahitian (half-caste) 



Waterhouse, H 
Waterhouse, J. T 
Wing Wo Chan. . 
Wilcox, S. W.... 

Wilcox, G. X 

Wilson, C. B 

Young, Chee I Chinese 

Tee Chin do 

Baker. J. T I Hawaiian .'!!!!"".!!".!!"....." 

Kawainni, B. W do 

Mercedes, K Portucruese 

Ward, Mrs | British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 

Total L . 



Shares. 



20 
20 
" 20 
10 
10 
10 
10 
35 
45 
10 
25 
20 
20 
20 
20 
10 
20 
20 
5 

10 
20 
800 
5 

200 
100 
100 
100 
100 
20 
20 
20 
10 
5 
50 
10 
5 
20 
10 
20 
120 
20 
20 
20 
5 
10 
20 
10 
10 
20 
60 
5 
40 
20 
20 
20 
20 
20 
5 
10 
10 
20 
20 
1. 035 
40 
10 
20 
20 
10 
20 
20 
20 
20 
10 
10 
10 
8 
3 
20 

:.£•■:■■:' 



r9,ooo 



EEPOET OF COMMISSIONER TO THf HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



665 



Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
SUMMARY. 

American $20,020 

British , 22,480 

German 15, 150 

Hawaiian-born British 850 

Hawaiian-born American 2,290 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) % 500 

Chinese 1, 100 

Chinese-Hawaiian (half-caste) 200 

Hawaiian -. 630 

German-Hawaiian (half-caste) ." 4,200 

Swede 50 

Portuguese 230 

American-Hawaiian (half-caste) 50 

Dane 50 

French 200 

Total 79,000 

OAHTT RAILWAY AND LAUD COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian Corporation; capital stock, $700,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Dillingham, B. F 

Robinlra, M. P 

Castle, W. R 

Castle, S. N 

Dowsett, J. I 

Hatch, P. M 

Lowers, R 

Jaeger, Mrs. A 

Wilder, W C 

Jaeger, A 

Whitney, J. M 

Walker, T.R 

Foster, W 

Allen, W.F 

Lowrie, Mrs. A.L 

Allen, S. C 

Paty, J. H 

Paty, Julia A 

Poor,H.F 

Monsarrat, J. M 

Hustace, C, jr 

Bishop, S. E 

Brown, Frank 

Rowe, E. C 

Green, Mrs. A 

Thurston. L. A 

Mist, H W 

Forster, W.E 

Frear, W 

Atherton, J.B 

Afong, C - . 

Wong, Ah In 

Winter, F. L 

Kind, R. R 

Torbert. J. L 

Von Holt, H. M 

Stiles, E 

McStocker, F.B , 

Kanoa, P.P 

May,T 

Hobron, T. E ,. 

Ashley, W. G 

Dillingham, M. E 

Dillingham, W. F 

Dillingham. H. G 

Toler, Mrs. A 

Dillingham, M.E 

Spencer, J. G 

Dillingham, E. L 

Smith, D. B 

Hill, W 

Austin, J 

Hawaiian Construction Co 



Total. 



American 

British Hawaiian (half-caste). 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian -born British 

American 

do 

German 

American 

German 

American 

British 

American 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian-born British 

H awaiian-born American 

do 

British 

do 

-do 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

do 

American 

do 

Chinese 

Chinaman 

American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian-born German 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) . 

American 

Hawaiian 

British 

American 

do 

Hawaiian -born American 

do 

do 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

British 

American 

American firm 



3,542 


$354, 200 


1, 184 


118] 400 


242 


24^ 200 


390 


39 000 


10 


l' 000 


22 


2. 200 


10 


1, 000 


2 


' 200 


10 


1 000 


10 


1 000 


3 


300 


10 


1 000 


10 


1 000 


15 


1 500 


1 


100 


10 


1 000 


10 


1, 000 


4 


400 


21 


2,100 


16 


1,600 


2 


200 


55 


5, 500 


5 


500 


7 


700 


5 


500 


5 


500 


5 


500 


115 


11, 500 


5 


500 


25 


2,500 


105 


10, 500 


2 


200 


55 


5, 500 


174 


17, 400 


2 


200 


60 


6, 000 


5 


500 


5 


500 


50 


5, 000 


28 


2, 800 


200 


20, 000 


26 


2, 600 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


10 


1,000 


7 


700 


10 


1, 000 


7 


700 


257 


25, 700 


5 


500 


16 


1, 600 


5 


500 


200 


20, 000 


7, 000 


700, 000 



666 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANJ>S. 

Hawaiian corporations other-than sugar plantations — Continued. 

SUMMARY. 

American $456,700 

Hawaiian- born American 02,400 

British 36, 

Hawaiian-born British 2, 600 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 118, 800 

German 1,200 

Hawaiian-born German 6. 000 

Chinese 10, 700 

Hawaiian 5, 600 

Total 700,000 

PR*E"SS PUBLISHING COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock, $16,000 in shares of $25 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Natiooality. 



Shares. 



Value. 



Thrtuaa, T. G 

Dillingham, B. F.. 
Reynolds, W.~F ... 

Spencer, J. G 

Castle, W. R 

Bond, B. D. & E. C 

Lowrie, W. J 

Stolz, F. L 

Nott.J 

Foster, W. E 



Total . 



British 

American 

British 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

American 

do 

Naturalized American . . . 
British 



522 


$13, 050 


30 


758 


2© 


508 


18 


450 


12 


300 


20 


500 


5 


« 125 


5 


125 


4 


100 


4 


100 


640 


16, 000 



SUMMARY. 

British , $13,650 

A merican 1, 550 

Hawaiian-born American 800 



Total 16,000 

PEOPLE'S ICE AND REFRIGERATING COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $150,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 




Shares. Value. 



Abies, L. C 

Alexander, A., Mrs 

Allen, W.F 

Austin, Jonathan 
Austin. S. L 
Austinj Mrs. S. L 
Austin, S. E 
Banning, B. R 
Bolles, Mrs. J 
Bishop, C. R 
Bingham, Miss E. K 
Buckle. Mary 
Castle, G. P 
Cartwright, A. J 
Carpenter, H. E 
Cleghorn, A. S 
Cooke, L., Mrs 
Collins, D 
Cooke, C. M 
Dole, A., Mrs 
Dowsett, D., Miss 
Damon, S. M. (trustee) 
Forbes, M. J., Mrs 
Fisher, J. H 
Gonsalves, M. A 
Grieve, R 

Gurney, C.F., estate 
Hall, W. W 
Hall, M. D., Mrs 
Hackfeld, J. F 
Henderson, B. A., Mrs 
Hobron, estate 



78 


$7, 800. 00 


12 


1, 200. 00 


29 


2, 900. 00 


8" 


800. 00 


1 


100. 00 




133. 33 


46 


4, 600. 00 


10 


1, 000. 00 


7 


700. 00 


65 


6, 500. 00 


3 


300. 00 




66. 67 


12* 


1, 200. 00 


26 


2, 600. 00 


13 


1, 300. 00 


14 


1, 400. 00 


2 


200. 00 


25 


2, 500. 00 


30 


3, 0CO. 00 


3 


300. 00 


3 


300. 00 


8 


800. 00 


7 


700. 00 


50 


5, 000. 00 


1 


100. 00 


2 


200.00 


2 


200. 00 


16 


1, 600. 00 


6 


600. 00 


20 


2, 000. 00 


16 


1, 600. 06 


140 


14, 000. 00 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 667 



Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
PEOPLE'S ICE AND EEEEIGEEATLNG COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation. Capital stock $150,000, in shares of $100 par value each.— Continued.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. Value 



Hobron, T.W.. 
Hosmer, S.K. .. 
Hosmer, E. A.. 
Howell. J as — 
Hatch, E.M.... 
Hosier, Wm . . . 
Hyde, Mary T. 
Johnson, A. E. 

Judd, A. E 

Jones, E. A . 

Kaiulani, H. E. H 

Kaaepa, M., Mrs 

Keil, E. A 

Kaeku Wahine 

Knight, E. B., Miss 

Kruse, M. T., Mrs 

Lydgate, J. M 

Lewis & Co 

Levitt, M. C, Mrs 

May, T 

Mist, J., Mrs 

Mist,E 

Mist, H. W. M 

Mist, H.M 

Mist, H. W 

Marchant, L., (estate of) . . 
Makaihona & Kalahiki . . 

McKibbin, B, . 

McCaudles, J. A 

McCandles, L. L 

McCandles, J.S 

McCandles, E., Mrs 

McStocker, E. B 

Nott, Mrs 

Pratt, J., Mrs 

Parker, M., Mrs 

Eeed, J. S., Mrs 

Smith, W. O 

Soper, J. H.,Mrs 

Staples, L. M., Mrs .. , 

Steiner Jas 

Severence, H. C 

Thurston, L. A. (trustee). 

Wilder, J. K 

Wilder. S. G. (estate of ).. . 

Wilder, E.K.,Mrs 

Wilcox, H. H 

Wilcox, Mrs. K 

White, E. O 

Wood, J. Q 

Walbridge, Mrs. E. D 

Walker, J. S 

Wilder & Co 

Walsh, E.M 



Hawaiian-born American 

American 

do 

British . 

American 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

British-Hawaiian (half-castes) . 

Hawaiian 

American 

Hawaiian 

American 

British 

British 

American firm 

American 

British 

do 

Hawaiian-born British 

do 

do 

British 

American 

Hawaiians 

British 

American 

do 

do 

do 

do 

British 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

American 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 

do 

do 

American 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

Hawaiian 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

American firm 

American 



Total 



33 


$3, 300. 00 


2 


200. 00 


8 


800. eo 


12 


1, 200. 00 


16 


1, 600. 00 


35 


3, 500. 00 


10 


1, 000. 00 


3 


300. 00 


14 


1, 400. 00 


1 


100.00 


10 


1, 000. 00 


4 


400. 00 


10 


i, ooo. do 


f 


66. 67 


4 


400. 00 


5 


500. 00 


5 


500. 00 


10 


1, 000. 00 


6 


600. 00 


18 


1, 800. 00 


4 


400. 00 


1 


100. 00 


3 


300. 00 


1 


100. 00 


1 


100. 00 


10 


1, 000. 00 




133. 33 


20 


2, 000. 00 


55 


5, 500. 00 


44 


4, 400. 00 


20 


2, 000. 00 


5 


500. 00 


25 


2, 500. 00 


6 


600. 00 


6 


600. 00 


2 


200. 00 


1* 


133. 33 


9 


900.00 


3i 
6 


333. 33 


600. 00 




9 (\C\f\ Art 


20 


2, 000. 00 


22 


2, 200. 00 


23 


2, 300. 00 


131 


13, 100. 00 


•20 


2, 000. 00 


26 


2, 600. 00 


6* 


133.34 


600. 00 


5 


500. 00 


2 


200. 00 


9 


900. 00 


19 


1, 900. 00 


108 


10, 800. 00 


1, 500 


150, 000. 00 



SUMMAEY. 



American $101,067 

Hawaiian-born American 27, 200 

British 14, 033 

Hawaiian-born British 800 

British -Hawaiian (half caste) 1, 067 

German 4,000 

Hawaiian 733 

Hawaiian -born German 1,000 

Portuguese 100 



Total 150,000 



668 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
UNION FEED COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $75, 000, in shares of $50 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Macfarlane, F. W 

Hackfeld, J.F 

Cartwright, A. J 

Spreckels & Co.. J. D 

Hackfeld <fe Co., H 

Allen, W. F 

Brown, Mrs. J. H 

Cartwright, Bruce 

Brown, Mrs. M. J 

Vida, Mrs. K. L 

Macfarlane, F. W. (.trustee) 

Corn well, Mrs. H 

Macfarlane, Mrs. H. R 

Pratt, Mrs. Dr 

Vida, F. R 

Macfarlane, G. W. & E. C. . - 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



Hawaiian-horn British 

German 

Hawaiian-born American 

American firm 

German firm 

American 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

British 

American 

British- Hawaiian (half caste) 

American 

Hawaiian-born British 

American 

Hawaiian-born Chilian 

Hawaiian-bom British 



Total 1,500 



788 
110 

100 
100 
100 
100 
55 
40 
30 
20 
15 
12 
10 
10 



SUMMARY. 

British $1, 500 

Hawaiian-horn Britisli 40, 000 

British-Hawaiian (half-caste) 750 

American 14. 850 

Hawaiian -born American 7, 000 

German 10, GOO 

Hawaiian-born Chilian 400 

Total 75,000 



WOODLAWN DAIRY AND STOCK COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $100, 000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Value. 






992 


$99, 200 
800 




do 


8 


Total 




1, 000 


100, 000 







WELDER'S STEiAJISHIP COMPANY, HONOLULU, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $500,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Wilder, W. C 

Bishop, C. R , 

Rose, S. B 

Tucker, E. W 

Wilder, S.G., estate of. 

Wight, L. R 

Wilder, G. P , 

Beckley, G. C 

Henderson, B. A , 

May,T 

Lamb, I.E 

Wilder, S. G 

Boardman, Jennie . 



American 

do 

do 

do 

do 

do 

Hawaiian-born American 

British -Hawaiian (half-caste) 

British 

do 

American 

Hawaiian -born American 

American 



Wilder, E. El Hawaiian-born American 



Wilder, H. K 

Brash, W. G , 

Austin, S. E 

Boardman, G. E 

Dickson, John 

Wilder, J. A 

Wilder, L 

Hobron, T. H., estate of. 
Thurston. L. A., trustee 
Hobron, T. W 



do 

British 

Hawaiian-born American . 

do 

British 

Hawaiian-born American. 

do 

American 

Hawaiian-born American . 
.....do 



45 


$4,500 


250 


25. 000 


3 


300 


5 


500 


2, 283 
30 


228,300 


3,000 


7 


700 


116 


11,600 


37 


3, 700 


13 


1, 300 


127 


12,700 


20 


20,000 


12 


1,200 


40 
6 


4,000 
600 


10 


1,000 


20 


2.000 


10 


1,000 


9 


900 


20 


2, 060 


20 


2,000 


50 


5, 000 


25 


2, 590 


20 


2, 806 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 669 
Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 
TVLLDER'S STEAMSHIP COMPANY, HONOLULU, OA HU— Continued. 



Stockholders. 



Judd, A. P., trustee 

Dickson, H. J 

Allen, TV. P 

Brash, TV. G., executor. 

Parke, A. S 

Parke, J. S 

Lyons. E. TV 

Rowell, M. J 

Purvis, R. TV J? 

TVilcox, S. TV 

TVilcox, G. N 

Judd, A. P 

White, E. O 

TVilcox, A. S 

Hoffman, M. L 

Hyde, M. T 

Eeckwith, E. S 

Lidgatc, J. M 

Carpenter, H. E 

Hillebrand. H.L 

JTackfeld, J. P 

Bosse, C 

Soper, J.H 

Halstead,E 

Thurston. C. S., estate... 

TVilder, Mrs. TV. C 

Lindemann, E 

Howie, A. C 

TValbridge, Mrs. B. P . . . 

Lackland, Mrs. A 

Irwin, TV. Gr 

Judd, H. S 

Hocking, A 

Allen, C. C 

Judd, A. H. B 

Lackland, TV. 



Total 



Nationality. 



Hawaiian-horn American . 
do 

American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American. 

do 

do 

American 

British 

Hawaiian-born American . . 

do 

do 

do 

do 

American 

do 

do 

British 

American 

Hawaiian-born American . 

German 

German 

British , 

British 

Hawaiian-born American . 

American 

German 

British 

American 

do 

British 

Hawaiian-born American . 

British 

American . . ; 

Hawaiian-born American . 

American 



Shares. 



5 

20 
15 
55 
2 
4 
16 
10 
200 
250 
21 
20 
250 
10 
10 
10 
9 
9 
16 
200 
30 
3 
25 
5 
10 
5 
20 
2 
5 

500 
22 
20 
4 
16 
15^ 



5, 000 



SUMMARY. 

American : $291,600 

Hawaiian -born American 106, 200 

67,100 



British 

British-Hawaiian (half-castes) . 
German 



Total 



11. 600 
23, 500 



500, 000 



NORTH PACIFIC PHOSPHATE AND FERTILIZER. COMPANY, OAHU. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $100,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



Shares. 



TVilcox, G.N 

Spencer, C. N 

Preeth, G. D 

Hackfeld & Co.,H. 

TVilcox, A. S 

Spencer, L. D ..... 

Smith, TV. O 

Rosehill, A 

Lyons, A. B , 



Hawaiian-born American 

American 

British 

German firm 

Hawaiian-born American 

American 

Hawaiian-born American 

Sweden , 

American 



Total 



290 


$29, 000 


175 


17, 500 


175 


17, 500 


150 


15, 000 


145 


14, 500 


45 


4, 500 


10 


1,000 


5 


500 


5 


500 


1, 000 


100, 000 



SUMMARY. 



American * $22,500 

Hawaiian-born American 44,500 

British 17, 500 

German 15, 000 

Sweden 500 



670 IlEPOKT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 

Hawaiian corporations other than sugar plantations — Continued. 

WOODLAWN FRUIT COMPANY (LIMITED), OAHTT. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $30,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 



Nationality. 



McCarthy, C.J American 

Love. J. H British 

HarrisoD, A do 

Cartwright, B j Hawaiian-horn American 

Walker, J. S., jr Hawaiian-horn British. 

Morgan, J. E ' do 

Hustace, ¥ ] Hawaiian-horn American. 

Mc C orri s t on , D British 

Morgan. E. J < Hawaiian-horn British 

McChesney, F. W. (trustee) I American 

Harrison, F I British 

Tim hie, G> do 

Law. Chong Chinese 

Devlin. J j American 

Wo Sing ! Chinese 

Bowler, J. F ' American 



Total. 



Shares 

ropi 
o pi 
in). 



(propor- v . 
tion paid N ame ' 



45 


$700 


5 


100 


5 


100 


25 


350 


40 


600 


50 


1.000 


10 


200 


5 


100 


10 


150 


30 


600 


25 


500 


5 


100 


10 


200 


10 


200 


5 


100 


20 


400 


3C0 


5, 400 



SUMMARY. 

American $1. 900 

Hawaiian-born American 550 

Briish 900 

Hawaiian -horn British 1, 750 

Chinese 300 



Total 5, 400 



PUULOA SHEEP AND STOCK RANCH COMPANY. HAWAII. 
[Hawaiian corporation; capital stock, $60,000, in shares of $100 par value each.] 



Stockholders. 


Nationality. 


Shares. 


Yalne. 


Macfalane. G. W 


Hawaiian-horn British GOO 


$60,000 





No. 33. 
Mr. Carter to Mr. Blount. 



Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 6, 1S93. 
Sin: Regarding elections held in this Kingdom prior to 1887 as to 
the proportion of foreign resident&^fc&er than Asiatics, who were quali- 
fied voters for representatives, I may say that I had a personal interest 
in two elections prior to 1880, one in Honolulu, island of Oahn, and one 
in Wailuka, island of Maui, and was also a candidate for Honolulu, on 
two occasions between 1880 and 1887; that I was famili ar with the lists 
of voters, and can safely say that less than 30 per cent of the foreign 
residents were naturalized. 

Yery respectfully, yours, 

J. O. Carter. 

His Excellency James H. Blount, 

17. S. Minister Resident, etc. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 671 



]S T o. 34. 

Mr. Jones to Mr. Blount, 

Headquarters Annexation Club, 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 9, 1893. 
In answer to your communication of May I would say that the 
names on our great register to date are 5,500 and that we are advised 
of 190-odd on rolls not yet entered, on the other islands. 

Of those which are entered I would estimate that 1,218 are American, 
being 90-odd per cent of the total number of Americans on the islands, 
and 20 odd per cent of those on the club rolls ; English 251, being 26 
per cent of those on the islands, and 1 per cent of club rolls. 

One thousand and twenty-two Hawaiians, being 11 per cent of those 
on islands and 18 per cent of club rolls. 

Two thousand two hundred and sixty-one Portuguese, being 73 per 
cent of Portuguese on islands and 41 per cent of club rolls. 

Sixty-nine Norwegians, being 50 per cent of those on islands and I 
per cent of club rolls. 

Three hundred and fifty-one Germans, being 53 per cent of those on 
islands and 6 per cent of club rolls. 
Others 328 7 unclassified. 

I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

J. W. Jones, 
Secretary Annexation Club. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

United States Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary. 



No. 35. 

Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, July 13, 1893. 
Sir : In obedience to your request I append herewith a list of the 
members of the Legislature of 1892, classified under the political parties 
represented in that session of the Legislature, by which you will see 
that the — 

Nationals numbered 13 

Eeformers numbered IV 

Liberals numbered 11 

Independents numbered 3 

Total 52 

The above fifty-two members comprising a full legal legislature, viz : 

Nobles 24 

Eepresentatives 2± 

Cabinet ministers 4 

Total 52 

Of the three "Independents ? ' noted above, two of them, Messrs. Hind 
and Dreier, on every important vote joined with the Nationals and 
throughout tUe session were always counted in the ranks of that party, 
while Mr. Kauki generally followed in the lead of the Reform party. 



672 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



At the commencement of the session, then, with this disposition of 
the three Independent members, the House then stood : 

Nationals 20 

Reform 18 

Liberals 14 

Total 52 

In organizing the House Mr. J. S. Walker (National) was elected 
president by acclamation. The real contest was upon the election of 
the secretary — all three parties placing candidates in nomination, as 
follows: (J. J. McCarthy (National), J. A. Low (Reform), D. L. Re- 
turn ano (Liberal). 

On the first ballot 46 votes were cast, of which McCarthy (national) 
received 22; Low (reform) received 14; Kekumano (liberal) received 10. 

There was no election, a majority being required. On the second 
ballot 45 votes were cast, resulting in the election of the national can- 
didate upon the following vote: McCarthy (national), 23 j Low (reform), 
20; Kekumano (liberal), 2. 

The nationals likewise succeeded in electing the balance of the officers 
of the House, in spite of a fusion of the liberals and reform party. 

At no time during the last session of the Legislature could the reform 
party carry through any measures without the assistance of either of 
the other two parties. A combination was finally effected between the 
reform and liberal parties, and an attempt was made to vote out the 
Macfarlane-Neumann ministry (national), but they failed to carry the 
resolution of want of confidence by one vote. 

A second attempt was made shortly thereafter and the ministry was 
retired. 

The reform party then formed a ministry, but not being acceptable 
to the nationals and liberals, the two latter factions combined and in 
turn the Wilcox-Robin son cabinet was voted out on the day preceding 
the last day of the session. 

The Queen appointed a new cabinet on the last day of the session 
and then prorogued the Legislature. 
The revolution followed within a couple of days thereafter. 
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

E. C. Macfarlane. 

His Excellency J. H. Blount, 

United States Minister Plenipotentiary, etc., Honolulu, 



Classification of the menibers of the Legislature of 1892, with respect to parties. 



Nationals. 



Reform. 



Liberals. 



Parker 

Widemann . . 

Spencer 

Whiting 

Walker 

Berger 

Ena 

Macfarlane . . 
D. M.Pua .. 

Peterson 

Cummins 
Williams . . . 
Neumann. . . 

Hoapili 

Corn well ... 

Kapala 

Kaunainano 
Waipuilani . 



1. Kaukane 1. 

2. J. M. Horner 2. 

3. Walbridge 3. 

4. Anderson | 4. 

5. Thurston \ 5. 

6. G. N". Wilcox 

7. Xanoa 

8. Wilder j 8. 

9. ELaluna | 9. 

10. Josefa 10. 

11. W. O. Smith I 11. 

12. A. S. Wilcox 

13. W. Y. Horner .... 

14. A. Horner 

15. Baldwin 

16. Marsden 

17. Young 



'I n 



Bipikane. 
Ashford. 
AM. 

S. K. Pua. 

Pl. W. Wilcox. 

Bush. 

Xawahi. 

Koahou. 

Kamancha. 

ahiun. 
White. 
Kaneatis. 
Akina. 
Edwards. 



Independents*— Hind, Breier, Kauhi. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 673 



No. 36. 

Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, July 13, 1893. 
ISir : In answer to yonr inquiry as to the rate of taxation imposed 
upon real and personal property in the Hawaiian Kingdom commenc- 
ing from the reign of Kalakaua to the present time, I have the honor 
to inform you that the rate of taxation was three-quarters of one per 
centum up to 1886, and from that time forward the rate has been 1 
per centum on the assessed valuation. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

E. 0. Macfarlane. 

His Excellency J. H. Blount, 

United States Minister, etc. 



IsTo. 37. 

Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount. 

Honolulu, July 13, 1893. 
Sir: Pursuant to your request, I herewith submit a statement of 
monies expended by the Hawaiian Government on account of immi- 
gration, which amount has been appropriated by the legislature from 
time to time, as hereinbelow mentioned. The amounts so expended 
were in aid of our sugar -planters, who were in need of cheap labor for 
their plantations. 

1864-'66 $3,584.75 188CM82 100,000.00 

1866-'68 5, 000. 00 1882-'84 473, 050. 86 

1868-'70 30,000.00 1884-'86 327,257.81 

1870-'72 15, 000. 00 1886- ; 88 71, 398. 90 

1872-'74 1888-'90 12, 246. 69 

1874-'76 16,098.23 1890- ; 92 17,878.23 

1876-'78 48, 997. 61 

1878-'80 60, 807. 79 Total $1, 181, 320. 87 

The foregoing $1,181,320.87 expended for immigration was for Portu- 
guese laborers from the Azores and for Asiatics, and the figures are 
collated from the departmental reports of the successive biennial 
periods. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

E. O. Macfarlane. 

His excellency J. H. Blount, 

United States Minister Plenipotentiary, etc. 



ETo. 38. 

Lieut. Young to Mr. Blount. 
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, July 16, 1893. 
Dear Sir : During the day of the 17th of January, 1893, at Arion 
Hall I was in command of the artillery. 

Oapt. Wiltse said to me: "I will not allow any fighting in the 
city." 

Yery respectfully yours, 

Lucien Young, 
Lieutenant, U. S. Navy. 

Hon. J. H. Blount, 

Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands. 
10518 43 



674 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Ko. 39. 

Mr. Macfarlane to Mr. Blount. 

My Dear Mr. Blount : I send you the copies of the lottery peti- 
tions duly attested by the clerk of the Legislative Assembly (0. J. 
McCarthy), whose certificate I have been waiting for all this time. This 
is my reason for not sending these lists before. 

Accompanying these lists I send you another list* showing the names 
of those who are connected with the Provisional Government, also a 
list of prominent mechanics. Both of these lists are taken from among 
the signers of the lottery petitions. 

Also find affidavit of Phillips and Booney, who certify to the genuine- 
ness of the signatures. Mr. Phillips was the president of the Me- 
chanics' Union and a noble of the Legislature of 1890. Mr. Booney has 
been for many years a sugar plantation manager. 
Very respectfully, 

E. 0. Macfarlane. 

His Excellency J. H. Blount. 



To Hon. J. S. Walker, C. O. Berger, John Ena, Panl Neumann, J. A. Cummins, 
J. N. S. Williams, E. C, Macfarlane, A. P. Peterson, and D. W. Pua, Nobles of 
the National Reform Party : 

Dear Sirs : We are informed that a measure is now before the Legislature, which, 
if it becomes a law, will result in the yearly expenditure of $500,000 within, or for 
the benefit of, this country. 

We would respectfully call your attention to the fact that we believe this offer 
can not be overlooked or refused. We hereby, as your constituents, earnestly ask 
you to favor the proposed bill. We believe, if the bill becomes a law, that it will 
solve the distressing financial problem which, now confronts the country; we believe 
it will restore the national credit; we believe it will prevent any danger of finan- 
cial disaster; we believe the passage of the bill will open a new era of prosperity 
both national and individual. 

Furthermore, we believe that the condition of the country financially is such that 
all questions of sentiment must be set aside and the proposed relief accepted if we 
are to retain our national independence ; and a proper development of our resources 
can never be accomplished without the assistance tendered. 

To refuse this proposition is political and commercial suicide, and we hasten to 
inform you concerning our feelings on the question, and again we urge you to leave 
no stone unturned to further the accomplishment of this project. 



J. J. Williams. 

W. H. Charlock, jr. 

J. S. Walker, jr. 

H. G. McGrew. 

Hart & Co. 

Chas. J. Fishel. 

Thos. Krouse. 

E. Vandoorn. 

A. L. Cron. 

M. E. Grossman. 

A. McWayne. 

A. F. Medeiros & Co. 

J. P. Rodriguez. 

Joe S. Alves. 

W. Miller. 

L. W. Toussaint. 

W. Larsen. 



J. H. Hunt. 

Jas. Hire. 

Theod. H. Boehme. 

S. F. Graham. 

W. Lucas. 

Club Stables Co. 

S. I. Shaw. 

J. A. Gons alves. 

Geo. C. Stratemeyer. 

J. D. Tregloan. 

Chas. M. Keahinui. 

Geo. W. Smith. 

E. Hammer. 
H. F. Lewis. 

F. G. Goldsworthy. 
J. T. McKeague. 
H. A. Juen. 



John Schleif. 
F. M. Lewis. 

E. A. Mclnerny. 
N. S. Sachs. 
Hugh Gunn. 

F. Gertz. 
M. G. Silva. 

J. W. Fernandez. 
M. S. Levy. 
Chas. L. Brown. 
E. R. Stackable. 
W. O. Lackland. 
W. R. Chilton. 
Henry Congdon. 
Chas. Hammer. 
M. Davis. 



I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original thereof 
now on file in the archives of the legislative assembly of 1892. 

C. J. McCarthy, 
Cleric legislative assembly of 1892. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 675 



To Hon. John S. Walker, 

President of the Legislature: 

Sir : We, the undersigned, citizens of Honolulu, respectfully represent that they are 
informed and believe that there is now before your honorable body a bill for the 
purpose of granting a franchise for the purpose of establishing and maintaining an 
international lottery for an annual subsidy $500,000 to be paid to the Hawaiian Gov- 
ernment for certain purposes therein set forth which tend to the permanent improve- 
ment and prosperity of this Kingdom. 

Feeling certain that jinless this measure becomes a law this improvement will 
not become an accomplished fact for a great many years, if ever, owing to the finan- 
cial depression and outlook of the country, we earnestly recommend and petition 
that the said bill pass and become a law as being a financial measure of necessity. 



John F. Bowler. 
J. J. Sullivan. 
B. Ordenstein. 
T. Honan. 
L. A. Sykes. 
W. J. Ramsey. 
Manual Phillips. 
M. N. Kennedy. 
Martin Coleman. 
James Wallace. 
John Clark. 
S. I. Shaw. 
D. W. Roach. 
P, M. Rooney. 
J. Lucas. 
Henry Wright. 
Thos. Wright. 
Fredreco Freitas. 
John McLain. 
J. Galbraith. 
Geo. Ritman. 
James Monkhouso. 
Thomas Rewcastle. 
J. Reynolds. 
J. W. MacDonald. 

G. J. Cavanaugh. 
W. L. Cottrell. 
Peter O' Sullivan. 

F. H. Cooper. 
Joe. Ferreira. 
D. McCorriston. 
J. P. Bowen. 
Robt. Waialeale. 
William E. Tirrell. 
J. O'Conner. 

H. G. Wootten. 
W. H. Bromley. 
D. Porter Johnson. 
Ralph Turner. 
Henry Turner. 

G. E. Barker. 
J. H. Taylor. 
P. Hughes. 
William McLaren. 
William Boyd. 

H. McCubbin. 
Eugene B. Lee. 
A. Paaniani. 

J. Kekele. 
Ben Johanssan. 
Gus Schuman. 
J. M. Angus. 
Richard Bay. 
Wm. F. Heilbron. 
W. E. Edmondson. 
J. T. Wright. 
Albert Lucas. 



C. J. Sherwood. 

F. Goudie. 

J. A. McGuire. 
Elias Froomberg. 
Geo. W. R. King. 
Wm. Love. 

G. W. Patterson. 
James Brown. 
S. Kea. 

J. C. Quinn. 
Sam. Kuula. 
R, A. Carlile. 

E. C. Rowe. 
N. Peterson. 
Fred. Harrison. 
Edw. H. F. Wolter. 
Kea. 

John H. Elling. 
Samuel Kekohoni. 
Kalauwalu. 
Peter Travens. 
T. Hollinger. 
J.E.Carroll. 
W. W. Wright. 
John F. Ash worth. 
S. B. Champain. 
George Ward. 

F. H. Redward, 
J. S. Andrade. 

E. F. Imhof. 
J. Silva. 

Wallace Jackson. 
Geo. Nichorls. 

H. Armitage. 
Fred Philp. 
Chas. Nelson, 
Fritz Rowold. 

D. H. Kahanamokn. 
John C. White. 
Thos. Pryce. 
John Benito. 
Cain D. Wiliokai. 
Geo. Lycurgus. 

G. Muller. 
Peter Keawe. 
Antone Recard. 

F. Fisher. 
John Burke. 
W. Kaluna. 

T. A. Simpson. 
W. H. Taylor. 
Manuel Fruize. 

E. R. Ryan. 

W. T. McDonald. 
W. M. Cunningham. 
Querius Fernandez. 
Thos. Lindsay. 



P. J. Higgins. 
W. M. Graham. 
C. Klemme. 
H. Brack. 
Frank Gomes. 
Nakea I. D. 
W. Bix. 
John Palau. 
Robt. Gardner. 
Thos. Carpenter. 
Richard Hogan. 
Wm. T. O'Gallaron. 
Geo. Hawkins. 
John A. French. 
H. Kaia. 
F. L. Leslie. 

C. R. Dement. 
Z. L. Doane. 
L. J. Levey. 

D. McKinzie. 
J. D. Conn. 
W. Kahele. 
Makaiwa. 
Chas. Andrew. 
Andrew Brown. 
Albertus Kannigiessen, 
James Veary. 

J. A. McKinzie. 
H. D. Roberts. 
A. Turner. 
Chas. Peter. 
C. Klemme. 

F. J. Souza. 
H. Wagesend. 
J. H. Lovejoy. 
Arthur White. 
H. F. Gibbs. 
W. J. Donnelly. 
John Graham. 
J. T. Sylvey. 
John T. Campbell. 
Thos. P. McCurthy 
James Fitzgerald. 
P. Mclnerny. 

J. T. Downey. 
Geo. P. Denison. 
C. Fisher. 
W. F. Sharratt. 
H. T. Devoll. 
A. Brown. 

G. W. Lincoln. 
T. W. Matthews. 
John Riley. 

E. Lacy. 
Benj. Whitney. 
A. Huggins. 

A. Harris. 



676 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



J. A. Rodanet. 
J. F. May. 
J. H. Buns. 
Hugh Galbraith. 
B. Bergersen. 
W. H. Pond. 
J. Sharon. 
Thomas Carey. 



Chas. Monteno. 

J. E. Murty. 

Hugh Munro. 

William Dean. 

A. Sherpard. 

J. L. Tolbert. 

T. H. Patterson. 

Edward Bedford Thomas. 



G. M. Smyth. 
Chas. T. Day. 
C. W. Spitz. 
O. Tideman. 
A. R. Rowat. 

W. H. Smith,119 King street. 
J. Kahalekauila. 



I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original 
thereof now on file in the archives of the Legislative Assembly of 1892. 

C. J. McCarthy, 
Cleric Legislative Assembly of 1892. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit, 



To Hon. J. S. Walker, 

President of the Legislature: 

Sir : We, the undersigned, of Honolulu, respectfully represent that they are 
informed and believe that the bill now before your honorable body for the purpose 
of granting a franchise to establish and maintain a lottery is sound and good and 
should not be overlooked or refused. 

We, as your constituents, earnestly ask you to favor the said bill, for we believe if 
it becomes a law it will solve the distressing financial problem that is now on this 
country. 



Aug. Dreier. 
L. E. Sperry. 
H. Gorman. 
L. J. Levey. 
J. Campbell. 
G. W. Lincoln. 
K. Podeyn. 
Wm. Wright. 



M. de Avila. 
W. Larsen. 
W. A. Hardy. 
L. M. Toussaint. 
John Nieper. 
O. Tollesson. 
A. Rosehill. 
F. Rose. 



Peter O'Sullivan. 
Horatio Barber. 
C. K. Flagg. 
Harry Armitage. 
J. W. Young. 
W. H. Aldrich. 
Frank Riedel. 
C. Allen. 



I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original 
thereof now on the file in the archives of the Legislative Assembly of 1892. 
[seal]. C. J. McCarthy, 

Clerk Legislative Assembly of 1892. 

Subscribed and sworn to this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, before me. 

F. J. Testa, 
Notary Public First Judicial Circuit. 



Tlie Hon. John S. Walker. 

President of the Legislature: 

Sir: We, the undersigned merchants of Honolulu, respectfully represent that 
they are informed and believe that there is now before your honorable body a bill 
for the purpose of granting a franchise for the purpose "of establishing and main- 
taining an international lottery for an annual subsidy of $500,000 to be paid to the 
Hawaiian Government for certain purposes therein set forth, which tend to the per- 
manent improvement and prosperity of this Kingdom. 

Feeling certain that unless this measure becomes a law these improvements will 
not become an accomplished fact for a great many years, if ever, owing to the finan- 
cial depression and outlook of the country, we earnestly recommend and petition 
that the said bill pass and become a law, as being a financial measure of necessity. 



J. F. Clay. 

J. J. Williams. 

E. E. Carey. 

Chas. W. Weathermax. 

W. H. Charlock, jr. 

J. S. Walker, jr. 

Hart & Co. 

Chas. J. Fishel. 

Thos. Krouse. 

A. L. Cron. 



M. N. Sanders. 
A. Mc Wayne. 
A. F. Medeiros & Co. 
J. P. Rodrigues. 
Joaquim da Silva. 
Theod. H. Boehme. 
S. I. Shaw. 
J. B. Tregloan. 
Geo. W. Smith. 
E. Hannuer. 



H. F. Lewis. 

F. G. Goldsworthy. 

Hugh Gunn. 

F. Gertz. 

Chas. L. Brown. 

E. R. Stackable. 

W. O. Lackland. 

W. R. Chilton. 

Henry Congdon. 

Chas. Hannuer. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 677 



Alex. Chisholm. 
F. Willielm. 
M. Goldberg. 
W. H. Mclnerny. 
C. A. Peacock. 
L. de L. Ward. 
W. S. Luce. 
F. L. Winter. 
£. S. Cunha. 
J. S. Martin. 
J. E. Gomes. 
T. E. Wall. 

H. P. Jacobson of Wenner 

& Co. 
Geo. C. Stratemeyer. 
E. A. Mclnerny. 
Club Stable Co. 
John S. McGrew. 
Jas. Sterner. 
E. Vandoorn. 
M. E. Grossman. 
W. Miller. 
J. S. Alves. 
W. Larsen. 
L. M. Toussaint. 
J. H. Hunt. 
Jas. Aid. 
S. F. Graham. 



W. Lucas. 

A. J. Cartwright. 

Js. Tinker. 

W. C. Peacock & Co., per 

C.A. P 
F. J. Kruger. 
R. French. 
W'm. Weight. 
John Lycurgus. 
Chas. W. Zeigler. 
F. Bereke. 
W. C. King. 
J. A. Gon salves. 
D. H. Davis. 
Chas. M. Keahinui. 
J. Th. McKeague. 
H. A. Juen. 
John Schleif. 
M. G. Silva, 
J. W. Fernandez. 
M. S. Levy. 
L. C. Abies. 
L. T. Kenake. 
T. Dyer. 
J. C. Cluney. 
Thos. King. 
O. C. Johnson. 
J. G. Thompson. 



R. Spencer. 
A. W. Howe. 
Fed. J. Wilkens. 
Morley Philp. 
Geo. McLeod. 
J. M.McCbesney. 
H. Lose. 
J. W, Leniing. 
J. Skwanck. 
L. H. Dee. 
Harrv Miller. 
F. Wilburton. 
S. Sachs. 
S. E. Pierce. 
Henri G. McGrew. 
C. E. Williams. 
S. W. Lederer. 
M. Davis. 
Louis Adler. 
Ed. M. Marshall. 
Geo. Ordway. 
W. F. Reynolds. 
L. J. Levey. 
R. McKibbin. 
J. Lazarus. 
Chas. V. E. Dove. 
J. N. Wright. 



I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original 
thereof now on file in the archives of the legislative assembly of 1892. 

C. J. McCarthy, 
Cleric Legislative Assembly of 1893. 



Subscribed and sworn to this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, before me. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public First Judicial Circuit. 



Hon. J. S. Walker, 

President' of the Legislature: 

Sir: We, the undersigned, citizens of Honolulu, repectfully represent that they 
are informed that there is now before your honorable body a bill for the purpose of 
establishing an international lottery for an annual subsidy of $500,000 to be paid 
to the Hawaiian Government for certain purposes therein set forth which tend to 
the permanent improvement and prosperity of this Kingdom. 

Feeling certain that unless this measure becomes a law these improvements will 
not be accomplished for a great many years, if ever, owing to the financial depres- 
sion and outlook of the country, we earnestly recommend and petition that the 
said bill pass and become a law as being a financial measure of necessity. 



John Radin. 
Frank Murphy. 
C. Kurtz. 
Jon Keenedy. 
Geo. Cavenagh. 
Frank Lucewiko. 
M. Ferreiar. 
Wm. Davies. 
S. S. Claudine. 
H. H. Smyth. 
Cyrus Edison. 
John Rice. 
Robert Laing. 
A. F. Franca. 
Henry Gregory. 
John Johns. 
Thomas Crosby. 



George Courtney. 
Peck. 

E. M. Jones. 
J. Dower, jr. 
C. W. Cross. 
W. Hunter. 

F. J. Turner. 

B. Houghtailing. 
Ben Tenorio. 
W. Wilson, esq. 
H. J. Platts. 
Geo. S. Harris. 
T. Phillips. 
A. McCabe. 
J. R. Marin ont. 
E. M. Aleccastre. 
EL Welch. 



James W. Mitchell. 

P. C. Justice. 

Aleck Kelco. 

T. L. Gagar. 

C. P. J. McGillicuddy. 

Timothy Madden. 

William Downer. 

John Grace. 

H. C. Vida. 

E. H. Hart. 

E. Wery. 

Harry T. Mills. 

J. Degreaves. 

P. Murphy. 

H. Adams, P. H. G. 

E. K. Lilikalani. 



678 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original thereof 
now on file in the archives of the Legislative Assembly of 1892. 

C. J. McCarthy, 
Clerk Legislative Assembly of 1892. 

Subscribed and sworn to this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893, before rne. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit, 



Hons. J. S. Walker, C. O. Berger, John Ena, Paul Neumann, J. A. Cummins, 

J. N. S. Williams, E. C. Macfarlane, A. P. Peterson, and D. W. Pua, 

Nobles of tli e National Reform Party: 

Gentlemen : We are informed that a measure is now before the Legislature which, 
if it becomes a law, will result in the yearly expenditure of $500,000, within or for 
the benefit of this country. 

We would respectfully call your attention to the fact that we believe this offer 
can not be overlooked or refused. We hereby, as your constituents, earnestly ask 
you to favor the proposed bill. 

We believe if the bill becomes a law that it will solve the distressing financial 
problem which now confronts the country ; we believe it will restore the national 
credit; we believe it will prevent any danger of financial disaster; we believe the 
passage of the bill will open a new era of prosperity, both national and individual. 

Furthermore, we believe that the condition of the country, financially, is such 
that all questions of sentiment must be set aside, and the proposed relief accepted, 
if we are to retain our national independence, and a proper development of our re- 
sources can never be accomplished without the assistance tendered. 

To refuse this proposition is political and commercial suicide, and we hasten to 
inform you concerning our feelings on the question, and again we urge you to leave 
no stone unturned to further the accomplishment of this project. 



J. J. Williams. 
J. W. MacDonald. 
J. J. Sullivan. 
John F. Bowler. 
G. J. Cavanaugh, 
B. Ordenstien. 
W. L. Cottrell. 
T. Honan. 
Peter O' Sullivan. 
L. A. Svkes. 

F. H. Cooper. 
W. J. Ramsay. 
Manuel Phillips. 
D. McCorriston. 
M. N. Kennedy. 
J. P. Bowen. 
Robt. Waialeale. 
James Wallace. 
William G. Tirrell. 
John Clark. 

D. W. Roach. 
P. M. Rooney. 
J. Lucas. 

G. E. Barker. 
P. Hughes. 
J. Galbraith. 
William McLaren. 
Geo. Ritman. 
William Boyd. 
James Monkhouse. 

H. McCubbin. 
Thomas Rewcastle. 
Eugene B. Lee. 

J. Reynolds. 
J. Kekele. 
T. Hollinger. 
J. M. Angus. 
€rus Schuman. 



J. E. Carroll. 
W. W. Wright. 
Richard Day. 
John F. Ashworth. 
William F. Heilburn. 
S. B. Champain. 
W. E. Edmondson. 
George Ward. 
J. T. Wright. 
Albert Lucas. 
F. H. Red ward. 
J. S. Andrade. 

C. J. Sherwood. 

E. F. Imhof. 

F. Gaudis. 

J. A.' McGuire. 
Wallace Jackson. 
Elias Thoomberg. 
George Nichorls. 
George M. R. King. 
M. N. Sanders. 
Harry Armitage. 
William Love. 
Fred. Philp. 
Chas. Nelson. 

G. W. Patterson. 
James Brown. 
Jese Kahle. 
Fritz Rowold. 

D. H. Kahanamokn. 
J. C. Quinn. 

John C, White. 
Sam Kuula. 
Thos. Pryce. 
R. A. Carlile. 
John Benito. 
Cain D. Wiliokai. 
N. Peterson. 



C. Muller. 
Edw. H. F. Wolter. 
T. A. Simpson. 
Chas. Andrew. 

E. R. Ryan. 
Andrew Brown. 
W. T. McDonald. 
Albertus Hannegieser. 
W. M. Cunningham. 
James Yeary. 

• Querino Fernandez. 
J. A. McKinzie. 
Thos. Lindsav. 
H. D. Roberts. 
P. J. Higgins. 
A. Turner. 
W. M. Graham. 
Charles Liter. 
J. A. Lovejov. 
W.Dix. 
Arthur White. 
John Palan. 
H. F. Gibbs. 
P. Mclnerny. 

F. L. Leslie. 
J. T. Downey. 

F. C. Smith. 
C. R. Dement. 
George P. Dennison. 
Z. L. Doane. 

C. Fisher. 
L. J. Levey. 

D. McKinzie. 

H. T. DevolL 
A. Brown. 

I. D. Conn. 

G. W. Lincoln. 
T. W. Matthews. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 679 



J. E.Mnrty. A. Slierpard. B. Bergersen. 

John Riley. J. L. Torbert. O. Tid email. 

J. D. Marlin. A. Harris. W. H. Pond. 

Hugh Mimro. J. A. Rodanet. O. Tollesson. 

E. Lacy. Chas. T. Day. A. R. Rowat. 

William Dean. C. W. Spitz. * W. H. Smith, 119 King St. 

Benjamin Whitney. 

I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original 
thereof now on file in the archives of the Legislative Assembly of 1892. i 
Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893. 

C. J. McCarthy, 
Cleric, Legislative Assembly of 1892. 

F. J. Testa, 

[seal.] Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



Some of the members of the Annexation Club and other annexationists who signed the 

lottery petitions. 



E. C. Crick, (editor "Liberal" Annexa- 
tion Journal.) 

G. W. Lincoln. 
Wm. Wright. 

W. A. Hardy (police station house clerk, 
now deputy sheriff of Hilo, Island of 
Hawaii). 

John Nieper. 

B. Ordenstein. 

F. H. Cooper. 
M. N. Kennedy. 
J. Lucas. 
Henry Wright. 
Fredrick Freitaa. 
J. H. Taylor. 
John McLain. 

P. Hughes. 
William McLaren. 
Thomas Re w castle. 
Gus Schuman. 
J. M. Angus. 
Albert Lucas. 
J. S. Andrade. 
J. Sylva. 

Wallace Jackson." 

Geo. W. R. King (lieutenant Provisional 

Government army). 
J. C. Quinn. 
E. C. Rowe. 
Danl. Lyons. 
Chas. Andrew. 
E. R. Ryan. 
W. M. Graham. 
E. Klemme. 

C. Klemme (captain police). 
W. Dix. 

Robt. Gardner. 
Geo. P. Denison. 
Benj. Whitney. 
A. Huggins. 

J. L. Torbert (Provisional Government 
army officer). 

A. Harris. 

B. Bergersen. 
O. Tideman. 

W. A. Smith (contractor). 

H. C.Reid. 
L. Busnell. 

J. Cushingham. 
W. C. Roe. 



Wm. Wagener (Provisional Government 
army). 

F. Hustace (chief engineer Honolulu fire 

department). 
Jas. Sutherland. 
M. N. Sanders (port surveyor). 
L. H. Doe. 
P. A. Dias. 
M. Davis. 
J. C. Strow. 
J. H. Nye. 
S. Peck. 

Carl Willing (Government botanist). 
E. Hopkins (Provisional Government 

army). 
J. M. Ferreira. 

J. W. Pratt (asst. secy. Annex. Club). 
Louis Marks. 

J. K. Wilder (brother of Comrs. Wilder). 

Robt. W. Cathcart (bookkeeper of Wil- 
der & Co.). 

J. W. Sims (employe" of Wilder & Co.). 

J. D. Marlin (deputy marshal). 

Geo. W. Smith (Provisional Government 
army). 

Geo. Cavanaugh (secy. Red, White and 

Blue Annex. Club). 
James W. Mitchell. 
Harry T. Mills. 

J. Degreaves (Provisional Government 

army). 
J. F. Clay. 

E. E. Carey (former editor Liberal). 
Chas. W. Weatherwax. 
W. H. Charlock, jr. 
Chas. J. Fish el. 
Thos. Krouse. 

J. D. Tregloan (tailor Provisional Gov- 
ernment army). 

E. Hammer. 

Hugh Gunn (captain Provisional Govern- 
ment volunteer forces). 
C. Hammer. 

F. Wilhelm (advisory councillor, resigned 
on account ill health). 

C. A. Peacock. 
F. L. Winter. 

J. S. Martin (tailor and recruiter for Pro- 
visional Government — has contracts for 
uniforms). 



680 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



T. E. Wall. 

Geo. C. Stratemeyer (custom-house store- 
keeper). 

E. A. Mclnerny (Provisional Government 
army). 

John S. McGrew (editor of Star and Lead 

of annexation movement). 
A. J. Cartwright. 

E. A. Lundy. 

J. H. Hunt (first assistant engineer fire 

department). 
S. F. Graham. 
W. Lucas. 
J. A. Gonsalves. 
D. H. Davis. 

H. A. Juen (captain of police, second 
watch). 

L. C. Abies (member executive commit- 
tee Annexation Club). 
Henry Davis. 

L. T. Kenake (lieutenant, Provisional 
Government volunteer forces and after- 
wards appointed clerk Honolulu post- 
office.) 

A. W. Howe. 

F. A. Davis. 

Geo. McLeod (paymaster, Provisional 

Government army). 
J. M. McChesney (partner of F. W. Mc- 

Chesney of advisory council). 

And about 40 Portuguese, nearly all of whom are in the Provisional Government, 
army. 

(The appointments noted were made after the Provisional Government got into 
power.) 

MECHANICS. 



S. W. Lederer. 
Louis Adler. 

E. M. Marsball. 
Geo. Ordway. 

Capt. J. C. Lorenzen (Honolulu harbor 
pilot. 

W. Larsen (chief of detective force Pro- 
visional Government). 
J. M. Wright. 

Richard Day (Provisional Government 

army). 

C. W. Zeigler (captain Provisional Gov- 
ernment volunteer forces). 

Arthur White. 

P. M. Lucas. 

W. Hickey. 

W. H. Lentz. 

W. C. King 
army). 

A. D. Bolster, 

John P. Coakley. 

G. Muller. 

H. G. McGrew, M. D. (Government phy- 
sician, Honolulu). 

J. E. Gomes. 

F. Wilburton. 
Harry Miller. 
J. C. Cluney. 



(Provisional Government 



Sam. F. Housley. 
John Neil. 
L. Smith. 
H. G. Cunha. 

E. N. Voeller. 
Thomas Mills. 
H. Wicks. 

F. Douse. 

K. R. G. Wallace. 
James Sutherland. 
Edwin Hughes. 
Fred. Smith. 

E. Le Clair. 
C. Podersen. 
J. Dohuty. 
Harry Walker. 
C. H. Everett. 
J. J. Sanders. 
L. M. Everett. 
H. English. 

A. V. Inman. 
A. A. Gilfillan. 
William Da vies. 
W. R. Johnson. 
Cesar Hoges. 

F. J. Scott. 
J. Tagus. 

T. K. Clarke. 
S. Davis. 
W. Brede, jr. 
C. H. Purdy. 
S. A.Green. 
H. Eberhardt. 
James Gregory. 
H. F. Criss". 
John Schleif. 



J. W. Fernandez. 
W. S. Coltrell. 
Peter O'Sullivan. 
D. McCorriston. 
M. N. Kennedy. 
W. E. Tirrell. 
John Clark. 
J. O. Cowen. 
H. G. Woolten. 
D. W. Roach. 
W. D. Bromley. 

D. Porter Johnson. 
J. Lucas. 

Henry Wright. 
Henry Porter. 
J. H. Taylor. 
Thos. Wright. 
John McLain. 
P. Hughes. 
W. McLaren. 
Thomas Rewcastle. 
T. Hollinger. 
Gus Schuman. 
J. E. Carroll. 
J. F. Ashworth. 
Wm. F. Heilbron. 
Elias Troomberg. 
G. Nichols. 
Geo. W. Lincoln. 
Fred. Philip. 
Fritz Rowold. 
J. C. Quinn. 

E. C. Rowe. 
Fred Harrison. 
G. Muller. 
John H. Elling. 



Charles Andrew. 
James Veary. 
H. D. Roberts. 
P. J. Higgins. 
H. Wegesend. 
Robert Gardner. 
Wm. T. O'Hallaron. 
P. Mclnerny. 
J. T. Downey. 
Z. L. Doane. 

D. McKinzie. 
H. T. Devoll. 
J. D. Conn. 
John Riley. 

E. Lacy. 

G. M. Smyth. 

J. F. May (Provisional 

Government army). 
J. H. Burns. 
C. T. Day. 
C. Galbraith. 
W. H. Pond. 
J. Sharon. 
Thomas Carey. 
J. R. Maucauley (captain). 
C. J. Campbell. 
T. S. Chaney. 

H. M. Dows (clerk to mar- 
shal). 

Danl. Lyons. 

Store, A. F. Medeiros & Co. 
Store, S. I. Shaw. 
Store, F. Gertz. 
Store, C. L. Brown. 
Store, E. R. Stackable. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 681 



Store, S. Sachs. 
Store, C. E. Williams. 
Store, Geo. Lycurgus. 
Store, Harry Miller. 
Store, J. S. Andrade. 
Store, J. P. Bowen. 
Store, J. L. Tolbert. 
Store, J. H. Lovejoy. 
Store, Arthur White. 
Store, H. McCubbin. 
Richard Day. 



Benj. Whitney (custom- 
house guard). 
A. Harris. 

J. H. McKeague (soldier 
Provisional Government 
army). 

L. C. Abies. 

R. McKibbin. 

Club Stable Co. 

Chas. V. E. Dove. 

J. J. Sullivan. 



Store, L. deL. Ward. 
Store, Hart & Co. 
Store, Chas. J. Fishel. 
Store, A. L. Cron. 
Store, C. W. Spitz. 
Store, J. E. Gomes. 
Store, N. P. Jacobson. 
Store, James Steiner. 
Store, E. Vandoorn. 
Store, W. Miller. 
Store, J. S. Alves. 
Store, M. S. Levey. 

To Hon. John S. Walker, 

President of the legislature : 

Sir : We, the undersigned, mechanics, of Honolulu, respectfully represent that they 
are informed and believe that there is now before your honorable body a bill for 
the purpose of granting a franchise for the purpose of establishing and maintaining 
an international lottery, for an annual subsidy of $500,000, to be paid to the Hawaiian 
Government for certain purposes therein set forth, which tend to the permanent im- 
provement and prosperity of this Kingdom. 

Feeling certain that unless this measure becomes a law these improvements will 
not become an accomplished fact for a great many years, if ever, owing to the finan- 
cial depression and outlook of the country, we earnestly recommend and petition 
that the said bill pass and become a law as being a financial measure of necessity. 



H. C. Reid. 
Thos. Smith. 
Joseph Kela. 
Bam Housley. 
John Neill. 
S. Smith. 
A. G. Cunha. 

E. N. Voeller. - 
Thomas Mills. 
Dan L. Mahuka. 
N. Simeona. 

F. Hustace. 
F. Mclntyre. 

K. R. G. Wallace. 
Chas. E. Steel. 
Luiz P. Rodrigo. 
Joan Frank. 
Anrik Frelas. 
James Sutherland. 
Edwin Hughes. „ 
Fred Smith. 

E. Le Clair. 
H. W. Gahan. 
John Piggott. 
Wm. Allen. 
L. Busnell. 
H. Wicks. 

J. Cushingham. 
W. C. Roe. 

F. Douse. 
William Wagener. 

H. N. Kahausumaikai. 
L. M. Everett. 
H. English. 
J. C. Strow. 
A. V. Inman. 
A. A. Gillfillan. 
J. H. Nye. 
S. Peck. 



William Davies. 
W. R Johnson. 
Csesar Roger. 

F. J. Scott. 

B. H. Norton. 

G. Tyren. 

J. Simonson. 

C. Penersen. 
John Dohuty. 
Harry G. Walker. 
C. H. Everett. 

J. W. Luning. 

M. N. Sander. 

L. H. Fee. 

W. Larsen. 

P. A. Dias. 

J. J. Saunders. 

M. Davis. 

A. B. Scrinigeous. 

H. M. Dow. 
E.Hopkins. 
N. Fernandez. 

A. S. Mahaulu. 

B. P. Zablan. 
Wm. Cuelho. 

C. W. Grey. 
A. N. Tripp. 
Dan'l Lyons. 
Geo. Irvins. 

D. Kaapa. 

J . M. Ferreira. 
D. P. Kaiena. 
John Paia. 
D. Makaila. 
D. M. Kane. 
Albert McGurn. 
Sam Ku. 
W. A. Hardy. 



Louis Marks. 

Gibbs. 

Doyle. 

J. R. Wilelm. 

Robert Wm. Cathcart. 

J. M. Sims. 

J. C. Lorensen. 

J. Tague. 

R. Windrough. 

T. K. Clarke. 

Carl Willing. 

W. Brede, jr. 

C. H. Purdy. 

J. D. Marlin. 

H.H. Webb. 

Jno. Crowder. 

J. W. Mc Albert. 

A. M. Queque. 

Geo. W. Smith. 

Alex. Moors. 

S. A. Green. 

Richard N. Mossman. 

Alex. Chuk. 

C. H. Clark. 

M. R. Colburn. 

J. R. Macaulay. 

H. Eberhadt. 

M. Haws. 

C. J. Campbell. 

James Gregory. 

Frank A. Chaney. 

Andr. Guild. 

William Mitchell. 

James Wilkinson. 

John Grace. 

H. H. Wharton. 

W. G. Stahle. 



J. W. Pratt. 

I hereby certify that the foregoing is a true and correct copy of the original thereof 
now on file in the archives of the legislative assembly of 1892. 

C. J. McCarthy, 
Cleric legislative assembly of 1892. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 23d day of May, A. D. 1893. 
[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



682 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, Oahu, ss. 

John Phillips and P. M. Rooney, being severally duly sworn on oath, depose and 
say: That they had charge and supervision of the petitions circulated in favor of the 
lottery bill. That they have gone over and revised tbe signatures attached to the 
petitions presented to the members of the national reform party and the Legislature, 
and that the same are genuine signatures of the individuals who subscribed to such 
petitions. That said petitions were signed almost unanimously by the retail store- 
keepers and mechanics of Honolulu. 

John Phillips. 
P. M. Rooney. 

Subscribed and sworn to before me this 25th day of April, 1893. 

[seal.] F. J. Testa, 

Notary Public, First Judicial Circuit. 



No. 40. 

[Daily Bulletin, August 2, 1889.] 
KILLED, REVOLUTION OF 1889. 

Loika, Poni, Sam Tucker, Keki, Kelelua, Kawaiwai, Tom Kapa. 
Total killed, 7. And 7 wounded. 



No. 41. 

OFFICERS OF THE PLANTERS 7 AND LABOR SUPPLY COMPANY. 

President, William G-. Irwin. 
Vice-president, Alex. Young. 
Secretary, W. O. Smith. 

Treasurer, F. M. Soranz (W. O. Smith, acting). 
Auditor, J. O. Carter. 

TRUSTEES, 

J. B. Atherton, F. M. Swanzy, W. F. Glade, 

W. O. Smith, F. A. Schaefer, A. Young, 

W. G. Irwin, H. P. Baldwin, J. O. Cater. 

List of members : Numerous. Names if wanted can be obtained. 



Koloa Sugar Co. 
Kukaiau Plantation Co. 
Lihue Plantation. 
Kekaha Sugar Co. 
Hanamaulu Plantation. 
Princeville Plantation. 
Kukaiau Mill Co. 
Hamakua Mill Co. 
Laupahoehoe Sugar Co. 
C. F. Hart. 
Honomu Sugar Co. 
Makee Sugar Co. 
Ewa Plantation Co. 



PLANTATION SUBSCRIBERS. 

Kohala Plantation Co. 
Pacific Sugar Mill Co. 
Eleele Plantation. 
Waimanalo Sugar Co. 
Hana Plantation. 
Hawaiian Sugar Co. 
Waihee Sugar Co. 
Wailuku Sugar Co. 
Pioneer Mill. 
Grove Farm Plantation. 
W. Y. Horner's Plantation. 
Pepeekeo Sugar Co. 
Hamakua Plantation Co. 



Union Mill Co. 
Waiakea Mill Co. 
R. R. Hind. 

Hawaiian Agricultural Co. 
Onomea Sugar Co. 
Waialua Plantation Co. 
Waimea Sugar Co. 
Honokea Sugar Co. 
Kahuku Plantation Co. 
Heeia Agricultural Co. 
Kilauea Sugar Co. 
Paia Plantation Co. 
Haiku Plantation. 



REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 683 



INDIVIDUAL SUBSCRIBERS. 



W. J. Lowrie. 
J. Marsden. 



C. Bolte. 
W. H. Eicard. 
S. T. Alexander. 
W. H. Bailey. 
T. R. Walker. 
C. S. Kynnersley. 
W. W. Hall. 
H. Hackfeld & Co, 
L. Ahlborn. 
J. N. S. Williams. 
Alex. Young. 



F. A. Schaefer. 
S. N. Castle. 

J. B. Acherton. 
W. W. Goodale. 
James Eenton. 
C. E. Bishop. 
H. M. Whitney. 

G. N. Wilcox. 

R. D. Walbridge. 
J. G. Spencer. 
W. O. Smith. 
V. Knudsen. 

H. Morrison. 



H. P. Baldwin. 
Z. S. Spalding. 
G. E. Eenton. 



Theo. H. Davies & Co. 



C. M. Cooke. 
H. F. Glade. 
A. S. Wilcox. 
P. C. Jones. 



B. F. Dillingham. 



W. R. Castle. 
T. S. Kay. 



W. M. Giffard. 



S. B. Dole. 
W. G. Irwin. 
A. H. Smith. 



No. 42. 



[Petitions against annexation.] 



A. 



To His Excellency James H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of the United States of America: 

Sir: The undersigned residents and property holders of the Ha- 
waiian Islands, beg respectfully to place before your excellency their 
views respecting the present important question of annexation now 
pending before this community. 

Eirst. We beg to call your attention to the fact that the main industry 
of these islands is the raising and manufacturing of sugar, and which 
business, to be conducted successfully, and in a manner to compete 
with other cane-sugar producing countries of the world, must have a 
labor system such as is now maintained here, but which we under- 
stand is prohibited by the existing laws of the United States, and 
would have to be abolished should the islands become an integral part 
of that country. 

Second. As friends of the Hawaiian race, in whose country we have 
made our homes, and under whose Government we have heretofore 
enjoyed prosperity and protection, we must protest against any meas- 
ure which would deprive them of their civil rights as a race. 

Feeling, therefore, that the terms of the treaty of annexation as 
submitted to the United States Government would cripple the greatest 
industry of the islands, and that no provision has been made for 
securing the rights of the Hawaiians, we respectfully subscribe our 
names as opposed to same. 



To the Honorable James H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of the United States of America to Hawaii: 
Sir :— In view of the fact that the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands is now attempting to bring about annexation of 
these islands to the United States of America, we, the undersigned, 
residents, taxpayers, and voters of the Hawaiian Islands, of foreign 
birth or parentage, do subscribe our names as signifying our opposi- 
tion to such annexation. 



(Signed by 40 names.) 



B. 



(Signed by 31 names.) 



684 REPORT OF COMMISSIONER TO THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS. 



0. 

HAWAIIAN PATRIOTIC LEAGUE, FOREIGN BRANCH. 

We, the undersigned, foreign residents of the Hawaiian Islands 
hereby indorse the sentiments set forth in the constitution of the 
Hawaiian Patriotic League, for the purpose of perpetuating the inde- 
pendent autonomy of these islands, thereby opposing annexation to 
any foreign power; and we therefore hereunder subscribe our names 
for presentation to his excellency Blount, special commissioner of the 
United States Government. 

(Signed by 43 names). 

D. 

To the Honorable James H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of the United States of America to Hawaii: 
Sir: In view of the fact that the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands is now attempting to bring about annexation of these 
islands to the United States of America, we, the undersigned, resi- 
dents, taxpayers, and voters of the Hawaiian Islands of foreign birth or 
parentage, do subscribe our names as signifying our opposition to such 
annexation. 

(Signed by 67 names.) 

E. 

To the Hon. James H. Blount, 

Special Commissioner of the United States of America to Hawaii: 
Sir: In view of the fact that the Provisional Government of the 
Hawaiian Islands is now attempting to bring about annexation of these 
islands to the United States of America, we, the undersigned, residents, 
taxpayers, and voters of the Hawaiian Islands, of foreign birth or par- 
entage, do subscribe our names as signifying our opposition to such 
annexation. 

(Signed by 80 names.) 

Becajritulation of signers against annexation. 



Petition A 40 less 1 signed other petition. 

Petition B 31 less 2 signed other petition. 

Petition C 48 less 1 signed other petition. 

Petition D 67 less 8 signed other petition. 

Petition E 80 — 

12 

261 

Less 12 

Total 249 



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